Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | German |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Salzburg
ire, Institut der Regionen Europas
2020
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Schriftenreihe des Institutes der Regionen Europas
Nr. 223 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Inhaltsverzeichnis Literaturverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | 26 Seiten 30 cm |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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INHALT
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EINFUEHRUNG
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DER
ZANKAPFEL
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2
3.
THEORIE
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5
4.
DIE
*
PEACEMAKERS
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4.1.1.
USA
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8
4.1.2.
RUSSLAND
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12
4.1.3.
CHINA
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14
5.
LITERATURVERZEICHNIS
.22
Literaturverzeichnis Balkan, E. W., 2020. Kosovo*, s Л.: https://europeanwestembalkans.com/kosovo/. Balkans, E. W., 2020. Kosovo and Serbia Representatives to start a two-day meeting in Washington. [Online] Available at: https://europeanwestembalkans.com/2020/09/03/kosovo-and-serbiarepresentatives-to-start-a-two-dav-meeting-in-washington/ Brandie, M., 2020. Serbien vor den Parlamentswahlen Ende Juni 2020. Südosteuropa Mitteilungen, pp. 35-50. Department, S., 2016. US Relations with Serbia, https.7/20092017.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5388.htm: BUREAU OF EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS. Garding, S. E., 2018. Serbia: Background and U.S. Relations. US Congress Research Center, https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RJR44955/10, 17 October, pp. 7-9. Hartwell, L., 2020. Meeting with Ex-General Sheds Light on Serbia President’s Options. Balkan Insight, Issue https://balkaninsight.com/2020/09/03/meeting-with-ex-general-shedslight-on-serbia-presidents-options/. Heler, D., 2019. Rethinking Eastern Influence in the Balkans. European Western Balkans, 20 June. House, W., 2020. Remarks by President Trump, President Vučić of Serbia, and Prime Minister Hoti of Kosovo in a Trilateral Meeting. Washington D.C., https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-president-vucicserbia-prime-minister-hoti-kosovo-trilateral-meeting/. Merdzanovic, A., 2018. Eine nachhaltige europäische Integrationspolitik für den Westbalkan. In: S. E. Gesellschaft, Hrsg. Südost Europa Mitteilungen. s.l.:s.n. Savkovic, M., 2020. Will Serbia have to choose between China and the EU?,
https://europeanwestembalkans.com/2020/05/15/will-serbia-have-to-choose-between-chinaand-the-eu/. Novi Magazin no.472, 14 May. https://balkamnsight.com/2020/09/03/meeting-with-ex-general-sheds-li ght-on-serbiapresidents-options/ By Patrick Kingsley and Kenneth P. Vogel . June 20, 2020 BERLIN — Last October, with the Balkans unsettled and the old tethers of American diplomacy coming apart, the Trump administration dispatched a new envoy to try to solve one of Europe’s longest-running territorial disputes: the two-decade standoff between Serbia and Kosovo. The move was unconventional. The State Department already had a special envoy to the region, and President Tmmp’s new emissary, Richard Greneli, was also ambassador to Germany, where his brash style and embrace of right-wing figures broke with diplomatic norms. 22
Before long, Mr. Greneli offended and alienated European diplomats who had worked hard on Kosovo for years. They accused him of ignoring their own, more evolved peace initiatives, of undermining democracy in Kosovo and of turning a blind eye to budding authoritarianism in Serbia, a Russian ally. “I’m doubtfUl that in this way you can really resolve a situation like Kosovo, the way it’s being tried by Greneli,” said Wolfgang Petritsch, a former European Union envoy to Kosovo. The appointment has been “very detrimental to the solution of the Kosovo issue,” he added. “With Greneli, it’s only been confusion.” Early this year, President Trump named Mr. Greneli acting director of national intelligence, though Mr. Greneli lacked expertise in intelligence and had a reputation as a partisan warrior, taking on what is supposed to be a nonpartisan job. That stint, like the one in Berlin, has come and gone, but Mr. Greneli is still hoping to deliver a diplomatic victory in the Balkans before the November election for a president short on such achievements. Billboards in Belgrade showing President Aleksandar Vucic’s Serbian Progressive Party candidates there. Most opposition parties have boycotted the Sunday vote.Credit.Коса Sulejmanovic/EPA, via Shutterstock The Trump administration hopes a victory will give Mr. Vucic breathing space to address the tensions with Kosovo. “The elections are not a contest, that much is clear,” said Marko Savkovic, program director for the Belgrade Security Forum, an annual politics conference in Serbia. But after the elections, “there is expectation
that there will be momentum,” he said. “But momentum to where? No one really knows.” Most of the American pressure has been put on Kosovo, not Serbia. To force Kosovo into dropping tariffs on Serbian goods, which Serbia called an obstacle to dialogue, Mr. Greneli threatened to withdraw American support for Kosovo. Then in March, the U.S. froze $50 million in aid to Kosovo. The same week, prominent Republicans suggested withdrawing American troops from Kosovo. These interventions exacerbated tensions between Mr. Thaci, the president, and Albin Kurti, the prime minister at the time, prompting a constitutional crisis and the replacement of Mr. Kuril’s government with one closer to Mr. Thaci. “Kosovo has never seen a diplomat such as Greneli,” said Brikena Hoxha, the director of the Kosovar Stability Initiative, a research group. “Greneli’s style comes across more like bullying than negotiating.” By contrast, the Trump administration said little about Serbia’s campaign to block Kosovo’s membership in international organizations, and ignored the strains Mr. Vucic has placed on Serbian democracy. 23
Mr. Vucic’s invitation to the White House means he “implicitly gets support for his autocratic methods,” said Dragan Djilas, a leading opposition politician. Serbian officials, including Mr. Vucic, did not respond to requests for comment. Mr. Greneli also would not comment, nor did any other American official approached by The New York Times. A vocal Trump supporter, Mr. Greneli was appointed envoy last October at his own request, stunning career diplomats. An experienced Balkans specialist, Matthew Palmer, had been appointed to a similar position barely a month earlier. The overlap led to confusion among allies about whom to work with. It echoed the Trump administration’s approach in Ukraine, where resident ambassadors worked alongside a trio of visiting envoys close to Mr. Trump. Mr. Greneli had shown little previous interest in the region, other than two meetings in Berlin with Mr. Thaci. But he told associates that he had sought the post partly because he believed European mediation efforts had been inept, creating a vacuum for him to fill. Even before Mr. Greneli entered the fray, the Trump administration had departed from past U.S. policy. In the summer of 2018, American officials expressed openness to fresh solutions to the Serbia-Kosovo logjam, including adjustments to their border. For years, Americans had opposed redrawing it, in case a realignment along ethnic lines rekindled the conflicts of the 1990s. But in 2018, the State Department changed course, after what a former U.S. official said was an internal decision to be more assertive in places like the Balkans,
to avoid losing influence to rival powers like Russia and China. The shift concerned some European governments, but it was made in partial coordination with officials from the European Union, which led mediation attempts at the time. The rupture between American and European policy only fully occurred after Mr. Grenell’s appointment. He wrested leadership of the negotiations from the European Union, and organized summits and news conferences without the bloc’s involvement. Earlier this year, Mr. Greneli brokered three mini-agreements that he hailed as a breakthrough in restoring transport links between Kosovo and Serbia. But in reality, the two countries signed separate texts with different wording, according to copies obtained by The Times. The deals were not formal ones, but merely letters of intent signed by minor officials. And they duplicated pre-existing transport agreements brokered by the European Union. During the recent political crisis in Kosovo, the American embassy posted a Tweet in support of the parliamentary process that led to the toppling of the government, while France and Germany argued against it. Some of Mr. Grenell’s supporters say that Mr. Thaci and his Serbian counterpart, Mr. Vucic, are secretly brokering a peace deal, validating the American approach. Though nominally figureheads, the two presidents carry influence that far exceeds their constitutional duties. 24
Behind the scenes, they have reached an understanding on some terms of a future treaty, including the idea of adjusting Kosovo’s borders, according to four former American officials who cited people involved in the negotiations. The talks stalled when Mr. Kurti, then the prime minister, asserted that he, not Mr. Thaci, had the constitutional right to set policy. Mr. Greneli spoke out against Mr. Kurti, who he feared might derail whatever momentum Mr. Thaci and Mr. Vucic had created, said James R. Hooper, one of the four former American officials. Mr. Hooper, a fonner Balkans expert at the State Department, said that Mr. Greneli “realizes that the window is closing and he wants to get it concluded, ratified and implemented.” Patrick Kingsley reported from Berlin and Pristina, Kosovo, and Kenneth P. Vogel from Washington. Reporting was contributed by Eric Lipton, Michael Crowley and Julian Barnes from Washington, and Benjamin Novak from Budapest. Kitty Bennett contributed research.15 USA disappointed with EU and that’s why they are taking a bigger role In den letzten Jahren ist der Eifer für eine EU Osterweiterung richtung Westbalkan stark abgeschwächt. Der französische Präsident Emmanuel Macron blockierte den Beginn der Beitrittsgespräche mit Albanien und Nord Mazedonien. Proponenten für eine EU Erweiterung argumentierten, dass ein Versagen im Erweiterungsprozess Tür und Tor für Russland, China und die Türkei öffne, welche allesamt ihren wirtschaftlichen und politischen Einfluss in der Region schon seit langem statuieren wollten. Der US Sondergesandte für den Westbalkan
äußerte schon vielmals seine Enttäuschung mit der EU, dass der Erweiterungsprozess im Westbalkan nicht schon weiter fortgeschritten ist. Aus amerikanischer Sicht ist eine Integration mit dem Westen Europas ein potentieller Garant um ehemals kommunistische osteuropäische Länder vor einem Rückfall in autoritäre Regime zu wahren. Congressman Elliot Engel, chairman of the house foreign affairs committee, has argued that the EU’s failure to open accession talks means the US should play a bigger role in the Western Balkans. “I’ve been following the Balkans for many years and one thing’s for sure: Whenever the West takes its eye off the region or tries to wall it off, the problems grow and the pressure builds,” Engels told Balkan Insight. (Patrick Kingsley, 20.06.2020) 25
“For Albania and North Macedonia, that means the EU should have begun their accession processes. And, for Kosovo, the long overdue visa liberalisation should be granted at once,” Engel said. “Likewise, the United States plays a key role in the Balkans—and after the EU’s failure to advance the three deserving countries, the United States arguably is the most trusted partner of the region.” But several European diplomats in Washington, speaking on condition of anonymity, expressed doubt over whether the Trump administration can successfully play an active role in the Balkans. US still indispensible 16 16 (Maza, January 7, 2020) 26 |
| adam_txt |
INHALT
1.
EINFUEHRUNG
.
1
2.
DER
ZANKAPFEL
.
2
3.
THEORIE
.
5
4.
DIE
*
PEACEMAKERS
*
.
5
4.1.1.
USA
.
8
4.1.2.
RUSSLAND
.
12
4.1.3.
CHINA
.
14
5.
LITERATURVERZEICHNIS
.22
Literaturverzeichnis Balkan, E. W., 2020. Kosovo*, s Л.: https://europeanwestembalkans.com/kosovo/. Balkans, E. W., 2020. Kosovo and Serbia Representatives to start a two-day meeting in Washington. [Online] Available at: https://europeanwestembalkans.com/2020/09/03/kosovo-and-serbiarepresentatives-to-start-a-two-dav-meeting-in-washington/ Brandie, M., 2020. Serbien vor den Parlamentswahlen Ende Juni 2020. Südosteuropa Mitteilungen, pp. 35-50. Department, S., 2016. US Relations with Serbia, https.7/20092017.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/5388.htm: BUREAU OF EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN AFFAIRS. Garding, S. E., 2018. Serbia: Background and U.S. Relations. US Congress Research Center, https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/RJR44955/10, 17 October, pp. 7-9. Hartwell, L., 2020. Meeting with Ex-General Sheds Light on Serbia President’s Options. Balkan Insight, Issue https://balkaninsight.com/2020/09/03/meeting-with-ex-general-shedslight-on-serbia-presidents-options/. Heler, D., 2019. Rethinking Eastern Influence in the Balkans. European Western Balkans, 20 June. House, W., 2020. Remarks by President Trump, President Vučić of Serbia, and Prime Minister Hoti of Kosovo in a Trilateral Meeting. Washington D.C., https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefings-statements/remarks-president-trump-president-vucicserbia-prime-minister-hoti-kosovo-trilateral-meeting/. Merdzanovic, A., 2018. Eine nachhaltige europäische Integrationspolitik für den Westbalkan. In: S. E. Gesellschaft, Hrsg. Südost Europa Mitteilungen. s.l.:s.n. Savkovic, M., 2020. Will Serbia have to choose between China and the EU?,
https://europeanwestembalkans.com/2020/05/15/will-serbia-have-to-choose-between-chinaand-the-eu/. Novi Magazin no.472, 14 May. https://balkamnsight.com/2020/09/03/meeting-with-ex-general-sheds-li ght-on-serbiapresidents-options/ By Patrick Kingsley and Kenneth P. Vogel . June 20, 2020 BERLIN — Last October, with the Balkans unsettled and the old tethers of American diplomacy coming apart, the Trump administration dispatched a new envoy to try to solve one of Europe’s longest-running territorial disputes: the two-decade standoff between Serbia and Kosovo. The move was unconventional. The State Department already had a special envoy to the region, and President Tmmp’s new emissary, Richard Greneli, was also ambassador to Germany, where his brash style and embrace of right-wing figures broke with diplomatic norms. 22
Before long, Mr. Greneli offended and alienated European diplomats who had worked hard on Kosovo for years. They accused him of ignoring their own, more evolved peace initiatives, of undermining democracy in Kosovo and of turning a blind eye to budding authoritarianism in Serbia, a Russian ally. “I’m doubtfUl that in this way you can really resolve a situation like Kosovo, the way it’s being tried by Greneli,” said Wolfgang Petritsch, a former European Union envoy to Kosovo. The appointment has been “very detrimental to the solution of the Kosovo issue,” he added. “With Greneli, it’s only been confusion.” Early this year, President Trump named Mr. Greneli acting director of national intelligence, though Mr. Greneli lacked expertise in intelligence and had a reputation as a partisan warrior, taking on what is supposed to be a nonpartisan job. That stint, like the one in Berlin, has come and gone, but Mr. Greneli is still hoping to deliver a diplomatic victory in the Balkans before the November election for a president short on such achievements. Billboards in Belgrade showing President Aleksandar Vucic’s Serbian Progressive Party candidates there. Most opposition parties have boycotted the Sunday vote.Credit.Коса Sulejmanovic/EPA, via Shutterstock The Trump administration hopes a victory will give Mr. Vucic breathing space to address the tensions with Kosovo. “The elections are not a contest, that much is clear,” said Marko Savkovic, program director for the Belgrade Security Forum, an annual politics conference in Serbia. But after the elections, “there is expectation
that there will be momentum,” he said. “But momentum to where? No one really knows.” Most of the American pressure has been put on Kosovo, not Serbia. To force Kosovo into dropping tariffs on Serbian goods, which Serbia called an obstacle to dialogue, Mr. Greneli threatened to withdraw American support for Kosovo. Then in March, the U.S. froze $50 million in aid to Kosovo. The same week, prominent Republicans suggested withdrawing American troops from Kosovo. These interventions exacerbated tensions between Mr. Thaci, the president, and Albin Kurti, the prime minister at the time, prompting a constitutional crisis and the replacement of Mr. Kuril’s government with one closer to Mr. Thaci. “Kosovo has never seen a diplomat such as Greneli,” said Brikena Hoxha, the director of the Kosovar Stability Initiative, a research group. “Greneli’s style comes across more like bullying than negotiating.” By contrast, the Trump administration said little about Serbia’s campaign to block Kosovo’s membership in international organizations, and ignored the strains Mr. Vucic has placed on Serbian democracy. 23
Mr. Vucic’s invitation to the White House means he “implicitly gets support for his autocratic methods,” said Dragan Djilas, a leading opposition politician. Serbian officials, including Mr. Vucic, did not respond to requests for comment. Mr. Greneli also would not comment, nor did any other American official approached by The New York Times. A vocal Trump supporter, Mr. Greneli was appointed envoy last October at his own request, stunning career diplomats. An experienced Balkans specialist, Matthew Palmer, had been appointed to a similar position barely a month earlier. The overlap led to confusion among allies about whom to work with. It echoed the Trump administration’s approach in Ukraine, where resident ambassadors worked alongside a trio of visiting envoys close to Mr. Trump. Mr. Greneli had shown little previous interest in the region, other than two meetings in Berlin with Mr. Thaci. But he told associates that he had sought the post partly because he believed European mediation efforts had been inept, creating a vacuum for him to fill. Even before Mr. Greneli entered the fray, the Trump administration had departed from past U.S. policy. In the summer of 2018, American officials expressed openness to fresh solutions to the Serbia-Kosovo logjam, including adjustments to their border. For years, Americans had opposed redrawing it, in case a realignment along ethnic lines rekindled the conflicts of the 1990s. But in 2018, the State Department changed course, after what a former U.S. official said was an internal decision to be more assertive in places like the Balkans,
to avoid losing influence to rival powers like Russia and China. The shift concerned some European governments, but it was made in partial coordination with officials from the European Union, which led mediation attempts at the time. The rupture between American and European policy only fully occurred after Mr. Grenell’s appointment. He wrested leadership of the negotiations from the European Union, and organized summits and news conferences without the bloc’s involvement. Earlier this year, Mr. Greneli brokered three mini-agreements that he hailed as a breakthrough in restoring transport links between Kosovo and Serbia. But in reality, the two countries signed separate texts with different wording, according to copies obtained by The Times. The deals were not formal ones, but merely letters of intent signed by minor officials. And they duplicated pre-existing transport agreements brokered by the European Union. During the recent political crisis in Kosovo, the American embassy posted a Tweet in support of the parliamentary process that led to the toppling of the government, while France and Germany argued against it. Some of Mr. Grenell’s supporters say that Mr. Thaci and his Serbian counterpart, Mr. Vucic, are secretly brokering a peace deal, validating the American approach. Though nominally figureheads, the two presidents carry influence that far exceeds their constitutional duties. 24
Behind the scenes, they have reached an understanding on some terms of a future treaty, including the idea of adjusting Kosovo’s borders, according to four former American officials who cited people involved in the negotiations. The talks stalled when Mr. Kurti, then the prime minister, asserted that he, not Mr. Thaci, had the constitutional right to set policy. Mr. Greneli spoke out against Mr. Kurti, who he feared might derail whatever momentum Mr. Thaci and Mr. Vucic had created, said James R. Hooper, one of the four former American officials. Mr. Hooper, a fonner Balkans expert at the State Department, said that Mr. Greneli “realizes that the window is closing and he wants to get it concluded, ratified and implemented.” Patrick Kingsley reported from Berlin and Pristina, Kosovo, and Kenneth P. Vogel from Washington. Reporting was contributed by Eric Lipton, Michael Crowley and Julian Barnes from Washington, and Benjamin Novak from Budapest. Kitty Bennett contributed research.15 USA disappointed with EU and that’s why they are taking a bigger role In den letzten Jahren ist der Eifer für eine EU Osterweiterung richtung Westbalkan stark abgeschwächt. Der französische Präsident Emmanuel Macron blockierte den Beginn der Beitrittsgespräche mit Albanien und Nord Mazedonien. Proponenten für eine EU Erweiterung argumentierten, dass ein Versagen im Erweiterungsprozess Tür und Tor für Russland, China und die Türkei öffne, welche allesamt ihren wirtschaftlichen und politischen Einfluss in der Region schon seit langem statuieren wollten. Der US Sondergesandte für den Westbalkan
äußerte schon vielmals seine Enttäuschung mit der EU, dass der Erweiterungsprozess im Westbalkan nicht schon weiter fortgeschritten ist. Aus amerikanischer Sicht ist eine Integration mit dem Westen Europas ein potentieller Garant um ehemals kommunistische osteuropäische Länder vor einem Rückfall in autoritäre Regime zu wahren. Congressman Elliot Engel, chairman of the house foreign affairs committee, has argued that the EU’s failure to open accession talks means the US should play a bigger role in the Western Balkans. “I’ve been following the Balkans for many years and one thing’s for sure: Whenever the West takes its eye off the region or tries to wall it off, the problems grow and the pressure builds,” Engels told Balkan Insight. (Patrick Kingsley, 20.06.2020) 25
“For Albania and North Macedonia, that means the EU should have begun their accession processes. And, for Kosovo, the long overdue visa liberalisation should be granted at once,” Engel said. “Likewise, the United States plays a key role in the Balkans—and after the EU’s failure to advance the three deserving countries, the United States arguably is the most trusted partner of the region.” But several European diplomats in Washington, speaking on condition of anonymity, expressed doubt over whether the Trump administration can successfully play an active role in the Balkans. US still indispensible 16 16 (Maza, January 7, 2020) 26 |
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| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien |
| id | DE-604.BV047407613 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-03T17:54:31Z |
| indexdate | 2024-07-20T04:28:08Z |
| institution | BVB |
| language | German |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-032808554 |
| oclc_num | 1246166653 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 26 Seiten 30 cm |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20211117 |
| publishDate | 2020 |
| publishDateSearch | 2020 |
| publishDateSort | 2020 |
| publisher | ire, Institut der Regionen Europas |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Schriftenreihe des Institutes der Regionen Europas |
| series2 | Schriftenreihe des Institutes der Regionen Europas |
| spelling | Werthmann, Mirella Verfasser aut Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU verfasst von Mirella Werthmann Salzburg ire, Institut der Regionen Europas 2020 26 Seiten 30 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Schriftenreihe des Institutes der Regionen Europas Nr. 223 Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 s DE-604 Schriftenreihe des Institutes der Regionen Europas Nr. 223 (DE-604)BV035776956 223 B:DE-101 application/pdf https://d-nb.info/1228579369/04 Inhaltsverzeichnis DNB Datenaustausch application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032808554&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032808554&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Werthmann, Mirella Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU Schriftenreihe des Institutes der Regionen Europas Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4072885-7 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU |
| title_auth | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU |
| title_exact_search | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU |
| title_full | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU verfasst von Mirella Werthmann |
| title_fullStr | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU verfasst von Mirella Werthmann |
| title_full_unstemmed | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU verfasst von Mirella Werthmann |
| title_short | Serbien - eine Analyse der politischen Bemühungen der USA und der EU |
| title_sort | serbien eine analyse der politischen bemuhungen der usa und der eu |
| topic | Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Internationale Politik Serbien |
| url | https://d-nb.info/1228579369/04 http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032808554&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032808554&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV035776956 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT werthmannmirella serbieneineanalysederpolitischenbemuhungenderusaunddereu |
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Inhaltsverzeichnis