The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek: linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache
"How can we explain metrical irregularities in Homeric phrases like [androtēta kai ēbēn]? What do such phrases tell us about the antiquity of the epic tradition? And how did doublet forms such as [tetratos] beside [tetartos] originate? In this book, you will find the first systematic and comple...
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Format: | Abschlussarbeit Buch |
Sprache: | English |
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Leiden ; Boston
Brill
[2022]
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Schriftenreihe: | Leiden studies in Indo-European
volume 22 |
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Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis |
Zusammenfassung: | "How can we explain metrical irregularities in Homeric phrases like [androtēta kai ēbēn]? What do such phrases tell us about the antiquity of the epic tradition? And how did doublet forms such as [tetratos] beside [tetartos] originate? In this book, you will find the first systematic and complete account of the syllabic liquids in Ancient Greek. It provides an up-to-date, comprehensive and innovative etymological treatment of material from all dialects, including Mycenaean. A new model of linguistic change in the epic tradition is used to tackle two hotly-debated problems: metrical irregularities in Homer (including muta cum liquida) and the double reflex. The proposed solution has important consequences for Greek dialect classification and the prehistory of Epic language and meter" |
Beschreibung: | XXII, 564 Seiten |
ISBN: | 9789004469730 |
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245 | 1 | 0 | |a The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek |b linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache |c by Lucien van Beek |
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502 | |b Dissertation |c Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden |d 2013 |g strongly revised and updated version | ||
520 | 3 | |a "How can we explain metrical irregularities in Homeric phrases like [androtēta kai ēbēn]? What do such phrases tell us about the antiquity of the epic tradition? And how did doublet forms such as [tetratos] beside [tetartos] originate? In this book, you will find the first systematic and complete account of the syllabic liquids in Ancient Greek. It provides an up-to-date, comprehensive and innovative etymological treatment of material from all dialects, including Mycenaean. A new model of linguistic change in the epic tradition is used to tackle two hotly-debated problems: metrical irregularities in Homer (including muta cum liquida) and the double reflex. The proposed solution has important consequences for Greek dialect classification and the prehistory of Epic language and meter" | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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Contents Acknowledgments хш Preface xiv List of Tables xviii Abbreviations and Conventions i xix The Greek Reflexes of *r and */ i Introduction i i.i The Problem and Its Relevance i A Concise Summary ofSome Previous Accounts 2 1.1.1 Research Questions and Hypotheses 7 1.1.2 1.2 Environments with a Common Greek or Proto-Greek Reflex ap, αλ io PIE *CRHVand *CRHC 11 1.2.1 * r and *1 before a Glide 13 1.2.2 Word-Initial *r- and * I- 16 1-2-3 1.2.4 Word-Final *r and *1 18 * r and * / before Nasals 18 1.2.5 Conclusions on Early Anaptyxis 20 1.2.6 1.3 The о- and u-Colored Reflexes of *r and *1 in the Environment *C_T 20 Which Dialects Have a Regular o-ColoredReflex? 21 1.3-1 The u-Colored Reflex 21 1-3-2 The o-Colored Reflex of the Syllabic Nasals 27 1-3-3 1.4 Previous Accounts of-ap-versus-pa-in Ionic-Attic 31 Free Variation between -pa- and -ap- at an Early 1.4.1 Stage 34 1.4.2 Accent-Conditioned Development 36 1-4-3 Liquid Metathesis 37 1-4-4 Secondary Ablaut TeRT- : TaRT- 38 Conditioning by Neighboring Consonant Clusters 41 1-4-5 1.5 Accounting for *r -pa- 43 Distributions and a New Scenario 43 1-5-1 1-5-2 Epic Greek versus Vernacular Dialects 47 1-5-3 Metrical Irregularities and the Prehistory of the Hexameter 49 1.6 Outlook 55
VI CONTENTS 2 Mycenaean Reflexes of *r and the Numeral ‘Four’ 57 Introduction 57 2.1 Preliminary Remarks on the Use of Personal Names 57 2.2 An α-Colored Reflex in Mycenaean? 59 2.3 Evidence for an o-Colored Reflex 64 2.3.1 Examples Deserving Consideration 66 2.3.2 Uncertain, Doubtful and Irrelevant Examples 74 2.3.3 Synopsis of the Evidence 79 2.4 o-Series versus a-Series Spellings 79 2.5 Explaining the Orthographic Variation between Co- and (Co-ro-) 8i 2-5.1 Liquid Metathesis in Mycenaean? 82 2.5.2 Heubeck’s Argumentfor Preservedr in Mycenaean 83 2.5.3 PreviousAccountsofqe-to-ro-po-piandto-pe-za 90 2.6 Ion.-Att. τέταρτος and an Early Simplification of *-tu- before 7 93 2.7 A New Account of Мус. qe-to-ro- and lon.-Att. τετρά-, τέτρατος 97 2.8 Conclusions on Mycenaean 100 3 Reflexes of *r in the Alphabetic Dialects 103 Introduction 103 3.1 The Alleged Cretan Liquid Metathesis 104 3.1.1 Cretan -ap- * r: Evidence and Counterevidence 106 3.1.2 Cretan-op- * r after a Labial Consonant 107 3.2 Other West Greek Dialects no 3.2.1 Laconian and Colonies 111 3.2.2 Literary Doric 113 3.2.3 The Dialect ofElis 114 3.2.4 The Dialects of the Argolid Π5 3.2.5 Conclusion on the West Greek Dialects u6 3.3 The Aeolic Dialects 117 3.3.1 The Numerals in the Aeolic Dialects 117 3.3.2 Epigraphic Evidence (Boeotian, Thessalian, Lesbian) 118 3.3.3 The Relation between Lesbian Lyric and Ionian Epic 121 3.3.4 Evidencefor o-vocalism in Literary Lesbian 122 3.3.5 Evidencefor a-vocalism in Literary Lesbian 124 3.3.6 Evidencefor Aeolic o-vocalism in Ancient Grammarians 126 3.3.7 Conclusions on Aeolic 127
VII CONTENTS 3.4 3.5 3.6 Arcado-Cyprian 129 3.4.1 Cyprian: Evidencefor o-vocalism 129 3.4.2 Cyprian: Evidencefor a-vocalism 132 3.4.3 Arcadian: Evidencefor o-vocalism 133 3.4.4 Arcadian: Evidencefor a-vocalism 135 3.4.5 Conclusions on Arcado-Cyprian and Achaean Pamphylian 137 Conclusions 139 136 4 Reflexes of *r and *1 in ‘Caland’ Formations 142 Introduction 142 4.1 The Root Vocalism of ‘Caland’ Formations in Greek and pie 142 4.1.1 The и-stem Adjectives 146 4.1.2 Primary Comparatives and Superlatives 149 4.1.3 The s-stem Nouns and Adjectives 152 4.2 Analogical Reshaping and Re-derivation 154 4.2.1 The Spread ofa-vocalism across ‘Caland’ System Formations 155 4.2.2 Replacement of и-stem Adjectives 158 4.2.3 Derivational History of the Factitives in -ύνω i6i 4.3 Reflexes of *r and *1 in the u-stem Adjectives 164 4.3.1 *r apis Regular in ταρφύς 165 4.3.2 Derivation ofHom. τραφερός 167 4.3.3 Analogical Root Vocalism in the Structure *CraCu- 168 4.4 *βλαδύς versus άμαλδύνω 173 4·5 Θρασύς versus Θαρσύνω 176 4.5.1 The Roots $ρασ-and 9αρσ-in Homer: Attestations 177 4.5.2 The Roots ρασ- and 9αρσ- in Homer: Semantics 179 4.5.3 The Roots ρασ- and αρσ- in Classical Greek 182 4.5.4 Reconstruction 185 4.6 Conclusions 187 5 Reflexes of *r in καρτερός, κράτος and Related Forms 189 Introduction 189 5.1 Semantics and Etymology 190 5.1.1 The Competing Etymologies 190 5.1.2 The Semantics ofκαρτερός-κρατερός in Epic Greek 195 5.1.3 Reconstruction of the Semantic Developments 200 5.2 The Allomorphy of κρατ- and καρτ- in Homer and Classical Greek 203
VIII CONTENTS 5.2.1 5.3 6 Dialectal Reflexes and Proto-Greek Reconstruction 203 Adjectives in -ύς, -ρός and -ερός 205 5·2·2 5-2-3 Synchronic Description of the Classical Prose Forms 206 5.2.4 Synchronic Description of the Homeric Forms 210 5-2-5 καρτεράς and κρατερός in Homer 211 5-2.6 The Neuter Abstract Nouns (and Derivatives) in Homer 212 5-2-7 The Forms of Comparison in Homer 216 5-2-8 κρατύς and καρτύνω in Homer 220 5·2·9 κάρτα շշւ 5-2-10 From Pro to-Ionic to Attic and Ionic 223 5-2-11 The Reconstruction ofκραταιός and κραται- 225 5-2-12 Κράταιϊς and κραταιΐς 232 Conclusions on the Vocalization of *r 235 Reflexes of *r and muta cum liquida in Epic Greek 237 Introduction 237 6.1 The Reflex -pa- and the Metrical Behavior of κραδίη 238 6.2 Muta cum liquida Scansions in Homer 241 6.3 Wathelet’s Proposal for the Origin of McL in Homer 246 6.4 Criticism of Wathelet’s Scenario 249 6.5 Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence for McL in Homer 252 6.6 Avoidance of McL in Epic Greek 257 6.7 Epic *r: -pa- is the Regular Reflex of Artificially Retained 7 259 6.8 The Evidence for -pa- from Epic *r 266 6.8.1 δράκων շ66 6.8.2 κραδίη 267 6.8.3 κραταιός, κραταιΐς, Κράταιϊς, κραται- 267 6.8.4 τέτρατος 268 6.8.5 τραπείομεν and ταρπώμε^α 269 6.8.6 τράπεζα 272 6.8.7 στρατός 274 6.8.8 θρασύς, ρασειάων 278 6.8.9 τραπέσ αι շ8օ 6.9 Less Certain Evidence for Epic *r 283 6.9.1 δρατός 283 6·9·2 κραδαίνω and κραδάω 284
IX CONTENTS 6.10 6.11 6.9.3 κρατενταί 285 б.д.4 κράνεια 285 6.9.5 βραχίων շ86 Nonce Formations with -pa- in Epic Greek Conclusions 288 288 7 Epic Forms with -po- 291 Introduction 291 7.1 The Dialectal Origin of Forms with -po- 292 7.2 -po- as a Conditioned Reflex of Epic *r 295 7.2.1 βροτός 298 7.2.2 ασπίδας άμφιβράτης and the Compounds in -(μ)βροτος 301 7.2.3 αμβροτος, άμβρόσιος and νύξάβρότη з°4 7.2.4 άβροτάξομεν and ημβροτον beside άμαρτεΐν 3°θ 7·2·5 πρός, πρόσω and πρόσωπον з°8 7.2.6 πρόξ ЗІ2 7.2.7 προκείμενα 34 7-2.8 Αφροδίτη 34 7-2.9 ρόδον, ροδάεις-Мус. wo-do-we 34 7.3 Other Forms with -po- 321 7.3.1 άνδροτητα 321 7·3·2 Ένυαλίω άνδρεϊφόντ/ι 33° 7-3-3 Other Homeric Forms with άνδρο- and άνδρα- 334 7-3-4 ρόνος 337 7-3-5 Κρόνος 343 7-3-6 Κρανίων 347 7-3-7 κρααίνω 35° 7-4 Conclusions 352 8 The Reflexes -αρ- and -ρα- in Aorist Stems 355 Introduction 355 8.1 The Evidence 355 8.2 The Regular Development *r -ap- in the Thematic Aorist 358 8.2.1 Homeric εδρα^ον versus Attic καταδαρ άνω, κατέδαρ ον 358 8.2.2 αμαρτάνω, αοηημαρτον and Homeric ημβροτον 8-3 The Pattern of Attestation of Thematic Aorists with -pa- 361 359
x CONTENTS 8.4 8.5 8.6 9 8.3.1 εδρακον 3θ2 8.3.2 επρα ον and the Etymology of περ ω 364 8.3.3 Conclusion 3θθ Epic *r in the Thematic Aorist? 367 8.4.1 Distributions and Metrical Behavior of Thematic Aorists with -pa- 367 8.4.2 A Possible Origin of -pa- in εδρακον, εδρακον, επρα ον 369 8.4.3 Reconsidering the Possibility ofAeolisms 374 Pindaric δρακέντ- 375 Conclusions 377 Remaining Issues Concerning *r 27g Introduction 379 9.1 The Development of *-rs- in Ionic-Attic 379 9.1.1 The Development of *-ŅsV- 380 9.1.2 Retained -σ- in Words Reflecting * -rs- 382 9.1.3 The dat. pl. in -Οράσι 385 9.1.4 γράσος and γράω 386 9.1.5 ταρσός and τρασιά, ταρσιή 388 9-1.6 τρήρων and τραυλός 39θ 9-1.7 άρσην and άρνειός 392 9.1.8 Uncertain and Irrelevant Evidencefor -αρσ- and -ρασ- 394 9-1.9 Conclusions on *-rs- 395 9.2 Verbs with a Non-ablauting Root CraC- 396 9.2.1 δράσσομαι and δραχμή 397 9.2.2 γράφω and Dialectal (Epigraphic) Forms in γροφ- 399 9.2.3 φράσσω 402 9.2.4 Conclusion 408 9.3 An o-Colored Reflex in Attic? 409 9.4 The Development of *rn 412 9.5 Word-Final *-r 416 9.5.1 *-r -ap or-op? 416 9.5.2 *-r in Ionic-Attic: -ap versus -pa and Chronology 419 9.6 Further Potential Evidence for -ap- *r 425 9.6.1 αρπη 4շ5 9.6.2 άρχω 426 9.6.3 ατραπός ~ άταρπός 4շ8 9.6.4 έπικάρσιος 43° 9-6.5 καρπός 430
XI CONTENTS 9·7 10 9.6.6 κάρφω 430 9.6.7 χάρμη 432 Evidence for -otp- and -pa- Left out of Consideration 9.7.1 Ambiguous or UncompelUng Evidence 433 9.7.2 Irrelevant Words; Untenable and Doubtful Etymologies 436 432 The Reflexes of *1 445 Introduction 445 10.1 Unknown, Doubtful, or Uncertain Etymologies 445 10.1.1 αΰλαξ and αλοξ 446 10.1.2 γάλα 446 10.1.3 κλαγγή 447 10.1.4 λάσιος 448 10.1.5 λαγαρός and λαγωός 448 10.1.6 λάχνη 45° 10.1.7 μαλ ακός 451 10.1.8 πλάγιος and πλάζω 45і 10.1.9 πλάσσω 452 10.1.10 σκαλμός and σκάλμη 453 10.1.11 σπλάγχνα 454 10.1.12 φαλλός 455 10.2 Cases of -λα- and -αλ- Influenced by a Full Grade Form 10.2.1 επαλπνος, άρπαλέος and άλπνιστος 456 10.2.2 γλάσσα 457 10.2.3 πλατύς 458 ιο·3 The Pre-form Did Not Necessarily Contain *1 458 10.3.1 βλάβομαι, βλάπτω 458 10.3.2 διπλάσιος 462 10.4 Promising Evidence for */ -λα- 463 10.4.1 βλαδεις and βλαδαρός 463 10-4.2 βλαστός 464 10.4.3 γλαφυρός 4^4 10-4-4 κλάδος 4θ7 10-4-5 λάγνος 467 10-4-6 πλάξαηά δίπλαξ, τρίπλαξ 4θ8 10-4-7 πλάτη 469 10-5 The Development of *ļn 470 10.5.1 The Presents βάλλω and ά2λω 47θ 10.5-2 πάλλω 47і 456
XII CONTENTS 10.6 10.7 11 ւշ 10.5.3 χόώλος,χαλλι-and Related Forms 473 10.5.4 Ion. αλής, Hom. άο)λέες 475 10.5.5 Conclusions on* In In Ionic-Attic 477 Dialectal Evidence 477 10.6.1 Cretan 477 10.6.2 Elean α/λανεος and Tarentlne άλανέως 478 10.6.3 Other Dialects 479 Conclusions on */ 480 Relative Chronology 482 Introduction 482 11.1 The Vocalization of * r as a Late and Dialectally Different Development 482 11.2 Dating the Vocalization of *r in Ionic-Attic 483 11.3 Dating the Elimination of Epic *r 485 11.4 Relative Chronology: Other Sound Changes 489 11.4.1 The Formulaic Phrase φιλότητί τραπείομεν εύνη εντε 11.4.2 The Formulaic Phrase άνδροτητα xal ηβην 493 ιΐ·5 Conclusions 49θ Conclusion 498 Introduction 498 12.1 Philological Results and New Etymologies 498 12.2 Regular Reflexes of PGr. *r in Dialects Other than Ionic and Attic 501 12.3 Special Reflexes of Proto-Greek *r 503 12.3.1 Quality of the Anaptyctic Vowel 503 12.3.2 Slot of the Anaptyctic Vowel 504 12.4 The Reflexes of Proto-Greek *į 507 12.5 The Double Reflex ap versus pa in Ionic-Attic 508 12.5.1 Evidence Excludedfrom Consideration 509 12.5.2 Argumentsfor Considering-ap-Regular,-paAnalogical 510 12.5.3 Weighing the Pros and Cons 513 12.6 The Prehistory of the Epic Tradition 514 12.7 Relative Chronology and Subgrouping 516 Bibliography 519 Index Locorum 544 General Index (Greek) 545 Index of Dialect Forms ( Greek) 556 Index of Other Indo-European Languages 560 490 |
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Contents Acknowledgments хш Preface xiv List of Tables xviii Abbreviations and Conventions i xix The Greek Reflexes of *r and */ i Introduction i i.i The Problem and Its Relevance i A Concise Summary ofSome Previous Accounts 2 1.1.1 Research Questions and Hypotheses 7 1.1.2 1.2 Environments with a Common Greek or Proto-Greek Reflex ap, αλ io PIE *CRHVand *CRHC 11 1.2.1 * r and *1 before a Glide 13 1.2.2 Word-Initial *r- and * I- 16 1-2-3 1.2.4 Word-Final *r and *1 18 * r and * / before Nasals 18 1.2.5 Conclusions on Early Anaptyxis 20 1.2.6 1.3 The о- and u-Colored Reflexes of *r and *1 in the Environment *C_T 20 Which Dialects Have a Regular o-ColoredReflex? 21 1.3-1 The u-Colored Reflex 21 1-3-2 The o-Colored Reflex of the Syllabic Nasals 27 1-3-3 1.4 Previous Accounts of-ap-versus-pa-in Ionic-Attic 31 Free Variation between -pa- and -ap- at an Early 1.4.1 Stage 34 1.4.2 Accent-Conditioned Development 36 1-4-3 Liquid Metathesis 37 1-4-4 Secondary Ablaut TeRT- : TaRT- 38 Conditioning by Neighboring Consonant Clusters 41 1-4-5 1.5 Accounting for *r -pa- 43 Distributions and a New Scenario 43 1-5-1 1-5-2 Epic Greek versus Vernacular Dialects 47 1-5-3 Metrical Irregularities and the Prehistory of the Hexameter 49 1.6 Outlook 55
VI CONTENTS 2 Mycenaean Reflexes of *r and the Numeral ‘Four’ 57 Introduction 57 2.1 Preliminary Remarks on the Use of Personal Names 57 2.2 An α-Colored Reflex in Mycenaean? 59 2.3 Evidence for an o-Colored Reflex 64 2.3.1 Examples Deserving Consideration 66 2.3.2 Uncertain, Doubtful and Irrelevant Examples 74 2.3.3 Synopsis of the Evidence 79 2.4 o-Series versus a-Series Spellings 79 2.5 Explaining the Orthographic Variation between Co- and (Co-ro-) 8i 2-5.1 Liquid Metathesis in Mycenaean? 82 2.5.2 Heubeck’s Argumentfor Preservedr in Mycenaean 83 2.5.3 PreviousAccountsofqe-to-ro-po-piandto-pe-za 90 2.6 Ion.-Att. τέταρτος and an Early Simplification of *-tu- before 7 93 2.7 A New Account of Мус. qe-to-ro- and lon.-Att. τετρά-, τέτρατος 97 2.8 Conclusions on Mycenaean 100 3 Reflexes of *r in the Alphabetic Dialects 103 Introduction 103 3.1 The Alleged Cretan Liquid Metathesis 104 3.1.1 Cretan -ap- * r: Evidence and Counterevidence 106 3.1.2 Cretan-op- * r after a Labial Consonant 107 3.2 Other West Greek Dialects no 3.2.1 Laconian and Colonies 111 3.2.2 Literary Doric 113 3.2.3 The Dialect ofElis 114 3.2.4 The Dialects of the Argolid Π5 3.2.5 Conclusion on the West Greek Dialects u6 3.3 The Aeolic Dialects 117 3.3.1 The Numerals in the Aeolic Dialects 117 3.3.2 Epigraphic Evidence (Boeotian, Thessalian, Lesbian) 118 3.3.3 The Relation between Lesbian Lyric and Ionian Epic 121 3.3.4 Evidencefor o-vocalism in Literary Lesbian 122 3.3.5 Evidencefor a-vocalism in Literary Lesbian 124 3.3.6 Evidencefor Aeolic o-vocalism in Ancient Grammarians 126 3.3.7 Conclusions on Aeolic 127
VII CONTENTS 3.4 3.5 3.6 Arcado-Cyprian 129 3.4.1 Cyprian: Evidencefor o-vocalism 129 3.4.2 Cyprian: Evidencefor a-vocalism 132 3.4.3 Arcadian: Evidencefor o-vocalism 133 3.4.4 Arcadian: Evidencefor a-vocalism 135 3.4.5 Conclusions on Arcado-Cyprian and Achaean Pamphylian 137 Conclusions 139 136 4 Reflexes of *r and *1 in ‘Caland’ Formations 142 Introduction 142 4.1 The Root Vocalism of ‘Caland’ Formations in Greek and pie 142 4.1.1 The и-stem Adjectives 146 4.1.2 Primary Comparatives and Superlatives 149 4.1.3 The s-stem Nouns and Adjectives 152 4.2 Analogical Reshaping and Re-derivation 154 4.2.1 The Spread ofa-vocalism across ‘Caland’ System Formations 155 4.2.2 Replacement of и-stem Adjectives 158 4.2.3 Derivational History of the Factitives in -ύνω i6i 4.3 Reflexes of *r and *1 in the u-stem Adjectives 164 4.3.1 *r apis Regular in ταρφύς 165 4.3.2 Derivation ofHom. τραφερός 167 4.3.3 Analogical Root Vocalism in the Structure *CraCu- 168 4.4 *βλαδύς versus άμαλδύνω 173 4·5 Θρασύς versus Θαρσύνω 176 4.5.1 The Roots $ρασ-and 9αρσ-in Homer: Attestations 177 4.5.2 The Roots ρασ- and 9αρσ- in Homer: Semantics 179 4.5.3 The Roots ρασ- and αρσ- in Classical Greek 182 4.5.4 Reconstruction 185 4.6 Conclusions 187 5 Reflexes of *r in καρτερός, κράτος and Related Forms 189 Introduction 189 5.1 Semantics and Etymology 190 5.1.1 The Competing Etymologies 190 5.1.2 The Semantics ofκαρτερός-κρατερός in Epic Greek 195 5.1.3 Reconstruction of the Semantic Developments 200 5.2 The Allomorphy of κρατ- and καρτ- in Homer and Classical Greek 203
VIII CONTENTS 5.2.1 5.3 6 Dialectal Reflexes and Proto-Greek Reconstruction 203 Adjectives in -ύς, -ρός and -ερός 205 5·2·2 5-2-3 Synchronic Description of the Classical Prose Forms 206 5.2.4 Synchronic Description of the Homeric Forms 210 5-2-5 καρτεράς and κρατερός in Homer 211 5-2.6 The Neuter Abstract Nouns (and Derivatives) in Homer 212 5-2-7 The Forms of Comparison in Homer 216 5-2-8 κρατύς and καρτύνω in Homer 220 5·2·9 κάρτα շշւ 5-2-10 From Pro to-Ionic to Attic and Ionic 223 5-2-11 The Reconstruction ofκραταιός and κραται- 225 5-2-12 Κράταιϊς and κραταιΐς 232 Conclusions on the Vocalization of *r 235 Reflexes of *r and muta cum liquida in Epic Greek 237 Introduction 237 6.1 The Reflex -pa- and the Metrical Behavior of κραδίη 238 6.2 Muta cum liquida Scansions in Homer 241 6.3 Wathelet’s Proposal for the Origin of McL in Homer 246 6.4 Criticism of Wathelet’s Scenario 249 6.5 Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence for McL in Homer 252 6.6 Avoidance of McL in Epic Greek 257 6.7 Epic *r: -pa- is the Regular Reflex of Artificially Retained 7 259 6.8 The Evidence for -pa- from Epic *r 266 6.8.1 δράκων շ66 6.8.2 κραδίη 267 6.8.3 κραταιός, κραταιΐς, Κράταιϊς, κραται- 267 6.8.4 τέτρατος 268 6.8.5 τραπείομεν and ταρπώμε^α 269 6.8.6 τράπεζα 272 6.8.7 στρατός 274 6.8.8 θρασύς, ρασειάων 278 6.8.9 τραπέσ αι շ8օ 6.9 Less Certain Evidence for Epic *r 283 6.9.1 δρατός 283 6·9·2 κραδαίνω and κραδάω 284
IX CONTENTS 6.10 6.11 6.9.3 κρατενταί 285 б.д.4 κράνεια 285 6.9.5 βραχίων շ86 Nonce Formations with -pa- in Epic Greek Conclusions 288 288 7 Epic Forms with -po- 291 Introduction 291 7.1 The Dialectal Origin of Forms with -po- 292 7.2 -po- as a Conditioned Reflex of Epic *r 295 7.2.1 βροτός 298 7.2.2 ασπίδας άμφιβράτης and the Compounds in -(μ)βροτος 301 7.2.3 αμβροτος, άμβρόσιος and νύξάβρότη з°4 7.2.4 άβροτάξομεν and ημβροτον beside άμαρτεΐν 3°θ 7·2·5 πρός, πρόσω and πρόσωπον з°8 7.2.6 πρόξ ЗІ2 7.2.7 προκείμενα 34 7-2.8 Αφροδίτη 34 7-2.9 ρόδον, ροδάεις-Мус. wo-do-we 34 7.3 Other Forms with -po- 321 7.3.1 άνδροτητα 321 7·3·2 Ένυαλίω άνδρεϊφόντ/ι 33° 7-3-3 Other Homeric Forms with άνδρο- and άνδρα- 334 7-3-4 ρόνος 337 7-3-5 Κρόνος 343 7-3-6 Κρανίων 347 7-3-7 κρααίνω 35° 7-4 Conclusions 352 8 The Reflexes -αρ- and -ρα- in Aorist Stems 355 Introduction 355 8.1 The Evidence 355 8.2 The Regular Development *r -ap- in the Thematic Aorist 358 8.2.1 Homeric εδρα^ον versus Attic καταδαρ άνω, κατέδαρ ον 358 8.2.2 αμαρτάνω, αοηημαρτον and Homeric ημβροτον 8-3 The Pattern of Attestation of Thematic Aorists with -pa- 361 359
x CONTENTS 8.4 8.5 8.6 9 8.3.1 εδρακον 3θ2 8.3.2 επρα ον and the Etymology of περ ω 364 8.3.3 Conclusion 3θθ Epic *r in the Thematic Aorist? 367 8.4.1 Distributions and Metrical Behavior of Thematic Aorists with -pa- 367 8.4.2 A Possible Origin of -pa- in εδρακον, εδρακον, επρα ον 369 8.4.3 Reconsidering the Possibility ofAeolisms 374 Pindaric δρακέντ- 375 Conclusions 377 Remaining Issues Concerning *r 27g Introduction 379 9.1 The Development of *-rs- in Ionic-Attic 379 9.1.1 The Development of *-ŅsV- 380 9.1.2 Retained -σ- in Words Reflecting * -rs- 382 9.1.3 The dat. pl. in -Οράσι 385 9.1.4 γράσος and γράω 386 9.1.5 ταρσός and τρασιά, ταρσιή 388 9-1.6 τρήρων and τραυλός 39θ 9-1.7 άρσην and άρνειός 392 9.1.8 Uncertain and Irrelevant Evidencefor -αρσ- and -ρασ- 394 9-1.9 Conclusions on *-rs- 395 9.2 Verbs with a Non-ablauting Root CraC- 396 9.2.1 δράσσομαι and δραχμή 397 9.2.2 γράφω and Dialectal (Epigraphic) Forms in γροφ- 399 9.2.3 φράσσω 402 9.2.4 Conclusion 408 9.3 An o-Colored Reflex in Attic? 409 9.4 The Development of *rn 412 9.5 Word-Final *-r 416 9.5.1 *-r -ap or-op? 416 9.5.2 *-r in Ionic-Attic: -ap versus -pa and Chronology 419 9.6 Further Potential Evidence for -ap- *r 425 9.6.1 αρπη 4շ5 9.6.2 άρχω 426 9.6.3 ατραπός ~ άταρπός 4շ8 9.6.4 έπικάρσιος 43° 9-6.5 καρπός 430
XI CONTENTS 9·7 10 9.6.6 κάρφω 430 9.6.7 χάρμη 432 Evidence for -otp- and -pa- Left out of Consideration 9.7.1 Ambiguous or UncompelUng Evidence 433 9.7.2 Irrelevant Words; Untenable and Doubtful Etymologies 436 432 The Reflexes of *1 445 Introduction 445 10.1 Unknown, Doubtful, or Uncertain Etymologies 445 10.1.1 αΰλαξ and αλοξ 446 10.1.2 γάλα 446 10.1.3 κλαγγή 447 10.1.4 λάσιος 448 10.1.5 λαγαρός and λαγωός 448 10.1.6 λάχνη 45° 10.1.7 μαλ ακός 451 10.1.8 πλάγιος and πλάζω 45і 10.1.9 πλάσσω 452 10.1.10 σκαλμός and σκάλμη 453 10.1.11 σπλάγχνα 454 10.1.12 φαλλός 455 10.2 Cases of -λα- and -αλ- Influenced by a Full Grade Form 10.2.1 επαλπνος, άρπαλέος and άλπνιστος 456 10.2.2 γλάσσα 457 10.2.3 πλατύς 458 ιο·3 The Pre-form Did Not Necessarily Contain *1 458 10.3.1 βλάβομαι, βλάπτω 458 10.3.2 διπλάσιος 462 10.4 Promising Evidence for */ -λα- 463 10.4.1 βλαδεις and βλαδαρός 463 10-4.2 βλαστός 464 10.4.3 γλαφυρός 4^4 10-4-4 κλάδος 4θ7 10-4-5 λάγνος 467 10-4-6 πλάξαηά δίπλαξ, τρίπλαξ 4θ8 10-4-7 πλάτη 469 10-5 The Development of *ļn 470 10.5.1 The Presents βάλλω and ά2λω 47θ 10.5-2 πάλλω 47і 456
XII CONTENTS 10.6 10.7 11 ւշ 10.5.3 χόώλος,χαλλι-and Related Forms 473 10.5.4 Ion. αλής, Hom. άο)λέες 475 10.5.5 Conclusions on* In In Ionic-Attic 477 Dialectal Evidence 477 10.6.1 Cretan 477 10.6.2 Elean α/λανεος and Tarentlne άλανέως 478 10.6.3 Other Dialects 479 Conclusions on */ 480 Relative Chronology 482 Introduction 482 11.1 The Vocalization of * r as a Late and Dialectally Different Development 482 11.2 Dating the Vocalization of *r in Ionic-Attic 483 11.3 Dating the Elimination of Epic *r 485 11.4 Relative Chronology: Other Sound Changes 489 11.4.1 The Formulaic Phrase φιλότητί τραπείομεν εύνη εντε 11.4.2 The Formulaic Phrase άνδροτητα xal ηβην 493 ιΐ·5 Conclusions 49θ Conclusion 498 Introduction 498 12.1 Philological Results and New Etymologies 498 12.2 Regular Reflexes of PGr. *r in Dialects Other than Ionic and Attic 501 12.3 Special Reflexes of Proto-Greek *r 503 12.3.1 Quality of the Anaptyctic Vowel 503 12.3.2 Slot of the Anaptyctic Vowel 504 12.4 The Reflexes of Proto-Greek *į 507 12.5 The Double Reflex ap versus pa in Ionic-Attic 508 12.5.1 Evidence Excludedfrom Consideration 509 12.5.2 Argumentsfor Considering-ap-Regular,-paAnalogical 510 12.5.3 Weighing the Pros and Cons 513 12.6 The Prehistory of the Epic Tradition 514 12.7 Relative Chronology and Subgrouping 516 Bibliography 519 Index Locorum 544 General Index (Greek) 545 Index of Dialect Forms ( Greek) 556 Index of Other Indo-European Languages 560 490 |
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author | Beek, Lucien van 1979- |
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ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1304473978 (DE-599)BVBBV047816161 |
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spelling | Beek, Lucien van 1979- Verfasser (DE-588)119994663X aut The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache by Lucien van Beek Leiden ; Boston Brill [2022] © 2022 XXII, 564 Seiten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Leiden studies in Indo-European volume 22 Dissertation Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden 2013 strongly revised and updated version "How can we explain metrical irregularities in Homeric phrases like [androtēta kai ēbēn]? What do such phrases tell us about the antiquity of the epic tradition? And how did doublet forms such as [tetratos] beside [tetartos] originate? In this book, you will find the first systematic and complete account of the syllabic liquids in Ancient Greek. It provides an up-to-date, comprehensive and innovative etymological treatment of material from all dialects, including Mycenaean. A new model of linguistic change in the epic tradition is used to tackle two hotly-debated problems: metrical irregularities in Homer (including muta cum liquida) and the double reflex. The proposed solution has important consequences for Greek dialect classification and the prehistory of Epic language and meter" Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 gnd rswk-swf Liquid (DE-588)4562838-5 gnd rswk-swf Sprachvariante (DE-588)4077741-8 gnd rswk-swf Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 gnd rswk-swf Greek language / Consonants Greek language / Phonology, Historical Greek language / Dialects Greek language / Variation (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content Dialekte (DE-2581)TH000005706 gbd Griechische Sprache (DE-2581)TH000005700 gbd Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 s Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 s Sprachvariante (DE-588)4077741-8 s Liquid (DE-588)4562838-5 s DE-604 Erscheint auch als Online-Ausgabe 978-90-04-46974-7 (DE-604)BV047497453 Leiden studies in Indo-European volume 22 (DE-604)BV005067746 22 Digitalisierung BSB München - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=033199557&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
spellingShingle | Beek, Lucien van 1979- The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache Leiden studies in Indo-European Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 gnd Liquid (DE-588)4562838-5 gnd Sprachvariante (DE-588)4077741-8 gnd Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4113791-7 (DE-588)4562838-5 (DE-588)4077741-8 (DE-588)4040725-1 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
title | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache |
title_auth | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache |
title_exact_search | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache |
title_exact_search_txtP | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache |
title_full | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache by Lucien van Beek |
title_fullStr | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache by Lucien van Beek |
title_full_unstemmed | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache by Lucien van Beek |
title_short | The reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient Greek |
title_sort | the reflexes of syllabic liquids in ancient greek linguistic prehistory of the greek dialects and homeric kunstsprache |
title_sub | linguistic prehistory of the Greek dialects and Homeric Kunstsprache |
topic | Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 gnd Liquid (DE-588)4562838-5 gnd Sprachvariante (DE-588)4077741-8 gnd Mundart (DE-588)4040725-1 gnd |
topic_facet | Griechisch Liquid Sprachvariante Mundart Hochschulschrift |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=033199557&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
volume_link | (DE-604)BV005067746 |
work_keys_str_mv | AT beeklucienvan thereflexesofsyllabicliquidsinancientgreeklinguisticprehistoryofthegreekdialectsandhomerickunstsprache |