Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut:
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Tiranë
Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë
2022
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| Beschreibung: | 694 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten, Pläne 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9789928339607 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut | 7 PASQYRA E LËNDËS PARATHËNIE. 9 HYRJE. I FISI QË BANOIKRAHINËN E KUKËSIT. 26 II. TUMAT, VARRET DHE INVENTARI. 38 III. PROBLEME KRONOLOGJIKE. 124 IV. ARKITEKTURA TUMULARE. 136 V. KULTURA E EPOKËS SË BRONZIT.170 BRONZI I HERSHËM.171 BRONZI I MESĒM. 175 FUNDI I BRONZIT E KALIMI PËR NË HEKUR. 179 VI. KULTURA E EPOKËS SË HEKURIT -FAZA 1. 216 KULTURA E EPOKËS SË HEKURIT - FAZA II . 221 VIL KULTURA PROTOQYTETARE DARDANE. 235 DATIMI I KULTURES PROTOQYTETARE. 268 ÇINAMAKU NË GRUPIN GLASINAC - MAT. VARIANTI "DRILON" . 270 DARDANËT ALPINË NË HISTORINË ILIRE. MBRETIMONUN. 275 VIII. KULTURA QYTETARE DARDANE.281 VENDI
I KULTURES QYTETARE TË ÇINAMAKUT. QYTETI DAMASTIN 298 RENIA E KULTURES QYTETARE TË ÇINAMAKUT. IĹĹYRIS SOLITUDINES 305 IX. KULTURA E PERIUDHËSILIRIKE. 312 DATIMI DHE VENDI I KULTURES ILIRIKE. 328
8 I Bep Juhani X. KULTURA E MESJETËS SË HERSHME SHQIPTARE. 334 DATIMI DHE VENDI IVARREZËS SË ÇINAMAKUT NË KULTUREN ARBËRORE. 352 VAZHDIMËSIAILIRE-SHQIPTARE NË JUGPERËNDIM TË PROVINCES DARDANE .356 XI. RITUALET MORTORE NË ÇINAMAK. 362 XII. PREJARDHJA DARDANE NË KULTUREN E ÇINAMAKUT. 381 XIII. KATALOG I GJETJEVE ARKEOLOGJIKE. 390 XIV. SHTOJCË. TABELAT. 451 PËRMBLEDHJE . 597 SUMMARY.639 BIBLIOGRAFI. 683
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 683 BIBLIOGRAFIA Aberg, N., Vorgeschichtliche Kulturkreisen in Evropa, Stockholm 1936. Adami, J., Historia e rrugëve të Shqipërisë, I, Buletin për Shkencat Shoqërore, 1, Tiranë, 1953, f. 36-65. Aliu, S., Tuma e Rehovës, Disertación, Tiranë 1969. Aliu, S., Tuma e Prodanit, Iliria XIV, 1984,1, f. 27-67. Aliu S., Varreza mesjetare në turnen e Rehovës, Iliria XVI, 1986, 2, f. 215249. Anamalı, S,. Nekropoli i Epidamnit, Buletin për Shkencat Shoqërore, 1, Tiranë, 1957, f. 31-62. Anamalı, S. - Prendi F., Vazhdimësia e kultures ilire në kulturen e hershme mesjetare shqiptare, Kuvendi i Pare i Studimeve Albanologjike, Tiranë, 1965, f. 465-475. Anamalı, S., Mbi kulturen e hershme shqiptare, Ilirët dhe gjeneza e shqiptarëve, Tiranë, 1969, f. 185-201. Anamalı, S., Një varrezë e mesjetës së hershme në Bukël të Mirditës, Iliria 1,1971, f. 209-226. Anamalı, S., Amantia, Iliria II, 1972, f. 61-133. Anamalı, S., Mozaikét e bazilikës paleokristiane të Linit (Pogradec). Iliria 111,1974, f. Anamalı, S. - Komata D., Varreza e Kalldrunit (Koplik), Kumtari Muzeut tëShkodrës, Shkodër 1978, f. 96-116. Anamalı, S., Antikiteti i vonë dhe mesjeta e hershme në kërkimet shqiptare, Iliria IX - X, 1979 ֊ 1980, f. 5-21. Anamalı, S., Kështjella e Pogradecit, Iliria IX - X, 1979-1980, f. 215-258. Anamalı, S. - Spahiu, H., Varreza arbërore e Krujës, Iliria IX - X, 1979 1980, f. 47-103. Anamalı, S., Problemi i formimit të popullit shqiptar në dritën e të dhënave arkeologjike, Iliria XII, 1982, 2, f. 35-69. Anamalı, S., Kryengritja ilire e viteve 69 të e.re, Iliria XVII,
1987, 1, f. 523. Andrea, Zh,, Kultura ilire e tumave në pellgun e Korçës, Tiranë 1985. Andrea, Zh., Një varrezë e dystë në fshatin Gërmenj (rrethi i Lushnjës). Iliria XI, 1981,1, f. 219-226. Andronikos Μ., Vergina, I: To Nekrotapheion to Tymvon, Athens, 1969. Baçe, A., Kështjella e Paleokastrës. Iliria XI, 1981, 2, f. 165-235.
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Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 685 Cabanes P., Les inscriptions du théâtre de Bouthrôtos, në: Actes du colloque 1972 sur l'esclavage, Besançon 2-3 mai 1972, Besançon 1974, f. 105-209. Ceka, H., Raporte të vitit 1950, Veli. II, Arhivi Qendrës së Kërkimeve Arkeologjike të Tiranës, 1950. Ceka, H., Anamalı, S., Disa skulptura të pabotuara të Muzeut Arkeologjik të Tiranë, Buletin i Universitetit Shtetëror të Tiranës, Seria Shkencat Shoqërore 1959, 3, f. 71-116. Ceka, H., Probleme të numizmatikës ilire, Tiranë 1965; shiko edhe vëllimin e përkthyer Questions de Numismatique Illyrienne, Tiranë 1972. Ceka, H., Shënime nga gjeografia historike e Ilirisë së Jugut, Iliria XIV, 1984,1, f. 15-26. Ceka, N., Gërmimi i një tume në Dukat, Iliria III, 1974, Tiranë, f. 131-151. Ceka, N., Ad Quintum, Iliria VI, 1976, f. 287-312. Ceka, N., Qyteti ilir pranë Selcës së Poshtme, Tiranë 1985. Ceka, N., Vështrim mbi zhvillimin e jetës qytetare tek ilirët e Jugut, Iliria XV, 1985, 2, Tiranë, f. 119-161. Čerškov, E., Rimljani na Kosovu i Metohiji, Beograd 1969. Čerškov, E., Municipium DD, Prishtinë-Beograd, 1970. Chavane, Μ. J., Vases de Bronze du Musee de Chypre, Série archéologique 8, Lyon 1982. Covic, B., Glasinac 1957: Rezultati revizionog iskopavanja tumula glasinačkog tipa, Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja, Sarajevo 1959, f. 53-85. Covic, В., Pogrebalni običaji praistorijskih stanovika Glasinackog područja, Glasnik Zemaljskog Muzeja u Sarajevu, XVIII, Sarajevo 1963, f. 4159. Covic, В., Knjezevski grabovi Glasinackog područja, Sahranjivanje kod Ilira, ed. Μ. Garašanin, Balkanološki institut
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Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut Į 639 SUMMARY The tumuli cemeteries have been and continue to be studied in Illyrian archaeology, as they provide complete and very diverse objects, with accurate chronological boundaries. Thus, they allow a complete ethno cultural and socio-economic interpretation. As such, they have been prioritised in Albanian Archaeology with over 100 tumuli excavated so far (45 of which have been excavated by the author of this study). Given the importance of studying the Illyrian culture of Dardania, we have paid special attention to scientific research in a number of its representative centers in the territory of our country. These studies began in 1964 with the settlement of Rosujë in Tropoja, and have continued with the tumuli of Krumë, Kënetë, and particularly Çinamak. Çinamak, with its archaeological material and wide range of issues, remains one of the most interesting cemeteries in Dardania. Consequently, eleven years of work were dedicated to its study. The features and content of the culture discovered in Çinamak best prove that to know Dardania, it is not enough to rely only on the discoveries made in the territory of Kosovo. The territory of Dardania is wider than the jurisdiction of Kosovo, and in certain periods, some of its peripheral provinces have apparently played a greater ethno-cultural and political role than Kosovo itself, and thus it is otherwise called the classical territory of Dardania. Within this conception, it is argued that Dardania even extends to the area of Kukës and Northern Macedonia. Between the years 1969 and
1975 archaeological excavations were carried out in the tumuli field of Çinamak, as it is of particular scientific importance in relation to the Dardan problem. The description, analysis and dating, archaeological and historical interpretation, and the generalisation of this broad Dardanian culture are the object of our work.
640 ļ Вер Jubani The Dardan problem has a special scientific and political significance, so it always remains current. Dardania has been one of the most neuralgic points of the Western Balkans, and former Yugoslav archaeology has written more about Dardania than any other Illyrian tribes. The archaeological culture in this tumuli cemetery starts from the Early Bronze Age (around the twentieth century B.C.E.) and continues without interruption until the early Albanian Middle Ages (eighth centuiy C.E.), with occasional burials until the period of the feudal Principalities in Albania. Thus, the development of Illyrian-Dardanian culture can be tracked continuously from the beginning of the formation of the Illyrian ethnos until the birth of the early Albanian (Arbër) culture, to a Dardanian population. This population had close relations with a wide territory, from the Southern Balkans to the Northern and further to Olteni in Romania as well as to the East Adriatic coast. This wide relationship was conditioned by the geographical circumstances. In antiquity, Kukës was a lively northeastern trading gateway to the coastal lowlands of the Eastern Adriatic. It is no coincidence that in Kukës there is evidence of the most advanced cultural performances of the times, which reflects the Dardan problem well. In these circumstances, the publication of materials from Çinamak, with such a wide Dardanian culture, brought the current Yugoslav knowledge into question, and highlighted Kosovo's historical science, by illuminating the Dardan problem over a very long time continuum. Similarly,
the archaeological material discovered in this centre of Dardanian culture comes in full support of the ancient history of our country for these territories of Northeastern Albania, and simultaneously constitutes extremely important evidence against chauvinistic distortions. The results of the work on this topic are also important for the recognition of tumuli cemeteries in general. The large number of mounds excavated in Çinamak has brought new knowledge about the Illyrian tumuli architecture, as well as about the ritual evidence recently identified in the Illyrian cemeteries, but also about the Illyrian mortuary ideology. Since the archeological material that we are presenting is quite new, we intend to present the outcomes of our archaeological research in Çinamak as fully as possible to give the biography of the discovered objects and to extract the cultural, historical, ritual and ethnic content of the material for the province of Kukës. The study also extends to the general Dardanian framework, for all eras and historical periods that have been identified in this cemeteiy. In this way many cultural phenomena become more
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut Į 641 comprehensible and the excavated archaeological centre itself is more fully reflected. We have tried to dedicate as little space as possible to the description of artefacts in this volume, without disregarding their rational scientific particularities. We have prepared this study not only as a dissertation to defend a scientific degree, but also as a monograph for publication. A continuous goal during the work of this study was the confrontation with the cultural and ethnic problems of Dardania, while expressing a documented opinion on them. Traditions were broken in several aspects: both in the descriptions of the graves and the inventory, in the use of archaeological material for historical interpretations, as well as in the treatment of ethnic and ideological (on the worldviews of the prehistoric people) problems. It should be noted that this cemetery was not known until 1967, so there have been no studies of it. It became known through cognitive expeditions that we conducted in the province of Kukes, on the data we received from the geometer Kamber Zela. Based on the values that this centre presented, in 1969 we began archaeological excavations in this necropolis. The present book (volume) is written in 400 pages and contains 13 chapters. It is accompanied by about 190 tables and illustrative figures as well as pictures and drawings of the most prominent objects. The preface provides information on the topography of Çinamak, its surroundings and the archaeology of the district, as well as some ethnographic data that enable a
better understanding of the great cultural concentration in this area. The preface is also accompanied by a brief geographical overview of the province of Kukes as a whole. Çinamak is a small village, next to Surrojt, in the district of Kukes. It is a mountainous area, with few fields. The north eastern part of this province is bordered by Kosovo, in a long border area of 67 km. The village of Çinamak, perched on a hilly slope, faces a beautiful river terrace, which extends almost in a north-south direction, as the River Drini i Zi (Black Drin) flows along it. On the left bank of the river, in the widest part of the terrace was one of the largest cemeteries of Southern Illyria with over 80 tumuli, of which only 28 have been excavated, vyith a diameter of 10-32m and a height of 0.80-3m.
642 ļ Вер Jubani From the mounds excavated in this cemetery, a total of 620 graves were discovered with a very rich inventory in most of them. The following were obtained: 250 pottery vessels, 300 weapons and tools as well as 340 ornaments, and many small finds and coins. Outside the tombs, in the soil of the mounds, about 20,000 pottery sherds were discovered, which have significantly enriched the typological repertoire of the culture of this centre. The creation of this great necropolis in Çinamak, the continuity of life, from the beginning of the Bronze Age until the early Middle Ages, the great wealth of archaeological material discovered, the typological features and the level of production, best testify to the primary role played by the province of Kukes during certain historical stages, not only within Northeastern Albania, but also for Kosovo and beyond. This is the reason why in the archaeological material of Çinamak, alongside the same features as the Mat - Glasinac complex, or the common Dardanian features, the one that is Kukës' own property stands out, sometimes reflected in neighbouring provinces, as well as what was radiated here and processed along the banks of the river Drin i Zi (Black Drin), in historical circumstances conditioned by time. Çinamak was located in a rich archaeological environment, in the district of Kukes, accompanied by a series of other tumuli cemeteries or ancient settlements: as in Surroj, Sukë, Kënetë, Përbreg, Bardhok, Mujaj, Myç, Mamëz, Vilë e Bushtricës, Krumë, Golaj, Perrollaj, Fajza etc. Thus, Çinamak, together with other
excavated centres in Kukës, very well complement the archaeological knowledge of Northeastern Albania, opening a new chapter in the ancient history of the province of Kukės. The geographical environment of Kukës, as a crossroads of inter-Balkan roads, the great wealth of minerals and the very suitable nature with very good circumstances for protection, have conditioned a heritage, which helps to better understand the culture discovered here, as in Kukës are represented archaeological centres of different periods, from the Neolithic to the developed Middle Ages. The ethno-cultural composition in the Çinamak area is included in the ethnographic unit of Luma, starting from Veleshica, in Peshkopi, to Postlisht Water near Prizren, in Kosovo. From the rich and diverse ethnography and folklore of the province, we turn now to a very important fact which informs our understanding of the archaeological wealth of Çinamak and other villages around. Although the Central Balkans is a region covered with high mountains, like Tropoja and Peshkopia, in Kukës and its surroundings there are three high mountains, which traditionally had important cultic centers, resulting in a wide
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 643 Albanian territory. These are Gjallica Mountain, where the whole Luma region celebrated, Pashtrik Mountain where Hasi celebrated, and Runa Mountain where Fani Mirditor celebrated. These mountain cultic celebrations undoubtedly have their roots deep in the antiquity of the Illyrian pagan cults that continued their progress through changes, during the stages of historical development of the population of these areas. The concentration of these cults, in the vicinity of Kukes, and at a time when in the Central Balkans only Kaçanik and Dobruxha preserved the mountain cults, is a true indicator of the role that this province had in Dardanian antiquities. Geographically, the province of Kukes is very mountainous - over 60% of the area of the district lies at an altitude of 300 - 900 m above sea level, while the Çinamak plain itself is located at an altitude of about 150 m. The area of Kukës is surrounded by high mountain peaks (such as Gjallica 2487 m, etc.), separated by deep valleys, accompanied by mountainous and alluvial meadow lands, which also served as a connection with other provinces. In the Mediterranean pre-mountainous climate of the area, the valley of the Drinave is softened by the warm sea winds that enter through the mouth of the Drin River. It is an area rich with running waters that have played an important role in the life of the province. Firstly, is the Drinave province. This river with a name so widespread and known in Illyria, in Kukës joins in a common name, Drin, from its two major streams, the Black Drin and the
White Drin. But the province is also full of other rivers, which, with their gorges and streams, have helped simultaneously to connect the near and far neighbours. Although they are not navigable, due to their mountainous character, these rivers have created multiple interconnections of the Southern Adriatic Lowland with the Central Balkans, through the Qafë of Prushi and Morine with Kosovo, as well as with Macedonia, through the Luma and Drini i Zi (Black Drin) rivers. Çinamak is a place where the roads met, connecting Dibra (through the Castle of Dodë and Surrojt) and Mirdita (through the Mountain of Konaj and the mountains of Surrojt) with the road from Shkodra to Kosovo. The preservation today of the toponym Puka (which comes from Roman Empire, Via Publika) at the edge of the terrace of the Cinamak mounds, is undoubtedly an ancient memory of these roads.
644 I Bep Jubani In the written historical sources we do not find direct data that speak about the ancient history of the province of Kukës. However, tracing the writings of the ancient tradition, supplementing them with archaeological data from the discoveries made, we have dealt with some historical problems related to this area such as "The tribe that inhabited the province of Kukes" (Chapter I), "Dardanians in Illyrian history. King Monun” (Chapter VII),“Location of the city of Damastion in Marnez of Kukës ”(Chapter VIII), as well as the topographic definition and location of' Illyris Solitudines "(Chapter VIII) etc. In Chapter I, a new interpretation is made of the written sources of antiquity, drawing some conclusions about the population that inhabited the district of Kukës and Northeastern Albania in antiquity, which are worth discussing. The tribe that inhabited the province of Kukës, based on ancient written sources, although not expressed very clearly or directly, have been given several different names: as "Dardanians of the Illyrians", "Dardanians Alpine" “the Alpine Dardanians” and "Pirustae”. In such a context of definitions, it seems the name "Alpine Dardanians" is not accidental, but expresses the Dardanian population, who lived in an alpine area, which based on the territorial extent of Dardania, can be unified very well with the northeastern provinces of Albania, Kukës, Tropojë and Peshkopi, from where they originate and high alpine mountains have grown. If in the ancient written sources of the fourth and fifth centuries AD the term "Alpine Dardanians" is
used, those the first century BC and the first century AD use the other definition "Dardanians of the Illyrians", expressed by Strabo, which even in this case clearly singles out a province of the Dardanians, in which as it is understood from these writings, they lived outside the genuine Dardanian province. As a tradition accepted by ancient writers and as an attempt to always distinguish a Dardanian province that stretched outside the territory of Kosovo, we understand in this case also the mention of the Illyrian tribe of the Pirustae in the old historical writings. The Pirustsae inhabited lands, which extend to different regions of Northern Albania and beyond. The most widespread remains the traditional opinion, expressed by various authors, which places them in the area Mat Mirditë or in Montenegro, in territories rich in minerals. In this case, we would not support the tendency to look for Pirustae starting from the place where numerous minerals are found, because such a reasoning would
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 645 remain quite relative. In contrast to this treatment of the problem in question, according to various authors, we think that there is a different conception in the written sources. From what we see and understand from these ancient sources, the Pirustae of the second century BC are identified with the Dardanian population later known by other names such as "Dardanians of the Illyrians" or "Alpine Dardanians" of the fourth and fifth centuries AD, who lived exactly in the territory of Northeastern Albania, in the provinces of Mat, Mirditë, Pukë, Tropojë, Kukës and Peshkopi. This opinion unites all the proposals expressed by the scholars, who have placed the Pirustae sometimes in the provinces of Mat and Mirdita and sometimes in Kukës and Peshkopi. Thus, according to these written sources, the ethnonym of the Pirustae began to expand from the second century BC, including in its composition in addition to Northeastern Albania, the entire territory of Kosovo. In addition to the evidence obtained from written sources, for the extension of the Pirustae ethnicity up to the province of Kukës and beyond, today's linguistic data can be used. The toponym Qafa e Prushitis preserved in Kukës even today. Professor Eqrem Çabej finds this toponym reasonable to explain the name of the Pirustae. It has been argued that the three names mentioned above for the Dardanians of Northeastern Albania are general names of the Illyrian population, who inhabited the province of Kukës in antiquity and as such it seems that they cover the names of particular
tribes that have inhabited these territories. Research must continue on this issue. For the province of Kukes, we would propose to consider and examine the tribe of Gelabers. Only Strabo mentions this tribe and in a context that seems to be difficult to locate. However, the archaeological discoveries in Kukës, strongly suggest that in antiquity, one of the main Dardanian tribes was located here, and it has played an important role in the political and economic life of this Dardanian wing. Future research, based on archaeological findings, which will be discovered in the land of Dardania will undoubtedly help in the more accurate localization of the place where the tribe of Galabri once lived. Therefore, among other things based on Strabo's word that clearly defines, when it is stated that: "Dardanians are also Galabrians.", and in reinforcement of the proposition expressed above, we see as ancient inhabitants of Kukës precisely the Galabrians, in contrast to Shuflai who sought there the Sikuilots.
646 I Bep Jubani Discoveries of "Apollonia" type amphorae in Çinamak that have chronological advantages over those discovered in Apollonia and Durrës, based on some archaeological data and in comparison with the ancient written sources, lead us to provoke J. Drojzen's assumption regarding the Dardanian affiliation of Monun as well as the Dardanian conquests of the Eastern Adriatic colonies, Durrës and Apollonia (ch. VII). In the 1st Colloquium of Illyrian Studies, mentioning these objects discovered in Kukës, we showed that these amphorae are of the Apollonian type, but differ in the technique of workmanship and in time from those of Apollonia, since Cinamak amphorae are the earlier local production. Despite these real presented arguments, there was a voice that described them as Apollonian products, coming to Kukës from the coast through imports. However, the contents of the tombs where these amphorae were found in Çinamak belong to a time which has chronological advantages over those of the Apollonian type. This indisputable fact may attract a wider assessment of this matter. As noted, Çinamak amphorae are generally broad-shouldered, pale brown, with a slight tinge of yellow, sometimes even pink. These amphorae, unlike those of Apollonia, have in their fabric even a little fine quartz, as we sometimes encounter in other forms of wheel-made pottery from Çinamak. These changes that present the amphorae of Çinamak in relation to those of Apollonia categorically exclude the possibility that they are imported from the coastal colonies. This is reinforced by the time to which
they belong, as can be seen from the tomb inventory, where these amphorae came out in Çinamak, they cannot be dated by course beyond the end of the fifth century BC or beginning of the fourth century BC, but in no way with the fourth or fourth to third century BC. Thus, although similar in form and technical and stylistic features, it is clear that the amphorae of Çinamak are not products of Apollonia or Dyrrah, but of another production centre, which, based on the analysis of these vessels in the relevant chapter, seems more likely to be found in Kukës. It is interesting to note that in Çinamak amphorae of this type are not found after the end of the fifth century and the beginning of the fourth century BC and the interest lies precisely in the fact that when these types of amphorae disappear in Kukës they appear first in Apollonia and then in Durrës.
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 647 The typological similarity of the amphorae of these two centres connects with the movement of artisans in the Kukes area in relation to the displacement of the Dardanians towards the Adriatic coast at the turn of the fifth century BC, when their representative appears on the coins of Dyrrah with the name of the Dardanian king Monun, as has been assumed by Droysen. Because of the similarity, which it presents in relation to our amphorae, we have also mentioned the vessel of tomb 30 in the mound of the warriors of Romajë, which from the trunk repeats almost entirely these amphorae that have been discovered in Çinamak. According to the data in the publication, this vessel decorated with reddish stripes was found in a tomb with materials of the fifth to fourth centuries BC. Although its discoverers have defined it as an import from Apollonia or Dyrrachium, even this vessel (taking into account its dating) is very likely to be an integral part of the production of Dardanian pottery. Until now, such vessels have not been discovered in Apollonia nor in Dürres, if we consider the time when they appeared in Çinamak, which does not correspond absolutely with the time of their production in these two centres of the Adriatic coast. In addition to this important fact, the differences that are noticed between them and that make them clearly distinguishable, despite the similarities that they present at first sight, must also be taken into account. * * * There is a lack of clear data from written sources about the ancient historical events that
include the whole province of Kukës. With the interpretation made here, for the "Illyrian Deserts" it seems that Kukës itself is one of the main pivots of the concerns that came to the Macedonians and the Illyrian state, so as such we see this province in the composition of "Illyrici solitudines." Thus, we believe that the cities Draudak (Villa of Bushtrices) and Oene (as an abbreviation of the name of the town Damastion) in Mamëz of Kukës should also be sought in the area of Kukës. The term "desolate Illyria" does not refer to a separate province as previously defined by various authors, but the entire course of the Drini i Zi River, starting from Kukës to Kërçovë (Kicevo) in Macedonia. These "deserts" for us are mainly the provinces of Penestia where the Romans had tried to create a geographical dividing line between Illyria and Macedonia,
648 j Вер Jubani as confrontation to which the desolate undertaking of the Macedonians was carried out with Perseus at the head (Chapter VIII). The problem of these desolate Illyrian provinces has so far been addressed several times in Illyrian historiography, with considerable efforts for their localization made by various authors, however the opinions expressed, while including parts of the truth, as a whole, do not seem to correspond to the descriptions presented by Polybius and Livy in their writings. The discussion of the location of these "Illyrian deserts" is of special interest not only for the history of Kukës: their precise clarification helps to better highlight those Illyrian neuralgic areas, which had become a threat of disrupting the "peace" for Macedonia and Illyria, as well as to clarify the full purpose of Perseus' Macedonian punitive expedition. Based on the descriptions of Polybius and Livy, we are convinced that the Macedonian punitive expedition had a dual purpose: to paralyze the entry of the Dardanians into Macedonia and Illyria, at the same time as the destruction was done, the Macedonians sought to oppose the Roman strategy, which intended to separate Macedonia from Illyria by military measures. Concerning all the opinions expressed, it can be concluded that following the desolate Illyria according to Polybius or the Illyrian deserts according to Livy, means tracing the problem through a wider angle of view, as all the authors when trying to locate these deserts, define a separate province. Considering all the proposals made by different authors, we
believe that Polybius and Livy, using the macro toponym "Illyrian" for these "deserts" intended to express the fact that the Macedonian military operations were carried out not within the borders of a small geographical unit or a limited ethnographic province, but in a much wider area, which could correspond to a large unit bearing the name "Illyrian." It is highlighted here that the problem of this desolate Illyria has been mostly traced by different authors, by following the road route through which the Macedonian delegation passed to reach King Gent, and this has often been accompanied by attempts to identify the settlements of Uskana, Oeneu and Draudak. Such a treatment of the problem seems to us to remain generally very theoretical, because it does not rely sufficiently on concrete archaeological material. However, as a result of these different authors' work, we do not believe that the problem should be addressed without considering the traditional methods, which are natural, because this
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 649 method of treatment makes the original source descriptions more comprehensive. Further analysis of these problems will not be undertaken here, although their treatment has great historical value, as the full publication of this paper where these events are covered in more detail, according to the relevant chapters, should aid their clarification. * * * Chapter II lists the descriptive data, dealing in detail with the 28 excavated mounds, 620 tombs discovered with their rich inventory as well as numerous finds outside the tombs that are considerable in this necropolis and that as mentioned above have significantly increased the typological repertoire of this centre of Dardanian culture. Through this voluminous material discovered and its analysis, the opportunity has been created to address various aspects of the historical-political, ethno-cultural and economic-social development of the whole province. * * * Archaeological material covering a long period of time may contain some chronological problems (Chapter III), such as dealing with the division of the phases of each epoch (Age) or period, their characteristics and at the same time with the terminology used, focusing mainly on the periods belonging to the last millennium BC. In completing these issues, we have presented some new proposals, based on the complete and concrete study of archaeological materials discovered in this important centre of Illyrian-Dardanian culture. After considering the chronological systems established by our authors, the following chronological
system is proposed: a) The last period of bronze and transition to iron to be dated from the twelfth to eleventh centuries B.C, and not from the twelfth to eighth centuries B.C as previously proposed by various authors. b) We propose to limit the Iron Age to two phases and not to three or four as defined in the cases presented by other researchers, starting with the first phase, from the eleventh to the ninth centuries B.C, and closing this era in the second phase from the eight to the seventh centuries B.C, after
650 j Bep Juhani which begins a new period, that of the proto-urban, which served as a preparatory phase for the development of Illyrian urban culture. Determining the Iron Age in two phases, up to the seventh century B.C we define it with Southern Illyria, because in other territories, as for the territory of Serbia, without the Dardanian lands, the division of the Iron Age into four phases fully justifies itself. Therefore, in this new chronological system we include Kosovo and Northern Macedonia as an integral part of the Dardanian territories. c) Unlike other authors, we see the proto-urban period developing into two phases, rather than one, extending it from the sixth century B.C to the fourth century B.C. The reason for this is that the local urban handicraft production during these two phases (sixth - fifth century and fifth - fourth century respectively) is only in its early stages, when the urban handicraft despite its development had not yet become dominant over the traditional production. Even in Çinamak the proto-urban culture is characterized by the beginnings of urban handicrafts and the presence of Greek imports. The second phase of this period is separated from the new phenomenon, where the traditional typology at this time undergoes a series of changes, influenced by the emerging urban handicrafts which made possible the emergence of new types of vessels, including processing of Greek forms. d) While the fourth to the first century define a new socio-economic development, the slave-owning order (system), when the Illyrian culture reached its greatest
flourishing which made it possible for Dardania to be included in this path of great transformations we have included in the civic period. We have also pointed out that this new way of production, pre-prepared in the proto-urban period, retains common features with that of other Illyrian provinces, but at the same time expressing its local features. Assessing the greatest amount of civic productivity discovered in the Çinamak cemetery as a local product of the Dardan city, in contrast to other authors, we find it possible to see the history of the development of the Dardan civilization in the Kukës area divided into two phases: the sixth to the third century B.C. and the second to the first century B.C. Based on the few published materials, this division should be valid for the territory of Kosovo, with the difference that this period in Kosovo, if we rely on historical data and the time of appearance of Latin inscriptions there, should have continued further, until the first century.
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut ¡ 651 e) After the urban period is treated the culture of the first centuries A.D divided into two phases (first - second century and third ֊ fourth century). This culture, otherwise called Roman provincial culture, we propose to call Illyrian Culture, as it appears defined in the written sources of the time as the place of the Illyrians. With this name "ILIRIC" we are seemingly closer to the reality of the time, not only formally, but also in content, due to the fact despite taking place in the conditions of Roman occupation and under its pressure, this period maintained the connections with the indigenous Illyrian culture through the cultural continuity clearly reflected in its representative materials in Çinamak. f) After this period we have divided the Culture of the Early Albanian Medieval into two phases (fifth - sixth and seventh - eighth centuries), starting with the analysis of the most representative materials of this period and conditions in which this culture developed. We then proceeded with the dating and place of the Çinamak cemetery in the Arber Culture of Koman. In particular, we have analyzed the cultural continuity from the Illyrians to the Arber of the early Middle Ages, also here in the southwest of the Dardanian Province. փ * * According to the observations and studies we have undertaken in this necropolis, the tumuli architecture (Chapter IV) is quite diverse and it is important to emphasize that we have encountered new elements, which have significantly enriched our knowledge of Illyrian tumuli architecture and
ritual performances evidenced during the excavation process. Thus, the architectural constituent elements captured during the excavations have been specified, such as: the formation of the necropolis; the shape of the mounds; the dimensions; the building material; the floor of the mounds; its filling; the covering of the mounds; the hearths; central tombs; tumuli without central graves; side tombs; rings; dromoi; and initial tumuli and raised tumuli. Naturally, these elements are worth knowing at the same time the worldview and the spiritual world of the inhabitants who built and used these monuments as cemeteries. As numerous as these constituent elements of this classification presented here may seem, they are real, present, so drawing attention to them, as already highlighted, helps to
652 I Bep Jubani create a more complete architectural and conceptual vision of the Illyrians for these mortuary monuments. One of the distinguishing features of the Cinamak necropolis compared to those of other centres of Southern Illyria is the concentration of a large number of tumuli within a small geographical area (over 80 such pieces). Based on the excavations carried out, the formation of the necropolis began with a few mounds, in the Early Bronze Age, and was added to in the Middle Bronze Age; these multiply especially at the end of the Bronze Age, when the place turns into a real necropolis. It should be noted that the erection of mounds in Çinamak continued in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C, while their reuse continued until the early Albanian Middle Ages. Further, we continued with the analysis of the constituent elements of the tumuli architecture defined during the excavation process, reflecting their respective features to create a more complete and general picture of the Illyrian understanding of these mortuary monuments. The highlighting of these real elements evidenced in the field, the specification and classification of the architectural components of the mounds, undoubtedly serves to recognize the transformations that the architecture underwent in these monuments during its progress through the centuries and millennia, in accordance with the development of the Illyrian worldview. Their identification of course takes on even greater values in the context of the distinctive chronological elements in these mounds. * * * As it is known, the Bronze Age is
related to the important process of formation of the Illyrian ethnos in the Western Balkans and is associated in Çinamak, as well as in the entire geographical unit - Northeastern Albania, with the same cultural performances as those defined for our country in the excavations and studies of other Illyrian centres. The Bronze Age culture in Çinamak (Chapter V) has its origins in the Early Bronze Age, which is represented by tumuli I and X. The central tombs, rectangular pits, are presented without inventory. The burial was performed with the bodies in a sleeping position. Burning and urns (tumulus X) in secondary graves have also been confirmed. Ceramics are scarce at this stage; those that were found are reddish or brown tones, with some grey-black ceramics with reddish spots and light brown also present. The forms represented in this
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 653 first bronze period are few: one handled jug - two handled jug, bowls, cups, high neck water jug, that are similar in shape to those of the Glina culture of Romania. The Middle Bronze Age culture is somewhat better represented in the Çinamak mounds. Materials of this time have been discovered in tumuli II, III, IV, V, VI and XV. The central tombs do not have a very deep pit, open in the sole and covered with cairn stone. The burials were biritual. It is noted that the pottery retains the features of that of the Early Bronze Age. New phenomena are the treatment of ceramics with surfaces in bright colours, milky and bright grey, or even dark grey, with a pronounced burnish. There are Two-handled bowls, high neck water jug of the type Bjellotiq - Bjella Cërkva. Full vessels were placed in the graves, but these are rare cases. In most cases there are fragments of vessels placed on the cover, in the filling or on the floor of the tomb. Often in these fragments of vessels is noticed the chipping or in rare cases the scratching of their surfaces, but the last phenomenon is not very clear. At this time, the two handled jug appears in the grave inventory for the first time (Tuma XV v. 36). In Çinamak, as well as in other tumuli of Kukes district, the last period of bronze and transition to iron is represented in a much wider and more diverse way than the previous two periods, as in pottery, metal objects, and other finds, as is generally the case in the discoveries of our country of this time. The Archaeological material of this period has
been extensively discovered in grave inventories, but also as objects left in the soil of the mound, outside the tombs. The late Bronze Age transition to the Early Iron Age includes 47 tombs discovered in 21 mounds, in addition to the numerous material excavated in the mound soil, outside the tombs. The central tombs are made with stone restraints, with their collection in the form of cairn and with a simple pit. In some cases, the central tomb is bounded by a tomb ring, as in the case of mound VIII. The burial was performed with the body placed in a sleeping position. Cremated remains were found outside the mound only in two cases, when urn burial was used, while in a single case there is placement of cremated bones in the grave.
654 I Bep Jubani Ritual performances occur more frequently at the end of the bronze period. Alongside the chipping of the ceramic with a strong object, nail scratchings also appear more frequently. The grave inventory is also richer and has a greater variety. Next to the vessels are placed weapons and working tools, as well as ornaments: such as belt plaques head ornaments (tëmthore), and in few cases amber and glass paste beads as well as some flints. The pottery is dominated by the grey-black kind, most often with reddish-brown to reddish spots. A peculiarity of the time is the appearance of carbon-coloured pottery, with fine quartz inclusions that is continuously preserved in later periods. The ceramic material is represented by the following types of vessels: two-handled jugs; one-handled jugs; bowls; cups; large cups; large cooking vessels ; and so on. The findings of pottery sherds outside the tombs have increased the number of types represented in the tombs of the tumuli of this time. The pottery of the Çinamak 1 c phase, although significant in number, is poor in ornamentation. Three decoration techniques can be distinguished: relief, scratching and imprinting. With the raised relief technique, cannelure and striped motifs are created, while triangles and lines are scratched. Only the pockmarks are created by imprinting. But it is worth mentioning that some decorative elements in ceramics, such as the culmination of cannelure are found earlier in Kukës than in Macedonia. Thus in our country they have been encountered since the twelfth to eleventh centuries B.C,
while in Kastaņas they are present in the tenth to ninth centuries B.C. Perhaps this is an indicator that helps to reflect the influences of the Central Balkans, through Kukes towards Macedonia, Three types of bronze knives have been discovered among the work tools. So far, these knives, known in other parts of Albania, have been discovered in greater numbers in the northern part of the country. Seemingly, Kukėsi and Mati were the two main centres of production. Among the weapons, bronze spearheads can also be mentioned, among which there are shapes that are more popular in Olteni, Romania. A dagger similar to the Italic type was also discovered here. Ornamental objects are presented in many types: simple pins with an eye, pins with a mace head, or an oval foil head, or an rhombic foil head, pins
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut ļ 655 with discs on the head, Kukėsi type belt plaque that was developed on the basis of Eurocentric types, tweezers, press studs, and bracelets, beads (head ornaments), etc. However, the large number of some bronze objects, with the original forms that are found in this show that at that time, it was an important centre of bronze metallurgy in the territories of Northeastern Albania. It is necessary to highlight the ritual continuity throughout the Bronze Age. But another phenomenon that stands out is that seemingly the group Bjellotiq - Bjella Cerkva could no longer stand as a separate group, because at this time it constituted a common feature of the interior of Illyria in the Western Balkans. The mounds of Çinamak being in the middle, it stretched from western Serbia much further south, to Priboj i Limit. But with its features, which constituted a cultural whole from the Early Bronze Age, this group expanded even further to Southeast Albania, thus also including the mounds of Korça. In the late bronze there are traces of the Aegean influx, but they are more of their second wave, of the twelfth to the eleventh centuries B.C. The influences of this influx in Kukës, as is clearly seen from the archaeological materials discovered in this centre, have been negligible if we compare them with Southeastern Albania. These influences, which are very limited, are even clearer in the burial rites, as they failed to leave significant traces, which is confirmed by the fact that urn burials at this time in the province of Kukes are very few. At
the same stage, the connections with the Oltenia basin, of course realized through Kosovo, appear again, as in the early Bronze Age. * * * The Iron Age (chap. VI) naturally relates to the time of introduction of new iron metal, and based on archaeological research of the materials obtained we were able to distinguish two stages of development: The first phase of this era (Çinamak II a) coincides with the period of the eleventh to ninth centuries B.C, and for the Kukës area, based on the materials of Çinamak, represents the period of recognition and the beginning of the production of iron objects, weapons and ornaments. The culture of this time in Çinamak has been discovered in 5 tumuli (I, VII, XI, XX, XXII).
656 I Bep Jubani Graves with inventory are few and yet in them the continuity of the production traditions of the Late Bronze Age is clearly visible. Burial was performed by body placement and rarely by cremation outside the mound. The ceramics at this time retain grey tones in black and brown. Carbon black colour is rare. In the few pieces of pottery belonging to this phase, the most representative forms are the one-handled jug with everted rims, twohandled jugs and large pots that replicate late Bronze Age shapes. Pottery sherds are usually placed in the tombs at this time. The repertoire of decorative objects of this phase is quite small and is represented by several types of pins and tweezers. In the graves are placed pins with mushroom heads, pins with spiral wrapped heads, head ornaments, brass tweezers; in one case a fragment of an iron spearhead was found. Although the material is scarce, the cultural continuity from the previous phase is felt even in this period, which, is seems to show a reduction of the productive activity compared to the end of the bronze and the transition to iron. In this regard, it is noticeable that it is in line with Kosovo, where for this time, there is also a significant lack of archaeological material. This first phase of the Iron Age, Çinamak II a, as mentioned above, has its importance for the province of Kukës, because in the eleventh to the ninth centuries B.C, we encounter objects made of iron for the first time. This is evidenced by the first findings of ferrous metal, which named the whole era. The first types made with this new
metal are the spears and pins without heads - two categories of objects that will be continuously represented with a wide production in this centre. The second phase of the Iron Age, that of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C, (Çinamak II b) is the period when iron metal entered mass production among the Illyrian population, when the beginning of the wider difference between cultural groups in the Western Balkans is felt at the same time. Compared to the Çinamak II period, the inventory of tombs at this time is richer, more diverse and significantly increased in compared to the previous period. There is now a greater variety of weapons, ornaments, and tools in the tombs. At the same time in the tombs there are different forms of ceramic vessels as well as many fragments. The tombs are built mainly with river and mountain stone restraint; urns (in one case) and simple pits (in two cases) are rarely used. Burial with inhumation predominates. The pottery at this time is dominated by dark tones, grey-black both on the sides and in the fabric of the vessels. The fabric
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 657 of these vessels is clean, but with quartz content, often many times. The ceramics of this time have good moulding and baking in general. These are represented in one handled jug graves, two handled jug, while outside the tombs, in the soil of the mounds there are other forms: such as bowls, pots with wide mouths, large vessels of the amphora type, etc. In the second Iron Age, it is notable that the number and variety of weapons and working tools such ascutting tools iron knives and javelins increases; a situation that corresponds to the general social and cultural situation created in the province. The decorative objects found include spherical pendants, stone beads, amber and glass, iron tube beads, spectacle fibula, iron clasps with original Kuksian shape, spiral bracelets, bronze necklaces and diadems. It is worth noting that the decorative objects of this time are diverse in the forms that are presented. Some of these ornaments constitute new displays for the province, such as diadems, necklaces, beads of necklaces, spectacle fibula, etc., which were introduced through the economic and cultural relations that the Kukës area had with the neighbouring provinces of Kosovo and Macedonia. The diversity of these finds testifies to a new, growing situation of this province that undoubtedly responds to a new economic and social organisation, when handicrafts of iron metal working in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C became quite highly developed, as objects of a typology unknown to other Illyrian provinces began to be produced,
such as iron clasps which undoubtedly constitute an original typology created in the country. Although this time constitutes the last stage of the Aegean influx, again its influence in this province remained small. This is explained by the fact that although we have some objects related to it, like spectacle fibulae or funnel-head pins, it is important to note that they entered the province through cultural intermediaries rather than through the placement of newcomers to this influx. The cultural continuity from the previous stage is quite clear, the old customs and traditions known from the earliest periods in this province continue. In addition to the ritual performances noted earlier, the partial work of the tomb covering and the laying of stone slabs as tomb delimitators are now noticeable. * * * The culture of the proto-urban period (sixth century - beginning of the fourth Century BC) which is discussed in chapter VII is represented in Çinamak much better than all other periods, with a large number of tombs
658 Į Вер Jubani and very rich archaeological material. In this culture Çinamak III a - b, relying on archaeological material, in particular on the stylistic and technical changes observed in the same types of objects, as well as in the presence of pottery worked with the potter's wheel, we have distinguished its composition into two time phases: a) C. 6th - 5th B.C and b) 5th - 4th B.C. The proto-urban culture discovered in this important archaeological centre reflects quite well the path that prepared the gradual formation of urban life in Dardania. The main feature is the visible and rapid growth of productivity in all fields of handicrafts: Traditional pottery shows significant qualitative improvements, although it starts to decrease. In addition to the iron objects, in this period a revaluation of the bronze objects also occurs. At the same time, the artisanal production of Dardan silver begins. With this new phenomenon, the birth of Dardan urban handicrafts takes its form, which began to produce many forms of Greek typology, as well as traditional forms, but with a new technique also in the field of ceramics, where the potter's wheel, was introduced as a new approach of the time. All these new phenomena naturally led to important qualitative changes, mainly related to the economic and social organization of this province and especially to the beginnings of the birth of the Dardanian aristocracy and slavery in the country. The tombs belonging to this time are mostly stone-lined. River stone has generally served as the main material in the work of tombs, but in rare
cases broken mountain stones or small stone slabs have also been used. While pit burials are more frequent, especially in the second phase of this period. The most common way of burial isinhumation. There are also graves where no skeletons have been found. In two cases we found two skeletons in the same grave. Cremations increase in the second phase (Çinamak III b). It should be noted that in the fifth to fourth centuries B.C, cremations outside the mounds increase in number and this type of burial is also found in stone-lined graves. During this time, existing and new ritual phenomena are encountered. Along with the complete objects, there are also pieces of vessels on the floor of the graves or in special cases also pieces of coal. A deficiency of metal objects is becoming more frequent. In rare cases, signs of wrapping objects with cloth have been noticed, which have remained mainly in the socket of javelins or other iron finds. Evidence indicates that scratching and chipping of pieces of vessels is becoming more frequent from one stage to another; we find scratching mainly in the wheel-made pottery.
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 659 In the proto-urban period, the pottery discovered is distinguished in three different production styles: 1) traditional production represented mainly with one and two handled jug, bowls, mugs, cups, etc. 2) local production made with a potter's wheel, in addition to the wellknown forms of vessels such as two handled jug, one handled jug, Apollonian type amphorae, table amphorae, etc. They also appear in the forms of Greek typology such as Cilicia, Skyfoi, Cantarians, ojnohoe etc. 3) The production of imported ceramics, mainly Kerkyras represented by kantharoi, kilyxes, Skyfoi etc. In phase Çinamak III a, the ceramics have a very regular pattern, while in phase Çinamak III b the new appearance is the work of vessels with very thin body sherds ), which was not noticed before in this quality. Ceramic ornaments are added significantly. Its decorative motifs stand out for a richer composition and great regularity. At this time, metalworking greatly expands. In addition to iron, bronze and silver ornaments are added. Work tools and weapons also have the greatest variety. New types of knives and cleavers appear and their number increases. The sixth century B.C is the beginning of a new stage for Illyrian armament, which consequently and inevitably is connected with the military organization, especially in the more developed provinces of Illyria. Çinamak is distinguished in comparison from other Illyrian centres of this time for the large number of weapons such as javelins, arrows, bows, cleavers, knives, helmets, greaves , axes, etc. The
large number of weapons discovered, as in no other place in Southern Illyria at this time, undoubtedly proves that this province had created a very powerful military organisation, which we can unequivocally say must have influenced the historical events of the time also for the neighbouring territories. Tombs in the sixth to fourth centuries B.C contain a large number of decorative objects with various shapes made of iron, bronze, silver, amber, glass, etc. Amber beads have been discovered in large quantities during this time in Çinamak. Only in tomb 33 of tumulus V 990 have such pieces been discovered. Likewise, the considerable presence of the spindle whorls is an indication that proves that the processing of fabrics in the country had received a great development.
660 I Bep Jubani As can be seen from the inventory of the discovered tombs, the number of these objects for this period seems to be very large, but it is important to note that even at this time there are materials that belong to a local typology. * * * Regarding the place that Çinamak occupies in the cultural group Glasinac - Mat, it is important to emphasize that together with Kukës as a whole are an integral part of this wide cultural group of Illyrian tumuli cemeteries, with the same archaeological culture. Based on the material discovered, Çinamak and Kukës in general have all the features that indicate, with their ritual and material culture, an integral part of this Illyrian cultural group, while maintaining their distinctive features that characterize them within it. In studying the material discovered, we attempted to determine the characteristic features of the material and ritual culture of Çinamak and the province of Kukës as a whole. Treating them in relation to the Dukagjin Plain it becomes quite clear that both these provinces belong to the same variant, that of Mat Based on these common features of these provinces, as distinctive features for the pottery of Çinamak and Kukës as a whole, as well as for Romajë and other Kosovar centres, we argue that the vessels maintain a characteristic modelling style especially for the phase Çinamak III b (5th4th century BC). We would call this style the Dardanian style of ceramic modelling, which is distinguished by the emphasis on the raised shoulders of the vessel, highlighting by means of plastic modelling, the
transition from the neck of the vessel to the shoulder. This Dardanian style, slightly known in Mat, but unknown in Glasinac, expresses an aesthetic taste that is encountered in the Kukës - Kosovo area, with the same ethnographic features for the time. Such examples that reflect common features in different areas of development of material and spiritual culture of the Dardanians, have been presented clearly in the relevant chapters, and thus will not be further discussed here. Appreciating Çinamak in relation to the Glasinac - Mat group, it is clear that there is a significant connection with Mat, serving simultaneously as an intermediate cultural unit between Mat and the Dukagjin Plain in Kosovo. This is the reason why we have considered the archaeological culture of Kukës as a variant of Mat, a variant which extends its connections
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 661 to the Dukagjini plain. However, at the stage of the fifth to fourth century B.C, Çinamak extends its ties to Macedonia. All the regional features that Çinamak culture presents in relation to the surrounding environment are natural changes that can be observed in any large cultural group wherever it is, but they do not exclude in any way the ethnicity of the archaeological material discovered as the product of the same population that produced and used these materials during the course of its development. While this opinion, as it is known, has found support, another theory has been presented in the archaeological literature by J. Glishiq, which includes Kukes and the Dukagjini Plain in the "Drilon Variant", later named by Μ. Garashani as the "Kukes Variant Drilon". J. Glishiq on the basis of the creation of this variant reaches two conclusions: First, the Dukagjin Plateau, on the one hand and Kosovo-Plain on the other, were inhabited by two ethnically different populations. Secondly, this variability comes from the Autariatae influx coming from Northern Albania, passing through Kukes. But it should be emphasized that the culture of Dardania as a whole can never stand alone in ethno-cultural terms, outside the Illyrian culture, and even only that of Kosovo Plain can not differ from other Dardanian provinces. It should also be taken into account that the Dukagjini Plateau and Kosovo Plain had different directions of relations, therefore even if there is any difference between them, it is understood that this is not about ethnic
changes, as it is known that the eastern part of Kosovo is more closely linked to Macedonia. These relations have of course influenced the creation of special local phenomena on both sides of Kosovo, but they can not exclude each other. * * * The Economic-social development of slave ownership since the sixth century B.C was boosted in the whole of Southern Illyria, and as a consequence that Dardania was folly involved in this path of great transformations. Based on the archaeological data discovered, it is clear that the province of Kukes in the middle of the sixth century B.C, was raised to the level of a true urban productivity by the achievements of the preceding phase of the C. 6th - 4th B.C, where traditional local forms and techniques gradually gave
662 I Bep Jubani way, almost entirely, to a completely new and more advanced mode of production, that of slave ownership. This Dardanian production, pre-prepared in the proto-urban period clearly preserves common features with those of other Illyrian provinces, expressing at the same time its local features. So the culture of the civic period of the sixth to the first centuries B.C in Çinamak (Chapter VIII) naturally reflects a very high economic, social and cultural development for the alpine Dardanians. The sixth to the first centuries IV -1 constitute a period when significant changes occur in the deepening of previous burial customs. It must be remembered that in the sixth to the first centuries B.C no more mounds were erected, but there is a reuse of earlier mounds for burials. The tombs of this time have stone restrictions and pits. Burial is mostly done by cremation while inhumation is rarer. Characteristic of the time is the placement in the graves no longer of full vessels, but only of pieces of vessels, especially during the sixth to the second centuries B.C. Weapons and ornaments are scarce. The metal objects in the vast majority, as it was ascertained during the excavation process, were inserted in a deficient condition or were broken and then scattered on the floor of the tomb. It is noticed that the scratching and chipping of the pottery at this time take their full ritual flowering. Scratching is a phenomenon present mainly in pottery made with a potter’s wheel, while chipping also appears in traditional pottery. The infrequent ritual phenomenon is also the
moulding of pottery during the burial ceremony. For the first time, silver coins of the Damastion district appear in the tombs. The period of the sixth to the first centuries B.C is quite rich in pottery. At this time the traditional Illyrian pottery is noticeably scarce, while pottery made with the potter’s wheel is dominant. In the ceramics made with footwork we distinguish the following types of vessels: two and one-handle, kantharoi, lutrié, bowls, cups, vorbs, pots, lekithoi, amphora etc. Regarding the type of two-handled pots, it is worth mentioning that the features of the IIIyrian-Dardanian urban pottery of this region are distinguished even more clearly. Even until now, it can be said, there is still no Illyrian urban centre, in which the two handled jug type has had a continuum of use as wide and long as in Çinamak. On the other hand, it should be noted that the continuity has not only come by repeating the previous types, but the alpine Dardanians have created new
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 663 variations, especially in the rim and in the way of raising the handle, which has been allowed by the good technique of its work. With the new technical possibilities, the Illyrian artisans of this province have further enriched the traditions of pottery work in this time, but what stands out most is the more forceful preservation of traditional forms like those of the two handled jug, one handled jug, and bowls with rounded edges, which are now no longer worked with the technique and style of traditional modelling, but in a new way and in accordance with the very level of urban development of the province. The fact that the autochthonous lines of forms in Çinamak are predominant clearly proves that alongside the Greek typology, represented at this time, the regional element is still strong enough to cope with the local typology, which shows that the Dardanian culture not only did not Hellenize, but rose to a higher level of development. It should be noted that the general forms of pottery found in Çinamak are found everywhere in our Illyrian centres or in cemeteries of this time. Kosovo at this time also shows signs of such findings in many of its archaeological centres. Various authors point out that this type of ceramic is present in bulk in a number of settlements and necropolises discovered in Kosovo, as in the complex of settlements and necropolises of Suhareka, in the castle of Teneshdol, in the valley of Labi, and in Zlatno Gumno of Novo Brdo. The town of Bellachevc is also known for its large amounts of pottery made by
the potter’s wheel. Such findings were given by Hisarı, Karagaç, Gadimlja, Shiroka, Černica, Krusevica near Vranje, Oraovica near Presevo; in the Skopje basin there are also such findings in Brazda, Orman, Vercez, Studenica, Varvara, Lipkovo, etc. In contrast to the other centres of Southern Illyria, in the extension of Dardania, there are more quantities of wheel-made pottery. In our country, next to Çinamak, this type of ceramic is present in the town of Xibri in Mat, in the settlement of Kodra e Pazarīt in Mirditë, in Rosujë of Tropoja, in a word in the provinces of Northeastern Albania. Appreciated in general, the Dardanian urban culture, in terms of the development of urban handicrafts of ceramics, along with other crafts, became the companion of the cultural history of this province. In all this development, Dardania, being located at the crossroads of inter-Balkan
664 I Bep Jubani roads, undoubtedly helped in the spread of this culture in the north and northeast of the Balkans. Work tools and weapons are generally made of iron. In them we distinguish strigils, knives, hoe, spears, javelins, knife cases, whetstones, etc. By the most frequent ornaments are double pins. There are various shapes of pendants and a beautiful collection of rings with indigenous and Greek imagery. There are also fibulae of different types, bronze head ornaments, bronze buttons and coins: four pieces with the Labiatan ethnicon, as well as coins of Lezha, Shkodra and an Illyrian-Peonian coin. Coins with the legend ΛΑΒΙΑΤΑΝ, as coins unknown before this discovery reflect the economic situation in Illyria, after 168 B.C, when Shkodra was conquered by the Romans. With the fall of the Illyrian state of Ghent, Rome divided Illyria into three provinces, one of which was the province of the Labians. After the year 168 B.C, Rome gave this province the right to issue its own currency, with the ethnicon of the Labian province, just as this right had been given to the Daorsae. There are opinions that in the ancient authors, where the first information about this tribe is found, the name of the tribe in the Greek texts (Λαβεατοι) is written incorrectly, while the coin, the most reliable document gives us written in the form ΛΑΒΙΑΤΑΝ. This "inaccuracy" is explainable to us. According to our linguistic observations in the Greek writings of Southern Illyria and Epirus, the vowel (i) is also given with the diphthong (ei), a way which was not contained in the written language
of that time. In these Greek writings the influence of the native, Illyrian language is apparently felt. An example of this phenomenon can be seen in the coins of Shkodra, which is written in two ways: Skodrinon and Skodreinon, or the case of the Durrës cemetery where we find Tito and Teitos. Of course, these are not the only examples, as there are many others. At the same time, considering that the root of the Labiatan ethnic group (LAB) approximates the root of the legend (DAP) of the Illyrian-peone Daparria coins discovered by Mei, naturally the question arises, whether during the sixth to the third centuries B.C, we are encountering a wide Labian province, the name of whose inhabitants in Kukës was changed to Galabër, while in Shkodër the name Labiana was preserved. * * *
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 665 As can be seen from the presentation of the material, in Çinamak we are dealing with a wide, diverse and original urban production. This culture gives us the opportunity to become acquainted initially with a wide material and in a well-defined area with the Dardanian urban culture, about which contradictory opinions have been expressed. Most of the discovered material clearly appears to have been locally produced and not imported. This is evidenced by the large number of archaeological finds of the urban period as well as the typological uniformity and technique of the work, and its local features. Although the urban culture in Illyria is very similar from one province to another, in the productivity of Çinamak, as well as everywhere else, common phenomena and local peculiarities are well defined. All these phenomena create an originality in the culture of this centre, which is its peculiarity. With the clear features that characterize the pottery and in general the wide productivity of this period, at the same time in this general rule of the Illyrian land, naturally, during the Illyrian urban period, we have to look for a production coins of Dardanian handicrafts, where the production of Kukës and Tropoja up to Mat is more approximate. From all of this, it seems reasonable to assert that in the province of Kukes during the sixth to the first centuries B.C, Illyrian urban culture developed with its artisanal production centres. The place of work of this large urban productivity discovered in Çinamak, seems to us to be sought in
an Illyrian city that lay within the area of Kukës, which in our opinion is located in the village of Mamëz, exactly in the hills over the tumuli plain of Çinamak, where we have discovered archaeological materials of the civic period and which we identify with Damastin. We have given the name of this city in the form DAMASTIN and not Damastion, so that in this way we find it written in all the legends of the coins of this city, a phenomenon that has not been noticed before even by numismatists. But even the second form DAMASTION used by Strabo, has apparently been in use during this time. The reasons that push us to look for Damastin in Kukës are, firstly, that this city is not mentioned in the many political and historical events of the Illyrian-Roman-Macedonian wars, although its importance has been very great. This shows that this important city was located in a geographically isolated area, which fits quite well the territory of Kukës.
666 I Bep Jubani The traces of the city of Damastion are also seen in an Illyrian-Peonian coin which has undoubtedly been an integral part of the denominations and monetary circulation of this city, found in the Cinamak mounds, but of course the main reason remains the mass production discovered here. Finally, we place this important city in Kukës, due to it being the North eastern trading gateway of the Eastern Adriatic and with a convenient geographical position, Kukës connected the Central Balkans with other southern provinces. In addition, it is a province rich in numerous copper and iron reserves and is located close to Kosovo's silver mines. Furthermore, it is located at a key point of the Dardanian trade of gold and silver with the Greek colonies of the Adriatic. On the other hand, the roads coming from Shkodra, Lezha and Mirdita, Mati, Kosovo and Macedonia intersected in Kukës. As it is known about the existence of cities in Dardania and the development of its urbanculture, there are different and often contradictory opinions in the archaeological literature. To many of the former Yugoslavia scholars, or even to Fanulla Papazogllu, the perception of the Dardanian urban culture remains very narrow, considering it as a Roman influence and denying its development in the sixth to the first centuries B.C. This chapter analyses the opinions expressed by various scholars about the Dardanian urbanculture, holding an attitude towards them, based exactly on the archaeological materials discovered in this centre. The fact that in the literature reports the finding of Damastin
coins in some centres of Kosovo clearly proves that the monetary circulation had not only entered Dardania in the sixth - third century B.C, but it was an important element of urbanlife, as this phenomenon can be accepted only by a society with a high and developed urbanorganization. The study of the city of Dardan remains an important task that will bring full historical value to the Central Balkans. Claims made by some scientists that Dardania did not have cities seems to us particularly premature. This can be explained by the fact that archaeological excavations of the Dardania area are so far very few; and secondly, the concept that the most representative area of Dardania is Kosovo prevails among many authors, while apparently, in certain periods its peripheral areas have played a major role in the history of Dardania. * * *
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 667 With the Roman conquest of Dardania (Chapter IX), at the end of the first century B.C, there occurred new political and economic circumstances in Illyrian culture, as everywhere in Çinamak underwent a series of changes. Concentrated Roman slave ownership handicrafts to some extent disrupted local production activity, introducing the typology of objects of the time. However, even in these new conditions, it should be noted that the autochthonous culture continued to manifest itself with a series of phenomena, which stand out very clearly from the archaeological materials discovered in Çinamak. The culture of the first centuries of the new era based on archaeological research in Çinamak has been discovered in 20 mounds, in graves and outside them in the mound. Even at this time, the tombs continue to be stone-lined and pits. The peculiarity of time is the symbolic construction of the limitation of the tomb pit, placing only a few stones on its side. As special ritual performances, we can mention the paving of the tomb floor with gravel or the filling of its pit with gravel and ashes. It is noticeable that the tombs of this period are located in mounds overlooking their settlement which was located at the foot of the terrace of Çinamak, west of the mounds. Burials during this time are performed by inhumation and cremation of bodies outside the mound. The custom of throwing pieces of vessels into the grave continues, as does the application of a series of other ritual performances. The new phenomenon for the time is the throwing of
pieces of solene and calipter tiles as part of the grave inventory. Full vessels continue to be placed in the tombs, while ornamental objects are rare, and few bronze coins are found. Ritual manifestations of chipping, scratching and are also present in the pottery sherds of this time, although they are not repeated often. The peculiarity of the time is that these three ritual actions are now more often encountered in pieces of large vessels such as dinos and pithoi. The pottery of this time is distinguished for a good working technique. The vessels are made by foot and hand wheels. The ceramics are reddish and light grey. Pieces of vessels are also found in light brown or black colours. There is also handmade wheel pottery, which contains a lot of quartz. Types found are cups, jugs, vorbs, pots, amphorae, dinosa and pitosa, solene tiling and bricks. Alongside the Roman typology of the time, in the pottery of the fourth to the fifth century elements of the Celtic cultural repertoire are also noticed; in small type III vortices with short cylindrical necks the decorative motif of the broom was applied. This motif covers the outside of the vessel, sometimes even the inside or bottom. This way of
668 I Bep Juhani decorating in appearance is related to the decorative repertoire of Celtic pottery. These vorbs are characteristic of Northern Albania but are encountered less frequently. In the inventory of this time it is noticed that work tools and weapons are scarce. We find them more represented with iron knives of the Illyrian type, with rounded backs and other types, iron javelins, spindle whorls, nails etc. Decorative objects, though few in number, appear in greater numbers than work tools and weapons. They are mainly represented by Aucissa fibula, onion head fibula, belt loops, earrings and buckles, beads of amber and glass paste, bronze bracelets, phallus-shaped object, etc. The period of the first to the second century, as can be seen from the material obtained during the excavations at Çinamak, is reflected in a few archaeological finds as a result of the Roman occupation and the great political repression. This situation remained the same during the second and third centuries. Thus, the Romans, from a province with a developed civic life, turned the Kukës area into a backward and poor rural settlement. These Pirustae provinces, located in deep mountainous areas but highly protected by nature, continued to be powerful, perpetual hotbeds of rebellious fire against the Romans. It should be noted that the earliest forms of objects of Roman typology found in North-eastern Albania date from the second and third centuries AD. The third - fifth centuries A.D. in Çinamak are represented by a more archaeological subject, which clearly reflects the changes that took
place in this period. Although, in general, the objects of this time belong to a typology widespread in Illyria (the Roman one), some typological features help to determine the local peculiarities and the narrower areas with which Çinamak and the province of Kukës as a whole were connected at this time. In this way, looking at the development of the Illyrian culture discovered in Çinamak, through the Aucissa fibulae we notice that in the first two centuries of our era, the province had more connections with Macedonia and Kosovo, while in the third to the fifth centuries, fibulae onion head prove that the connections extend more densely to the south with spread to Kruja. The change that is noticed during the fourth to fifth centuries AD is large and visible in the materials of Çinamak, and in the first instance this is demographic change. In Kukës, Tropojë and Peshkopi, a great economic and political revival is clearly observed, as well as a significant increase of the
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut ļ 669 population. At this time, there are a large number of open and fortified settlements. Being closed tectonic basins, these areas, in the extreme northeast have created protective limes of their own for each province, with a free and organized population in rural communities. Similar limes can be seen in Kosovo, in the highlands of the ethnographic region of Upper Drenica. Such limeses were also created in the Luma basin, for Kukes, in that of Vaibona for Tropojë and around the Doda Castle for Dibra. At this time, Çinamak has its open residence in Kutajmur and its fortification, a little far from it, in Surroj, but the role of this centre in the province already seems to have been greatly diminished, serving more as a road station. In the productivity of these provinces, peasant handicraft stands out. Even their political organization seems to have been realized within a depraved slave ownership society, with a free and organized population in rural communities. In such circumstances these provinces must have had other special legal and political rights, in contrast to the entire Adriatic coastal belt where the slave ownership system was still strong and dominant at this time. Through this new phenomenon, in this province, we encounter the birth of the first forms of feudal economy within the slave-ownership system and at the time of its dissolution, both in North-eastern Albania and in Kosovo. The fact that even during the first to the fifth centuries in the tombs of Çinamak we still encounter the ritual displays of chipping,
scratching of pottery, we encounter again breaking the vessels before burial and throwing their pieces in the grave etc. All these show that in its interior, this culture never severed ties with the traditional Illyrian culture even in the circumstances of the Roman conquest. All these phenomena are a reflection of the ethnic vitality and political and cultural resistance of the Alpine Dardanians against the Roman invaders; they materially repeat or express the opinion of Amian Marcelini, who said that, "The Dardanians resemble the hydra of Lerna with 100 heads that even when they wait for it all, it rises again". * * * The reuse of burial mounds, according to archaeological records, continued even during the early Middle Ages in Çinamak (Chapter X). This Arbër culture, based on the discovered archaeological material, is rare in metal objects, but abundant in ceramics, mainly in pieces of pottery.
670 I Bep Jubani The early Middle Ages is also represented in other centres of the district of Kukës, such as Golaj of Krumë, Sukë, Bicaj, Kukës, Vile, Ujmisht, Bushat, etc. Based on the data collected from the excavations carried out for this period, it is clear that we are dealing with three types of graves: 1) stonelined graves with pieces of stone slabs, 2) graves lined with river stones, 3] simple pits. The most numerous are pit burials. Inhumation burials appear more commonly, but rarely do burials continue with semi-cremation, similar to those of the Malla KopashnicaShase type. Regarding ritual performances, even during the early Middle Ages the custom of scratching and chipping pieces of pottery placed in tombs has been preserved. These customs are now encountered less frequently, but they are nevertheless indicative of a strong ethno-cultural continuity in this Dardanian province. As in the cemetery of the cultural group of Koman, in Çinamak work tools and ornaments made of bronze and iron, beads of glass dough, as well as many profiles of vorbs and fewer cooking pots were discovered. Not only as a category of objects, but also in their features they are known in the culture of the early medieval Albania, being in closest connection with the culture of Koman. Wheelmade pottery dominates the early medieval period. While handmade ceramics could be related to Slavic production, this represents only a few pieces of vessels. The usual colour of hand-crafted wheelmade pottery is grey or black and reddish brown. Although the number of fragments is large, the types of
vessels are very limited. Only a few fragments represent the cooking pot type, while all other pieces belong to the vorbs type. In general, in other centres of the early Middle Ages, the vorb is the predominant form of the typology of the time, as the object that names the period. In the sixth to the eighth centuries, the vorb appears more commonly and is preserved in almost the same form in our country to this day. It is therefore natural to see these forms in connection with the formation of earlier cultures, during their gradual development, unrelated to the arrival of the Avar-Slavs, whose pottery, in its initial stage, is distinguished by its rather poor quality and as accepted by all scholars, is not comparable in terms of the technique of workmanship and modelling with the indigenous Balkan pottery of the time. Ceramics are generally decorated with bundles of parallel, straight and wavy lines or even with their interweaving. A distinctive feature of some of
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 671 Çinamak's vorbs is that the decorative motifs are placed on both sides of the rims, inside and outside them. In terms of work tools, blacksmith's tongs, horse kit, horse riding tips, knives, unur (iron piece used to light fise when struck by a flint stone] and door hinges have been discovered. An arrowhead was also found. The objects of decoration consist of arbër type fibula, bronze earrings in the shape of a bunch of grapes, earrings with a twisted conical extension or conical foil and in the shape of a folded S, a bronze ring and a bronze belt pendant, etc. Analyzing these earrings, it seems to us that the contribution of the handicrafts of the Dardanian workshops in creating this typology among the South Slavs should be traced. * * * Archaeological material unearthed in Çinamak for the early Arbër medieval, seems to give us the opportunity to divide this period into two main burial phases: the fifth to the sixth century and the seventh to the eighth, with occasional burials until the period of the Feudal Principalities in Albania. The evidence for this chronological division is the clarification and highlighting of the wider local and provincial features on the basis of the typology of the objects of the time as well as on the basis of the specification of the burial rites and rituals. The preparatory period of the early Middle Ages (that of the third - fifth centuries], as treated in this book, typologically modelled the beginnings of the Arbër fibula and the first forms of the medieval vorb and other decorative objects. The
work tools and horse riding kit, as well as the belt buckle together with the Arbër type fibula, found in Çinamak preserve the features that connect these objects with the fifth to the sixth centuries. The continuation of cremation even in the fifth to sixth centuries is another provincial feature for the southwestern wing of Dardania, while in other Roman provinces, unlike this province, it was in the second or third century. In other regions of our country, breaking vessels and throwing some of their pieces in the grave was abandoned in the late ancient period (third fourth century] or has been replaced by the placement of full vessels, mainly jugs, at a time when in Çinamak this phenomenon continues to be present
672 ļ Вер Jubani even in the fifth to the sixth century, although to a reduced extent, compared to previous periods. The Çinamak tombs of the 5th - 6th century with pits or worked with pieces of stone slabs and rows of river stones are a legacy of the earliest periods in the country. During the seventh to eighth centuries, pieces of vessels are again thrown into the graves. The continuation of these customs, their renewal and flourishing that stands out for this time is related to the preservation of paganism in the province and with the resilience of the population to the new Christian ideology. The cultural features of Çinamak give us the opportunity to see Kukes as a Northeastern variant of the Koman culture, a variant whose ritual and typological features seem to include Tropoja and Peshkopi and to some extent also Mirdita, but which at the same time must have been extended to Kosovo. * * * The problem of Illyrian-Albanian continuity in the southwest of the Byzantine Province of Dardania is addressed in a special way in this paper. It should be noted that the features of the archaeological material discovered in Çinamak and other Kukës centres provide an opportunity to clearly see the Illyrian-Albanian continuity in these southwestern Dardanian provinces. Tracing this problem on a larger scale for this province presents difficulties due to the lack of archaeological data from Kosovo, a lack which gives rise to the helpless rumours that Albanians came to Kosovo in the late Middle Ages, after the settlement of Slavs there. But the archeological materials discovered prove
that in this province not only the process of Romanization of the population was not carried out, but on the contrary, the culture of the early Middle Ages followed the same course of development here as in other Albanian provinces. We follow the Illyrian-Albanian continuity in this region on the basis of typological connections with character of origin (Illyrian) and those with character of cultural formation time (Roman and Byzantine). These are the reasons why we see that in the Dardanian Province, as well as in Prevalita and in the two Epirus, the Arberian culture developed, with its provincial peculiarities. The development with some local phenomena of the culture of Koman in Kukës has its own reasons, as a culture developed on the side of its essential
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 673 hearth, to which this province also belongs. Regarding these local, regional features, the Byzantine Province of Dardania presents a clear ethnic continuity, so the culture of Koman should undoubtedly be expected to appear in Kosovo as well. It is important to note that the culture of Koman in the Byzantine Province of Dardania is a well-developed and cultivated culture in the country, as well as in other provinces of Northeastern Albania or further, and is not brought or planted by foreign importers and invaders. The most accurate documentation of this comes from the Arberian fibula, the ritual features of the burials, decorative traditions of pottery, as well as decorative objects extracted from archeological excavations. There is also some linguistic evidence for the Illyrian-Albanian continuity to the Arbers of this province, which can be traced through written ancient and medieval sources, where Akrenza and Gabuleo are mentioned, settlements with life-beginning since the third or fourth century. On linguistic and archaeological data Sh. Hoxha identifies the settlement of Akrenza with Bushati Castle, where the toponym Krenzë is still preserved, while Gabuleo (in the medieval form Gabulion) is identified with Bardhoc. We find both of these settlements mentioned by Procopius of Qesaresë and by the Anonymous of Ravenna. The archeological situation determined by the discoveries, clearly shows that even the few foreign traces that can be noticed, such as a few small pieces of a Slavic vorbe or part of a Avar belt buckle found in
the village of Sukë in Kukës, are not the result of any influx, but of a sporadic movement. Therefore, it would be illogical for these uttermost Dardanian regions, even Kosovo itself, not to have the random presence of these cultural elements. In making the presentation of the Çinamak case, we also have in mind the opposing views that may arise, that while there are authors, who overcoming any methodological and scientific goal, call the findings of the Koman culture Slavic, or Slavic with autochthonous influences, the possibility is not ruled out that even these Kukës objects may be introduced into the same Slavic concept. For such a case we would add that the culture of any time has its predecessor, creative or exclusive. The Kukës finds have their Illyrian basis, through which this culture came to the Middle Ages, with a very developed heritage and craft typology. According to archeological data, the Slavic influx found the Arbëresh autochthonous people in the Byzantine Province of Dardania with a social
674 Į Вер Juhani organization different from that of the Slavs, and with an economic and cultural development generally much higher than that of the Slavs. In all this course of change, Çinamak and the Northeastern Albanian whole preserves the peculiarity of the time, that of the faster liberation from Roman slave ownership relations and the creation of "free peasant communities" since the fifth ֊ sixth century. On this basis, in these lands, the ethnic continuity found a very suitable environment for development even in the time of the early Arbër feudal society, with new forms of economic, social and political organization. Metal tools, used by the blacksmith, given by the mound in the 12th century, hand-made wheel pottery produced by Çinamak, are clear phenomena of a sedentary economy, where alongside agriculture and livestock, handicrafts played a significant role. Likewise, the circulation of early Byzantine coins in Kukes and other regions of Northeastern Albania indicate that the early Middle Ages found these areas not with primitive tribes, but with peasant communities organized in pre-state forms, with the beginnings of recognized feudal principalities in these parts. The level of the economy and trade relations with well-known cities (Shkodra, Durrës, Nis, etc.) gave strong cultural support to the further process of cultural "convergence" and the new linguistic and ethnographic formation in these parts. The prevailing opinion of medieval scholars is that the economy and social and political organization of the fifth to the eighth centuries, for the Arber culture,
was based on the organization of rural communities, hence similar to the contemporary Slavs. We find more than enough archaeological data of the preparatory phase of the early Middle Ages (fourth - fifth centuiy), to review this concept and to develop it further. Thus, the Illyrian-Albanian continuity would become more understandable. The cultural, typological view of the culture of Koman of the fifth to the eighth century, is presented with a complete formation, so that for the level of development and the time it represents, there is no comparison with any of the cultural complexes of the Balkans. This does not resemble the Slavic culture of the Balkans, moreover, the Slavic scholars themselves claim that the archaeological complexes of the South Slavs begin to crystallize only after the eighth century. These are the reasons, that in this new political organization we see the initial efforts to create the first forms of the Arbër state since the fifth eighth century, in the form of principalities. * * *
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 675 Special attention has been paid to burial customs, rites and rituals especially during archaeological excavations at Çinamak as well as at other tumuli centres, considering them as part of the understanding and inner world of our ancestors (Chapter XI). During the presentation of the discovered archaeological material, according to historical periods, funerary ritual displays have been noted, without going into their descriptive and meaningful details. Detailed observations have been made regarding this problem, which create a more complete framework of mortuary ritual performances, some of which had not been previously captured during archaeological excavations. In contrast to the metaphysical explanations so far, we have attempted to treat the problem in a new way, concerning burial rites and rituals among the Illyrians. Based on these observations, we find the burial of man in these tumuli or in other tumuli centres accompanied by over 15 different ritual performances, classifying them into three categories of cultic actions: I. Symbolic behaviour of cults in the cemetery; II. Symbolic actions on objects; III. Costs; I. We see the symbolic behaviour of cults in the cemetery in the use of river stones, sand and gravel, mountain stones, small or large slabs of stone and ballast. In our opinion, in the use of different types of stones in the cemetery, we are simply dealing with a general Illyrian phenomenon, which clearly seems to be related to the cults of the Illyrians and precisely to the cults of the river and the mountain. -
The cult of fire is associated with the work of hearths in the mound, the discovery of numerous pieces of coals in graves and mounds, as well as the finding of some pieces of pottery with traces of burning after their baking. We have noted that in the Çinamak mounds we encountered fire hearths. These are commonly found in the mounds of other Illyrian provinces. These small constructions are clearly directly related to the cult of fire, for in their essential contents, being worked in the mound, they undoubtedly bring there the cult of fire, so prevalent since ancient times. - Traces of totemic cults are seen in the discovery of the skeleton of the horse or placing the bovine head in the grave. These findings may be treated more widely as it is known that in the tombs and in the soil of the mounds are also found the bones of ox, bird, dog, pig teeth, deer, wolf, turtles, etc. Thus it is reasonable for all these repetitive findings from the Early
676 ļ Вер Jubani Bronze Age to the Late Antiquity to be treated together, in the composition of totemic cults, as part of the worldview of the local population. - In the mounds of Çinamak during the sixth - fourth century B.C, clouds are very often used as grave inventory the amber beads. It is curious that in most cases, they are found scattered in the torso of the deceased, sometimes even found inserted inside his mouth. Glass dough beads are spread in the same way in the torso. Considering the shape of distribution of the numerous amber beads found throughout the tombs, it is possible that we are dealing with a cultural aspect, probably related to the cult of the Sun, represented among the Illyrians, in this case also in amber. - Pieces of mud slag or excess of bronze spills in tombs have been found that may be related to the work of artisans in the Illyrian civic period. Perhaps their behaviour in the mound was intended to connect the worldview of the burial site with the living cult of the artisans' work. - The choice of soil for the construction of the mound or tomb constitutes another phenomenon of ritual interest. In the mounds and tombs, based on archaeological excavations, it is found that soils of different colours were used: red, black and whitish, which according to ethnological researchers are part of the conceptual triad of colours, widely known to ancient peoples, throughout the ages, and represent various cultic concepts, also related to the earth and the sun. I I. The material discovered in the soil of the mounds and in the tombs preserves clear traces,
which prove that the objects were often subjected to various ritual actions of man. In terms of symbolic actions on objects we have distinguished the chipping of pottery with a strong object, scratching with claws, moulding ceramics, refraction with metal objects, wrapping objects with cloth, throwing pieces of vessels in the grave and mound, laying the grave with straw, etc., phenomena that are analyzed and illustrated in the relevant chapter. No Albanian archaeologist is convinced that the traces of the ritual actions of chipping, scratching or moulding, evidenced on the pieces of pottery, are the result of symbolic human actions. For us, these are concrete traces of human ritual activity, so they should be sought in the discovered materials by other researchers, not only in our land but even further. The value of tracing these ritual phenomena lies in the fact that their importance increases when we compare them with ancient customs of other peoples of the Balkans and Europe, customs that are preserved today only in the highlands of northern or southern Albania, in Kosovo and Montenegro.
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 677 It is a very ancient custom, the custom of mourning the dead, according to which people scratch their faces and chests with their nails, which in the north of our country is called (catastrophe), while in the south it is known as gjëma (catastrophe). This phenomenon is clearly expressed in some verses of the "Iliad of Homer," which are provided as exemplification in the relevant chapter. According to Herodotus, this ancient custom is also found among the Scythians, and it is quite clearly reflected in his descriptions. At the same time, this ritual custom, preserved among Albanians to this day, is also documented in the Middle Ages. Referring to the medieval period, among others, Barleti mentions that in case of death Albanians "scratched their chests and faces". - The wrapping of objects with clothes is also another display observed during the archaeological excavations not only in Çinamak, but also in the mounds of Kënetë, Mat and Glasinac. It is a well-known custom in Central Europe. In Çinamak we have encountered it only in iron objects, apparently it is the quality of the iron itself, which allows traces of the cloth with which the object placed as a dedication, or has been wrapped or supported to be sealed in the rust. - Throwing pieces of pottery in graves and in the soil of the mound is a very well-known custom in the excavations of Illyrian mounds. There is a difference that in Cinamak they are encountered to a large extent. Of the 28 excavated mounds, about 20,000 pieces of pottery were discovered outside the tombs, in
the mound soil, not to mention thousands of other fragments discovered in the tombs as inventory. The explanation of this ritual phenomenon in different authors, discoverers of these pieces of vessels, is presented in different variants. Most call them dedications, there are other scholars who consider them a sign of libation or abandonment of food, and in the end, they are thought to be pieces of vessels brought to the mound along with the soil from the settlement. In our opinion, throwing these pieces of vessels in the tombs and in the soil of the tumulus has to do with the general worldview of the Illyrians, who, as they tried to symbolically bring the cults they had in their living, likewise they tried to symbolically bring to the cemetery parts of the funeral ceremony performed in the settlement. - Regarding the lack of objects, it has been noticed that in the graves and outside them there are many objects with missing parts: as a vessel that lacks a handle, neck, bottom, etc. or knives, javelins and decorative pieces that have been placed in the mound and in graves in incomplete condition, as damaged objects before being placed in the grave or in the soil of the
678 I Bep Jubani mound. This is a very common occurrence for the mounds of Çinamak and Kukës in general. It seems to us that this ritual display is related to the previous phenomenon of breaking pottery during the mortuary ceremony. - Even the refraction of metal objects is one of the phenomena that has been observed during excavations. Regarding this observation we encountered metal objects, such as javelins, knives, fibulas, etc. placed in graves folded, sometimes up to complete folding. It is possible that in these cases we are dealing with the ritual display mentioned above, of breaking objects, but apparently due to the high quality of the metal, the object was not broken but remained folded. This phenomenon is not often encountered. An example of this is the fibula of tomb 1 of tumulus XIV. - Laying the floor of the grave with wheat straw is a very rare occurrence, encountered only in Çinamak, but it has been observed in some cases. In the rust of some iron objects, such as javelins and fibulae, it has been noticed that traces of straw appear, and in one case even the shape of a grain resembling that of rye appears. These facts lead us to think that the floor of the tombs was also paved with wheat straw. This phenomenon has been noticed in the materials of the fifth to the fourth century A.D. These phenomena seem to be with very ancient customs, which find close parallels in the writings of Homer and Herodotus, and are reflected in the respective chapter. I II. By dedication we mean the placement of objects in tombs, objects that vary in type and quantity depending on
the traditions of the time. As genuine dedications we have named the inventory of graves, which includes vessels, weapons, work tools and ornaments. Without being extended we have pointed out some of their characteristic features. 1) Throughout the Bronze Age we encounter the placement of complete objects or only pieces of vessels. 2) At the end of the bronze and the beginning of the iron, weapons and tools begin to appear in the graves. 3] Since the sixth century B.C, especially in the fifth - fourth century B.C, the placement of weapons, work tools and full vessels, accompanied by fragments of utensils, is greatly increased. 4) Placing pieces of vessels in greater numbers is a phenomenon observed in graves with cremated body; this phenomenon is evidenced more often from the sixth - fifth century, to become typical in the fourth to the first century B.C, when only pieces of vessels are placed in the graves. In this last period weapons and work tools are very rare.
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 679 5) In the Çinamak mounds, as in general in the Mat - Glasinac group, we do not have special ritual objects. However it seems that some of the vessels are specially made for burial. We are talking about some two handled jug and one handled jug that are very fragile and do not have the quality of ceramics found in settlements; the neck or bottoms of these vessels are so narrow that they can sometimes not be used for practical service. Thus, it seems that especially in the sixth to the fourth century B.C these vessels have taken on a ritual character. - The Illyrian worldview of the cemetery and death has undergone occasional changes. Until the fifth century B.C there is a continuum of meaning, and in the fourth century B.C apparently new civic concepts of burial and death also entered locally. One of the new phenomena, which is noticed in the mounds during the civic time is the introduction of unguentaria, although these occur very rarely in Çinamak, as well as the placement of coins, phenomena related to Greek ritual and conceptual concepts, which penetrated into this population. * * * Regarding the Dardanian origin in the culture of Çinamak it is important to understand, first, that the determination of the ethnicity of the discovered archaeological culture, wherever it is, remains an inalienable task of the archaeologist, because without the clarification of this problem, the cultural and political history of its creators cannot be fully perceived. It is a story which has never been anonymous. Chapter XII is devoted to the
problem of the ethnic genesis of the Dardanians, treating it in a new perspective and in confronting theories that oppose their Illyrianism. The study of the ethnicity of the discovered archaeological culture provides the opportunity for its treatment as an undoubted Illyrian culture, despite the tendencies that try to support the opposite. Much has been written about the Dardanian ethnogenesis, even to the extent of no other population of Illyria. It is a known fact that until about the 70s the view of the Illyrian affiliation of the Dardanians was prevalent. However, the new way of treating the ethnicity of the Dardanians by some authors gave the opportunity to come up with a series of theories, whose main objective was to deny the Illyrian ethnicity of this Dardanian population. These new theories of the contemporary literature can be summarised into three main trends:
680 Į Вер Jubani 1) Repetition of old theories (F. Papazogllu); 2) Attaching to a new form of old theories (J. Glisic); 3) Attraction to new theories, without rejecting the first opinion expressed by the same authors (Μ. Garashanin, N. Djuric). It is important that all these tendencies have been confronted with the rich archaeological material provided by the Dardanian tumuli cemetery of Çinamak. In these circumstances, it is also worthwhile confronting the ancient written sources with the archaeological culture that is discovered everywhere in the Dardanian area. As can be seen from the analysis of archaeological materials and their description, the culture of the Dardanians of Cinamak was born precisely on its own land, going through several stages of development and inevitable typological and technical changes as happened throughout southern Illyria. These findings best prove that as, from an ethnic point of view, the Dardanian population is not "separately" different from the Illyrians, as evidenced through written sources. Thus, there is no archaeological culture of this time in Dardania, which differs from that of the territories of the Illyrian state. According to studies, it is clear that since the Bronze Age, from its earliest period, the interior of the Western Balkans experienced the same ethnic processes that led to the creation of Balkan populations. Discovery in Çinamak of Early Bronze Age mounds, with features of the group Bjellotiq - Bjella Cerkva (whose features extend to the Korça basin), constitute a clear proof that in the interior of the Western Balkans
peninsula the same ethno-cultural processes took place from which not even the Central Balkans can be separated. In general, all these theories that were created specifically for the Dardanian ethnogenesis differ only in their names: such as Dardanian sovereignty, dako-myzian, Illyrian frig, etc., while in their essential content they unite in the main objective to separate the territory of Kosovo, since the ethnic origin of its population, from other Illyrian provinces. Since all these theories contain the Illyrianization of the Dardanians, this fact has led to their absurd hypothesis that the inhabitants of Northern Albania, always in ancient times they flocked to the province of Kosovo until in the course of time they moved the Dardanians from the Dukagjin Plateau to Kosovo Plain, where during the sixth - fifth centuries B.C, according to them, a different culture developed from that of the Illyrians. But it is worth noting that neither in the Dukagjin Plateau nor in Kosovo Plain no
Tumat e dardanëve alpine të Çinamakut | 681 archaeological complex is distinguished which could be interpreted in its main features as "Dardanian culture" with a different cultural appearance or with a general typological continuity, different from that of other Illyrian provinces. Thus, the Illyrian culture of Northern Albania, included in the group Glasinac - Mat, cannot have any special typological and ethnic features that could influence changes of ethnic character in the Dukagjin Plateau or in Kosovo Plain. On the other hand, the great archaeological wealth and diversity of Çinamak with the uninterrupted cultural continuity that it presents, from the beginning of the Bronze Age to the early Middle Ages provides the opportunity to clearly highlight the weaknesses and instabilities of these constrained theories, born in special contemporary circumstances. But at the same time, these discoveries made in Çinamak create the real basis to follow the Dardanian ethnogenesis without interruption, throughout the course of historical periods documented by archaeological materials, continuity from the Early Bronze Age to the Middle Ages and beyond in these southwestern parts of Dardania. The Bronze and Iron Ages, clearly represented here in Çinamak, best prove that the Dardanian ethnocultural process cannot be distinguished from that of the other Illyrian regions of the Western Balkans. Likewise, the civic period appears in Çinamak as a culture formed step by step since its predecessor of the sixth to the fourth century B.C, which prepared the birth of this culture, to then
continue with its development and flourishing in accordance with the cultural level of other Illyrian provinces. But it should be noted that the preservation of Illyrian traditions more strongly in this culture, expresses a different view, not conservative, but developed entirely in accordance with the progress and achievements of the time for the whole of Southern Illyria. The typological alignment of the discovered material for the period of Roman occupation and the early Middle Ages in the southern territories of Illyricum prove that in the creation of new features of the land of the former Illyria, the Dardanians took an active part in this process, along with other inland southern and western provinces. - Chapter XIII contains the catalogue of archaeological findings, which gives the physical characteristics of the material discovered in Çinamak from the excavations, the dimensions of the objects, the material with which these findings were made and a series of other data necessary for their study. To present all these features of the discovered objects, in the most concise way possible, we have used conventional signs.
682 I Bep Jubani - This monograph concludes with a summary of the content of this book and the bibliography used for it. Çinamak tumuli cemetery was flooded by the waters of the Drin, after the creation of Lake Fierza, in 1975, so the continuation of works in this centre became impossible. At the end of this book some valuable recommendations for future consideration are given: - From an archaeological point of view, it would be very useful to start the excavations in the Illyrian settlement of Mamëz in Kukës, where we think that the ruins of the ancient city of Damastion are located. - Finally it should be borne in mind that based on the material of Çinamak, presented in this monograph, have been formulated some topics which in the future should be addressed in more detail, attempting that their processing to be done, in the general Dardanian framework, without separating the Dardanian territories, which would help to clarify the most important problems concerning the Illyrian population of Dardania and its culture as a whole. |
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| author | Jubani, Bep 1935-2014 |
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| format | Book |
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| geographic | Çinamak (DE-588)1280336889 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Çinamak |
| id | DE-604.BV048689137 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-03T21:26:56Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T09:46:11Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789928339607 |
| language | Albanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-034063379 |
| oclc_num | 1369560210 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 694 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten, Pläne 24 cm |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20230202 gbd_1 |
| publishDate | 2022 |
| publishDateSearch | 2022 |
| publishDateSort | 2022 |
| publisher | Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Jubani, Bep 1935-2014 Verfasser (DE-588)1279849185 aut Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut Prof. Dr. Bep Jubani Tiranë Akademia e Shkencave e Shqipërisë 2022 694 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten, Pläne 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Ausgrabung (DE-588)4129464-6 gnd rswk-swf Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd rswk-swf Illyrer (DE-588)4095922-3 gnd rswk-swf Hügelgrab (DE-588)4160740-5 gnd rswk-swf Dardaner (DE-588)4090900-1 gnd rswk-swf Çinamak (DE-588)1280336889 gnd rswk-swf Çinamak (DE-588)1280336889 g Hügelgrab (DE-588)4160740-5 s Dardaner (DE-588)4090900-1 s Illyrer (DE-588)4095922-3 s Ausgrabung (DE-588)4129464-6 s Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 s Geschichte z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=034063379&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=034063379&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=034063379&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Jubani, Bep 1935-2014 Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut Ausgrabung (DE-588)4129464-6 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Illyrer (DE-588)4095922-3 gnd Hügelgrab (DE-588)4160740-5 gnd Dardaner (DE-588)4090900-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4129464-6 (DE-588)4071507-3 (DE-588)4095922-3 (DE-588)4160740-5 (DE-588)4090900-1 (DE-588)1280336889 |
| title | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut |
| title_auth | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut |
| title_exact_search | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut |
| title_full | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut Prof. Dr. Bep Jubani |
| title_fullStr | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut Prof. Dr. Bep Jubani |
| title_full_unstemmed | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut Prof. Dr. Bep Jubani |
| title_short | Tumat e dardanëve alpinë të Çinamakut |
| title_sort | tumat e dardaneve alpine te cinamakut |
| topic | Ausgrabung (DE-588)4129464-6 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Illyrer (DE-588)4095922-3 gnd Hügelgrab (DE-588)4160740-5 gnd Dardaner (DE-588)4090900-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Ausgrabung Funde Illyrer Hügelgrab Dardaner Çinamak |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=034063379&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=034063379&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=034063379&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT jubanibep tumatedardanevealpinetecinamakut |