Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije:
Национал-социјалистички основи државног и друштвеног уређења НДХ и Недићеве Србије
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Zaduzbina Andrejević
2020.
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| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka specialis
36 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Literaturverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Tiraž 500 Literaturverzeichnis Seite 74-75 |
| Beschreibung: | 92 Seiten Illustrationen, Faksimiles, Karten |
| ISBN: | 9788652503940 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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Садржај 1. 2. 3. 4. Предговор Сажетак Abstract Разграничење појмова фашизам и национал-социјализам Раст и ширење популарности фашистичког и национал-социјалистичког друштвеног модела у Бвропи и код нас (1929-1939) 5. Национал-социјалистички модел државе и друштва у НДХ („хрватски социјализам“) 5.1. 5.2. „Хрватски социј ализам“ Разлика између либерално-демократске државе и ауторитарне државе, по Зајцу О „страху од социализма“ „Част рада“, дужности рада и право на рад „Бистрење појмова“: марксизам и хрватски социј ализам 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 6. Национал-социјалистички оквири економско-социјалних реформи у Недићевој Србији 7. Закључак 7 9 li 13 16 22 30 34 37 39 40 43 55 5
8. 9. 10. 11. 12. Напомене Литература Индекс noj мова и имена Summary Прилози 57 74 76 77 84
9. Литература 1. Борковић Милан, Контрареволуција у Србији. Квислиншка управа 1941-1944, кп., Слобода, Београд, 1979. 2. Crljen Danijel, Naš Poglavnik, Nakladna knjižara Velebit, Zagreb, 1943. 3. Crljen Danijel, Načela hrvatskog ustaškog pokreta, Zagreb, 1942. 4. Ciano Galeazzo, Dnevniki
(1937-1938), NIP Zagreb, Zagreb, 1954. 5. Ciano Galeazzo, Dnevnik II (1939-1943), NIP Zagreb, Zagreb, 1954. 6. Goebbels Joseph, Der Faschismus und seine praktischen Ergebnisse, Berlin, 1935. 7. Hitlers zweites Buch, Ein Dokument aus dem jahr 1928, Stuttgart, 1928. 8. Клемперер Виктор, Језик Трећег
Рајха, Танјуг, Београд, 2006. 9. Krizman Bogdan, Ustaše i Treći Rajh, knj. 1 і 2, Zagreb, 1983. 10. Куљић, Тодор, Фашизам, Нолит, 1977. 11. Мартинов Златоје, НДХи Недићева Србија - сличности иразлике, Орионарт/Савез антифашиста Србије, Београд, 2018. 12. Мартинов Златоје, „Фашизам и национал-
социјализам као друштвена основа Недићеве Србије, Политикой, бр. 24, Нови Сад, децембар 2019. 13. Мартинов Златоје, „Милан Недић није био ’српска мајка’ него квислинг“, Република, година XXVII, бр. 608-611, Београд, де цембар 2015. 14. Мартинов Златоје, „Жртве и бројеви - скица за групни пор трет
заточеника логора Бањица“, Република, година XXV, бр. 540-541, јануар, 2013. 15. Мартинов Златоје, „Интерпретације теорија о национализму“, Република, година XIX, бр. 412-413, септембар 2007. 74
16. Митровић Андреј, Време нетрпељивих. Политичка историја великих држава Европе 1919-1939, Београд, 1974. 17. Meleti Vincenco, Wesen, Wollen, Wirken des Faschismus, Berlin, 1935. 18. Недић Милан, Начела српске сељачке задружне државе, Бео град: без ознаке издавана, 1943. 19. Недић Милан, Moja реч
Србима — говори Милана Ђ. Недића одржани у 1941 1944. год. Београд: штампано у штампарији „Луча“, 1944. 20. Нолте Ернест, Фашизам у својој епохи. Просвета, Београд, 1990. 21. Павић, Радован, „Хитлерови говори 1922-1939-1943, прилог познавању геополитичких аспеката нацизма“, Политичка мисао, Вол. XXI
(1984) бр. 4. 22. Петровић Ненад Ж. Идеологија варварства - фашистичке и национал-социјалистичке udeje код интелектуалаца у Београду (1929-1941). Мостарт, Београд-Земун, 2015. 23. Poglavnik govori Sv. 2, Ured za promičbu Glavnog ustaškog stana, Zagreb 1941. 24. Прокић Лазар, Српска сељачка држава,
Београд: без ознаке издавана, 1943. 25. Reinhardt Fritz, Die Gesellschaften mit beschränkter Haftung. Nachschlagewerkf. Geschäftsführer, Berlin, 1927. 26. Rosenberg Alfred, Der Mythus des 20 Jahrhunderts, München, 1936. 27. Seitz Aleksandar, Put do hrvatskog socializma, Zagreb, 1943. 28. Спалајковић
Мирослав, „Спасилац Србије у XX веку“, пред говор у: Moja реч Србима, Београд: штампано у штампариіи „Луча“, Београд, 1944. 29. Стојановић Александар, Српски цивилни/културни план, Институт за новију историју, Београд, 2012. 30. Steil Alfred, Staljin pomagač Hitlera, Službeni dokumenti о sovjetsko-
njemačkim odnosima 1939-1941, Zagreb, 1951. 75
11. Summary National-Socialist base of the state and social order in the independent State of Croatia and Nedic's Serbia ascism and National-Socialism have their origins in nationalism ЈГ and they were both bom in the periods of the capitalist crisis. Although Fascism and National-Socialism (Nazism) at first seemed to be opposite to capitalism, they both did not leave the capitalist system, but included it in the national borders. The international and transnational function of the capital (“Capital doesn’t recognize a na tion”, Karl Marx) is absolutely opposite to the ideologies of NationalSocialism and Fascism. The ideologies were based exclusively on nationalism. There is no Fascism and National-Socialism without po litical and economical nationalism. German Nazis spoke about the similarities between these systems before they came to power in Germany. Adolf Flitler while accused of terrorism in Munich tribunal in 1921 defended himself by mentioning Mussolini’s fascism in Italy as a legal social and political system, with which Germany maintained diplomatic relations. Already in power, Hitler in 1935 wrote a preface for an Italian book about fascism trans lated into the German language and in the preface he said that nobody could deny the similarity between the Italian and German new vision of state and social order. In the same year, Joseph Goebbels gave priority to Mussolini’s fas cism as the first movement with totalitarian ideas about state and so ciety. Mussolini, after he came to power, tolerated the existence of dif ferent political parties for some time, but
in 1925 he banned all the political parties except the Fascist one. The Italian economy took the form of the state capitalism with great concentration and centraliza tion of the national capital. The fascist government did not allow the export of the capital. The whole Italian economy became the so called “corporate economy”, which consisted of the workers’ and capitalists’ 77
organizations whose task was to regulate the national-patriot base re lations between capitalists and workers. The main aim was the elimi nation of classes and any kind of class-fighting, creating social peace and security, and the solidarity of all population strata (aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, workers, and peasantry) with the only one idea: the only “class” had to be the whole Italian nation. To make the state and party control effective, ffoml934 the planned economy was introduced. The German national-socialism followed almost the same political, economical and social forms of the Italian fascism. The difference was only the fact that Hitler’s Germany did not have a corporate system as in Italy. Germany had a “national community” (Volksgemeinschaft), in which only Germans existed and the social strata were not the same as in Italy. Germany also founded the so called “German labor front” in which both capitalists and workers couldn’t be antagonized as social classes, but they had to harmonize their own relationships, of course with the state severe control. These relationships could not be in conflict with the national interests. The German nation was inviolable, while the Party (National Socialist German Working Party) ruled both the state and society in the name of the German nation. The German national-socialism was different from the Italian fas cism in its own way regarding racist and anti-Semitic politics. Fascism did not have any racist elements until 1938. In Italy Jews were not prosecuted as in Germany, and there were no concentration camps for the Jews.
Another difference is the fact that Fascists intended to make a strong State, but national-socialists wanted to make a strong Nation. National-socialism seems much closer to the French Action (L’Action Française) of Charles Maurras than to the Italian fascism. It could be observed as the synthesis of these two movements. In the aftermath of the First World War the severe consequences that affected many European countries, basically as an outcome of the economic destruction, reflected in a decline of the industrial and agri cultural production, which, in the first post-war years caused all kinds of shortages, and even famine, eventually driving a number of people, including citizens of the most developed countries into poverty, social revolt, and revolutions that were crushed in the bloodshed in Hun gary and Germany, while the interventionist forces that failed to quell Lenin’s Bolshevik revolution in Russia had driven the European bour geoisie towards ever closer ties with the right-wing, conservative par ties. Mussolini’s enthronement in Italy was perceived by a lot of peo ple in Europe as an opportunity for Europe to oppose the expansion 78
of the labor movement and to prevent the European working class to fall under the Russian Bolshevik influence. In October 1929, when the major economic crisis occurred and the stock markets entirely crashed all over the world, while the overproduction spiraled a new decrease in production resulting in millions of laid-off workers, creating a new opportunity for a revolutionary turmoil, the bourgeoisie of Europe de cided it had to even more strongly tie itself to the far-right, which had already been in power in Italy (while in Germany since 1933), advo cating the termination of, by that time the existing system of liberal economy and international trade, and full sovereignty of nations and countries. Until the Second World War, Europe was completely overwhelmed with a common belief that the era of the liberal-democratic model of capitalism was about to end, and that a new European political and economic system with its crucial elements adopted from national i.e. sovereign states was determined to be established. Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy were examples for the many, especially for the European right of the time. “The new worldview” was advocating for “a morally pure and unified nation, undivided by class”, an authoritar ian leader, and the return to tradition, family, and religion, as opposed to the Marxist concept of socialism, namely, international working class solidarity. The same worldview that advocated racial and nation al purity eventually ended in anti-Semitism. It was a promotion of a “New Europe”, specifically “the Europe of nations”, not of its
citizens. Back in the 1930s, as a part of the European social milieu, and un der the strong influence of German economic prosperity with the rise of its military power, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia also had academics who were proponents of Hitler’s authoritarian, populist rule. In 1935, when Milan Stojadinović came to power, German National Socialism gained ever more affection from the Yugoslav public. The aforementioned political ideological and socio-economic stances of the political elite of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on future of the state and the society, after Nazi-Fascist occupation of the country and its dissolution, had their logical outcome in the ideas and efforts of Quisling formations, the Independent State of Croatia, and Nedić’s Serbia. The Independent State of Croatia did not have a Constitution, but a supreme legal act, and all the laws and bylaws, which the Croatian Ustasha government passed during its regime, from the 10th of April 1941, until the 6th of May 1945, were derived from the Ustasha Prin ciples. The principles introduced an ethnically pure nation-state of an authoritarian kind, the leader accountable immediately to the people, 79
unlimited national sovereignty, labor as a foundation of all values, and the responsibility towards the national community as the sole source of individual rights. The Ustasha Principles were indeed only a frame work for structuring the eventual independent Croatian state and so ciety, within which all the later Ustasha theorists had to operate in their further, more specific elaborations. In the spirit of the organicist doctrine close to Nazi-Fascism as the only possible and desirable form of government, many papers on leaders and leadership were written in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), a national, sovereign, and to talitarian state, which had disengaged itself from the system of liberal democracy. Beside Pavelič as a “poglavnik” [Führer], several theorists among whom Mile Budak, Danijel Crļjen, and Aleksandar Seitz were the most prominent ones, made their contributions to the Nazi-Fascist governance of the NDH state and society. The premise, on which the organization of the NDH was based, was to a much greater extent the political and social organization of the National Socialist Germa ny, rather than the Fascist Italy. That implied setting up a monolithic national society (Volksgemeinschaft), in which individual interests were subordinated to the community, with no estates or classes, but the one class-the Croatian nation. The Western liberal-democracy and the parliamentary democracy were rejected because, according to the doctrine of Fascism, multipartyism did not enable the rule of the peo ple, but indeed tore the national fabric to parties, and
polarized people establishing antagonistic fronts. The only bodies that existed were the leader, “poglavnik”, the personification of the Croatian nation, and the Ustasha movement, “the blood that is streaming through the organism of the Croatian nation”. Similar views on the societal structure were to be found in Nedić’s Serbia. The general policy of Nedić’s government and Serbian media of the time (Novo vreme, Srpski narod, Obnova, etc.) were inclined not only towards the justification of the German occupation, but also toward the social and political organization of Fascist Italy and Na tional Socialist Germany. As in the NDH, the priority was given to the German model. Moreover, it was general belief that the victory in the war and ideo logical victory of Fascism and National Socialism over liberal democ racies of the West were certain, and upon this belief the firture soci ety in Serbia was going to be founded. Serbian academics that were gathered around Nedić’s Quisling government had publicly claimed in their articles and public speeches that this war was not about acquiring material treasures in the way the First World War had been, but solely about the spiritual predominance in the world. They believed that the 80
material superiority and world hegemony of Great Britain were des tined to fail because they were based on the transient victory of matter, and not on the permanent superiority of spirit. To such academics, and to Nedič personally, Mussolini and Hitler were heralds of Europe and world progress, fathers of the prosperous Europe of the fiiture who had carried out successful revolutions in their respective countries, Mus solini in 1922, and Hitler in 1933. It was argued that the social order, which General Nedič was pre paring the ground for in Serbia, was rooted in the centuries-old lore of family life based on blood ties, in cooperativeness and brotherhood, and was inherent to a population of peasants, just as is the Serbian na tion. Serbian rural version of socialism differs somewhat in its specific features from Fascism and from German National Socialism, though it is closer to the latter than to the former. According to the claims, Ser bia was to become a society, in which there would be no social strata, only the Serbs as the sole “class”. On the 6th of March 1942, following the example of the German Labor Front, Nedič founded the Serbian Labor Community, which included capital owners and workers, with the purpose of preventing any form of the class conflict. The Serbian Labor Community was part of the social program for the future New Serbia, which was supposed to ensure à complete harmony between labor and capital based on soli darity and a sense of common national belonging. Although these ideas were not fully accomplished both in the NDH and in Nedić’s Serbia,
due to the military defeat of the Nazi-Fascist forces and the shortness of time to implement them, they clearly showed the course that the puppet Independent State of Croatia and Nedić’s Quisling government in the occupied Serbia were taking. That course was establishing the state and society on Fascist and/ or National Socialist principles, and their incorporation into Hitler’s “New Europe”. It is necessary to emphasize the key fact that Fascism in Italy and National Socialism in Germany or in other fascist European countries did not solve the question of class division in their own societies de spite demagogically set goals. State capitalism (which in Germany was euphemistically called “national socialism” and in Italy “corporatism”) even when formally opposed to individual large capitalists had historically similar features to them, which were the result of the legitimacy of any form of capi talism as a socio-economic system (liberal, monopoly or state) - the exploitation of labor by capital on the basis of private ownership of the means of production. 81
The social measures of the fascist or National Socialist state, con sidering that they did not abolish private property but kept the capitalrelationship, could alleviate this exploitation to some extent, but not abolish it. On the other hand, a clear distinction should be made between the attitude of Fascism and National Socialism towards capitalism at a time when they were only political movements striving for power, from their attitude towards capitalism when they won that power. In the first case, their rise was largely due to the impoverished and dis enfranchised working class and the dissatisfied petty bourgeoisie dur ing the Great World Economic Crisis, which they attracted with their propaganda about the alleged abolition of the unjust socio-economic system that oppressed and pauperized the masses and promises of so cial justice. They would regulate the future society when they came to power. In the second case, when the power was conquered, in order to con solidate it, both Fascism and National Socialism entered into an alli ance with the large capital of their own nation, which was itself intimi dated by the revolutionary upheavals in the domestic and international labor movement. The interdependence of political and socio-economic power gen erated a symbiosis of Fascism or National Socialism and big capital and enabled, on the one hand, the preservation of private property and capital-relations as such (as if strictly controlled in the state-national framework) and on the other, the historical functioning of Fascism or National Socialism as a political
system. Although the working position improved compared to the period of economic crisis, primarily due to the growth of the general social standard (construction of workers’ homes, social resorts, sports facili ties, significant fUnding of national cultural and sports institutions, propaganda work on youth sportsmanship, state measures health and social protection, and guaranteeing paid annual leave for employees, etc.), according to some data from 1933 to 1938 there was even a real decline in workers’ wages by more than 10 percent, while in the same period there was an increase in profits rates which raised the mass of capitalist profit from 8 million Reichsmarks at the end of 1932 to 20 million in 1938. This is explained by the fact that the Nazis managed to use various coercive measures of ideological nature, such as compulsory labor for citizens aged 20 to 50 to build a “new Germany”, to keep labor costs at the level of the crisis or to increase them only minimally. The working class could buy significantly fewer items in 1938 than in 1933 for the same money, or even nominally increased. 82
Both Fascism and National Socialism were in fact a mirror of the capitalist socio-economic system, stripped naked in the severe contra dictions of its own being. Not only did the attempt to “cure” it by destroying all liberal and democratic values, by “nationalizing” it and preventing any suprana tional structure and international solidarity of workers and people in general and by militarizing the economy and society fail, but it brought the humanity to a catastrophe of unprecedented proportions. 83 |
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Садржај 1. 2. 3. 4. Предговор Сажетак Abstract Разграничење појмова фашизам и национал-социјализам Раст и ширење популарности фашистичког и национал-социјалистичког друштвеног модела у Бвропи и код нас (1929-1939) 5. Национал-социјалистички модел државе и друштва у НДХ („хрватски социјализам“) 5.1. 5.2. „Хрватски социј ализам“ Разлика између либерално-демократске државе и ауторитарне државе, по Зајцу О „страху од социализма“ „Част рада“, дужности рада и право на рад „Бистрење појмова“: марксизам и хрватски социј ализам 5.3. 5.4. 5.5. 6. Национал-социјалистички оквири економско-социјалних реформи у Недићевој Србији 7. Закључак 7 9 li 13 16 22 30 34 37 39 40 43 55 5
8. 9. 10. 11. 12. Напомене Литература Индекс noj мова и имена Summary Прилози 57 74 76 77 84
9. Литература 1. Борковић Милан, Контрареволуција у Србији. Квислиншка управа 1941-1944, кп., Слобода, Београд, 1979. 2. Crljen Danijel, Naš Poglavnik, Nakladna knjižara Velebit, Zagreb, 1943. 3. Crljen Danijel, Načela hrvatskog ustaškog pokreta, Zagreb, 1942. 4. Ciano Galeazzo, Dnevniki
(1937-1938), NIP Zagreb, Zagreb, 1954. 5. Ciano Galeazzo, Dnevnik II (1939-1943), NIP Zagreb, Zagreb, 1954. 6. Goebbels Joseph, Der Faschismus und seine praktischen Ergebnisse, Berlin, 1935. 7. Hitlers zweites Buch, Ein Dokument aus dem jahr 1928, Stuttgart, 1928. 8. Клемперер Виктор, Језик Трећег
Рајха, Танјуг, Београд, 2006. 9. Krizman Bogdan, Ustaše i Treći Rajh, knj. 1 і 2, Zagreb, 1983. 10. Куљић, Тодор, Фашизам, Нолит, 1977. 11. Мартинов Златоје, НДХи Недићева Србија - сличности иразлике, Орионарт/Савез антифашиста Србије, Београд, 2018. 12. Мартинов Златоје, „Фашизам и национал-
социјализам као друштвена основа Недићеве Србије, Политикой, бр. 24, Нови Сад, децембар 2019. 13. Мартинов Златоје, „Милан Недић није био ’српска мајка’ него квислинг“, Република, година XXVII, бр. 608-611, Београд, де цембар 2015. 14. Мартинов Златоје, „Жртве и бројеви - скица за групни пор трет
заточеника логора Бањица“, Република, година XXV, бр. 540-541, јануар, 2013. 15. Мартинов Златоје, „Интерпретације теорија о национализму“, Република, година XIX, бр. 412-413, септембар 2007. 74
16. Митровић Андреј, Време нетрпељивих. Политичка историја великих држава Европе 1919-1939, Београд, 1974. 17. Meleti Vincenco, Wesen, Wollen, Wirken des Faschismus, Berlin, 1935. 18. Недић Милан, Начела српске сељачке задружне државе, Бео град: без ознаке издавана, 1943. 19. Недић Милан, Moja реч
Србима — говори Милана Ђ. Недића одржани у 1941 1944. год. Београд: штампано у штампарији „Луча“, 1944. 20. Нолте Ернест, Фашизам у својој епохи. Просвета, Београд, 1990. 21. Павић, Радован, „Хитлерови говори 1922-1939-1943, прилог познавању геополитичких аспеката нацизма“, Политичка мисао, Вол. XXI
(1984) бр. 4. 22. Петровић Ненад Ж. Идеологија варварства - фашистичке и национал-социјалистичке udeje код интелектуалаца у Београду (1929-1941). Мостарт, Београд-Земун, 2015. 23. Poglavnik govori Sv. 2, Ured za promičbu Glavnog ustaškog stana, Zagreb 1941. 24. Прокић Лазар, Српска сељачка држава,
Београд: без ознаке издавана, 1943. 25. Reinhardt Fritz, Die Gesellschaften mit beschränkter Haftung. Nachschlagewerkf. Geschäftsführer, Berlin, 1927. 26. Rosenberg Alfred, Der Mythus des 20 Jahrhunderts, München, 1936. 27. Seitz Aleksandar, Put do hrvatskog socializma, Zagreb, 1943. 28. Спалајковић
Мирослав, „Спасилац Србије у XX веку“, пред говор у: Moja реч Србима, Београд: штампано у штампариіи „Луча“, Београд, 1944. 29. Стојановић Александар, Српски цивилни/културни план, Институт за новију историју, Београд, 2012. 30. Steil Alfred, Staljin pomagač Hitlera, Službeni dokumenti о sovjetsko-
njemačkim odnosima 1939-1941, Zagreb, 1951. 75
11. Summary National-Socialist base of the state and social order in the independent State of Croatia and Nedic's Serbia ascism and National-Socialism have their origins in nationalism ЈГ and they were both bom in the periods of the capitalist crisis. Although Fascism and National-Socialism (Nazism) at first seemed to be opposite to capitalism, they both did not leave the capitalist system, but included it in the national borders. The international and transnational function of the capital (“Capital doesn’t recognize a na tion”, Karl Marx) is absolutely opposite to the ideologies of NationalSocialism and Fascism. The ideologies were based exclusively on nationalism. There is no Fascism and National-Socialism without po litical and economical nationalism. German Nazis spoke about the similarities between these systems before they came to power in Germany. Adolf Flitler while accused of terrorism in Munich tribunal in 1921 defended himself by mentioning Mussolini’s fascism in Italy as a legal social and political system, with which Germany maintained diplomatic relations. Already in power, Hitler in 1935 wrote a preface for an Italian book about fascism trans lated into the German language and in the preface he said that nobody could deny the similarity between the Italian and German new vision of state and social order. In the same year, Joseph Goebbels gave priority to Mussolini’s fas cism as the first movement with totalitarian ideas about state and so ciety. Mussolini, after he came to power, tolerated the existence of dif ferent political parties for some time, but
in 1925 he banned all the political parties except the Fascist one. The Italian economy took the form of the state capitalism with great concentration and centraliza tion of the national capital. The fascist government did not allow the export of the capital. The whole Italian economy became the so called “corporate economy”, which consisted of the workers’ and capitalists’ 77
organizations whose task was to regulate the national-patriot base re lations between capitalists and workers. The main aim was the elimi nation of classes and any kind of class-fighting, creating social peace and security, and the solidarity of all population strata (aristocracy, the bourgeoisie, workers, and peasantry) with the only one idea: the only “class” had to be the whole Italian nation. To make the state and party control effective, ffoml934 the planned economy was introduced. The German national-socialism followed almost the same political, economical and social forms of the Italian fascism. The difference was only the fact that Hitler’s Germany did not have a corporate system as in Italy. Germany had a “national community” (Volksgemeinschaft), in which only Germans existed and the social strata were not the same as in Italy. Germany also founded the so called “German labor front” in which both capitalists and workers couldn’t be antagonized as social classes, but they had to harmonize their own relationships, of course with the state severe control. These relationships could not be in conflict with the national interests. The German nation was inviolable, while the Party (National Socialist German Working Party) ruled both the state and society in the name of the German nation. The German national-socialism was different from the Italian fas cism in its own way regarding racist and anti-Semitic politics. Fascism did not have any racist elements until 1938. In Italy Jews were not prosecuted as in Germany, and there were no concentration camps for the Jews.
Another difference is the fact that Fascists intended to make a strong State, but national-socialists wanted to make a strong Nation. National-socialism seems much closer to the French Action (L’Action Française) of Charles Maurras than to the Italian fascism. It could be observed as the synthesis of these two movements. In the aftermath of the First World War the severe consequences that affected many European countries, basically as an outcome of the economic destruction, reflected in a decline of the industrial and agri cultural production, which, in the first post-war years caused all kinds of shortages, and even famine, eventually driving a number of people, including citizens of the most developed countries into poverty, social revolt, and revolutions that were crushed in the bloodshed in Hun gary and Germany, while the interventionist forces that failed to quell Lenin’s Bolshevik revolution in Russia had driven the European bour geoisie towards ever closer ties with the right-wing, conservative par ties. Mussolini’s enthronement in Italy was perceived by a lot of peo ple in Europe as an opportunity for Europe to oppose the expansion 78
of the labor movement and to prevent the European working class to fall under the Russian Bolshevik influence. In October 1929, when the major economic crisis occurred and the stock markets entirely crashed all over the world, while the overproduction spiraled a new decrease in production resulting in millions of laid-off workers, creating a new opportunity for a revolutionary turmoil, the bourgeoisie of Europe de cided it had to even more strongly tie itself to the far-right, which had already been in power in Italy (while in Germany since 1933), advo cating the termination of, by that time the existing system of liberal economy and international trade, and full sovereignty of nations and countries. Until the Second World War, Europe was completely overwhelmed with a common belief that the era of the liberal-democratic model of capitalism was about to end, and that a new European political and economic system with its crucial elements adopted from national i.e. sovereign states was determined to be established. Hitler’s Germany and Mussolini’s Italy were examples for the many, especially for the European right of the time. “The new worldview” was advocating for “a morally pure and unified nation, undivided by class”, an authoritar ian leader, and the return to tradition, family, and religion, as opposed to the Marxist concept of socialism, namely, international working class solidarity. The same worldview that advocated racial and nation al purity eventually ended in anti-Semitism. It was a promotion of a “New Europe”, specifically “the Europe of nations”, not of its
citizens. Back in the 1930s, as a part of the European social milieu, and un der the strong influence of German economic prosperity with the rise of its military power, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia also had academics who were proponents of Hitler’s authoritarian, populist rule. In 1935, when Milan Stojadinović came to power, German National Socialism gained ever more affection from the Yugoslav public. The aforementioned political ideological and socio-economic stances of the political elite of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on future of the state and the society, after Nazi-Fascist occupation of the country and its dissolution, had their logical outcome in the ideas and efforts of Quisling formations, the Independent State of Croatia, and Nedić’s Serbia. The Independent State of Croatia did not have a Constitution, but a supreme legal act, and all the laws and bylaws, which the Croatian Ustasha government passed during its regime, from the 10th of April 1941, until the 6th of May 1945, were derived from the Ustasha Prin ciples. The principles introduced an ethnically pure nation-state of an authoritarian kind, the leader accountable immediately to the people, 79
unlimited national sovereignty, labor as a foundation of all values, and the responsibility towards the national community as the sole source of individual rights. The Ustasha Principles were indeed only a frame work for structuring the eventual independent Croatian state and so ciety, within which all the later Ustasha theorists had to operate in their further, more specific elaborations. In the spirit of the organicist doctrine close to Nazi-Fascism as the only possible and desirable form of government, many papers on leaders and leadership were written in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), a national, sovereign, and to talitarian state, which had disengaged itself from the system of liberal democracy. Beside Pavelič as a “poglavnik” [Führer], several theorists among whom Mile Budak, Danijel Crļjen, and Aleksandar Seitz were the most prominent ones, made their contributions to the Nazi-Fascist governance of the NDH state and society. The premise, on which the organization of the NDH was based, was to a much greater extent the political and social organization of the National Socialist Germa ny, rather than the Fascist Italy. That implied setting up a monolithic national society (Volksgemeinschaft), in which individual interests were subordinated to the community, with no estates or classes, but the one class-the Croatian nation. The Western liberal-democracy and the parliamentary democracy were rejected because, according to the doctrine of Fascism, multipartyism did not enable the rule of the peo ple, but indeed tore the national fabric to parties, and
polarized people establishing antagonistic fronts. The only bodies that existed were the leader, “poglavnik”, the personification of the Croatian nation, and the Ustasha movement, “the blood that is streaming through the organism of the Croatian nation”. Similar views on the societal structure were to be found in Nedić’s Serbia. The general policy of Nedić’s government and Serbian media of the time (Novo vreme, Srpski narod, Obnova, etc.) were inclined not only towards the justification of the German occupation, but also toward the social and political organization of Fascist Italy and Na tional Socialist Germany. As in the NDH, the priority was given to the German model. Moreover, it was general belief that the victory in the war and ideo logical victory of Fascism and National Socialism over liberal democ racies of the West were certain, and upon this belief the firture soci ety in Serbia was going to be founded. Serbian academics that were gathered around Nedić’s Quisling government had publicly claimed in their articles and public speeches that this war was not about acquiring material treasures in the way the First World War had been, but solely about the spiritual predominance in the world. They believed that the 80
material superiority and world hegemony of Great Britain were des tined to fail because they were based on the transient victory of matter, and not on the permanent superiority of spirit. To such academics, and to Nedič personally, Mussolini and Hitler were heralds of Europe and world progress, fathers of the prosperous Europe of the fiiture who had carried out successful revolutions in their respective countries, Mus solini in 1922, and Hitler in 1933. It was argued that the social order, which General Nedič was pre paring the ground for in Serbia, was rooted in the centuries-old lore of family life based on blood ties, in cooperativeness and brotherhood, and was inherent to a population of peasants, just as is the Serbian na tion. Serbian rural version of socialism differs somewhat in its specific features from Fascism and from German National Socialism, though it is closer to the latter than to the former. According to the claims, Ser bia was to become a society, in which there would be no social strata, only the Serbs as the sole “class”. On the 6th of March 1942, following the example of the German Labor Front, Nedič founded the Serbian Labor Community, which included capital owners and workers, with the purpose of preventing any form of the class conflict. The Serbian Labor Community was part of the social program for the future New Serbia, which was supposed to ensure à complete harmony between labor and capital based on soli darity and a sense of common national belonging. Although these ideas were not fully accomplished both in the NDH and in Nedić’s Serbia,
due to the military defeat of the Nazi-Fascist forces and the shortness of time to implement them, they clearly showed the course that the puppet Independent State of Croatia and Nedić’s Quisling government in the occupied Serbia were taking. That course was establishing the state and society on Fascist and/ or National Socialist principles, and their incorporation into Hitler’s “New Europe”. It is necessary to emphasize the key fact that Fascism in Italy and National Socialism in Germany or in other fascist European countries did not solve the question of class division in their own societies de spite demagogically set goals. State capitalism (which in Germany was euphemistically called “national socialism” and in Italy “corporatism”) even when formally opposed to individual large capitalists had historically similar features to them, which were the result of the legitimacy of any form of capi talism as a socio-economic system (liberal, monopoly or state) - the exploitation of labor by capital on the basis of private ownership of the means of production. 81
The social measures of the fascist or National Socialist state, con sidering that they did not abolish private property but kept the capitalrelationship, could alleviate this exploitation to some extent, but not abolish it. On the other hand, a clear distinction should be made between the attitude of Fascism and National Socialism towards capitalism at a time when they were only political movements striving for power, from their attitude towards capitalism when they won that power. In the first case, their rise was largely due to the impoverished and dis enfranchised working class and the dissatisfied petty bourgeoisie dur ing the Great World Economic Crisis, which they attracted with their propaganda about the alleged abolition of the unjust socio-economic system that oppressed and pauperized the masses and promises of so cial justice. They would regulate the future society when they came to power. In the second case, when the power was conquered, in order to con solidate it, both Fascism and National Socialism entered into an alli ance with the large capital of their own nation, which was itself intimi dated by the revolutionary upheavals in the domestic and international labor movement. The interdependence of political and socio-economic power gen erated a symbiosis of Fascism or National Socialism and big capital and enabled, on the one hand, the preservation of private property and capital-relations as such (as if strictly controlled in the state-national framework) and on the other, the historical functioning of Fascism or National Socialism as a political
system. Although the working position improved compared to the period of economic crisis, primarily due to the growth of the general social standard (construction of workers’ homes, social resorts, sports facili ties, significant fUnding of national cultural and sports institutions, propaganda work on youth sportsmanship, state measures health and social protection, and guaranteeing paid annual leave for employees, etc.), according to some data from 1933 to 1938 there was even a real decline in workers’ wages by more than 10 percent, while in the same period there was an increase in profits rates which raised the mass of capitalist profit from 8 million Reichsmarks at the end of 1932 to 20 million in 1938. This is explained by the fact that the Nazis managed to use various coercive measures of ideological nature, such as compulsory labor for citizens aged 20 to 50 to build a “new Germany”, to keep labor costs at the level of the crisis or to increase them only minimally. The working class could buy significantly fewer items in 1938 than in 1933 for the same money, or even nominally increased. 82
Both Fascism and National Socialism were in fact a mirror of the capitalist socio-economic system, stripped naked in the severe contra dictions of its own being. Not only did the attempt to “cure” it by destroying all liberal and democratic values, by “nationalizing” it and preventing any suprana tional structure and international solidarity of workers and people in general and by militarizing the economy and society fail, but it brought the humanity to a catastrophe of unprecedented proportions. 83 |
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| geographic | Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Kroatien Serbien |
| id | DE-604.BV047244543 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| index_date | 2024-07-03T17:05:44Z |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:28:10Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788652503940 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-032648733 |
| oclc_num | 1249682422 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 92 Seiten Illustrationen, Faksimiles, Karten |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20210419 |
| publishDate | 2020 |
| publishDateSearch | 2020 |
| publishDateSort | 2020 |
| publisher | Zaduzbina Andrejević |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteka specialis |
| series2 | Biblioteka specialis |
| spelling | 880-01 Martinov, Zlatoje 1953- Verfasser (DE-588)1159531986 aut 880-02 Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije Mr Zlatoja Martinov National-socialist base of the state and social order in the Independent State of Croatia and Nedić's Serbia 880-03 Beograd Zaduzbina Andrejević 2020. 92 Seiten Illustrationen, Faksimiles, Karten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier 880-04 Biblioteka specialis 36 Tiraž 500 Literaturverzeichnis Seite 74-75 Text serbisch. - Englische Zusammenfassung: National-socialist base of the state and social order in the Independent State of Croatia and Nedić's Serbia Kyrillisch Geschichte 1941-1945 gnd rswk-swf Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd rswk-swf Gesellschaftsordnung (DE-588)4020645-2 gnd rswk-swf Faschismus (DE-588)4016494-9 gnd rswk-swf Nationalsozialismus (DE-588)4041316-0 gnd rswk-swf Staat (DE-588)4056618-3 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Gesellschaftsordnung (DE-588)4020645-2 s Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 s Staat (DE-588)4056618-3 s Faschismus (DE-588)4016494-9 s Nationalsozialismus (DE-588)4041316-0 s Geschichte 1941-1945 z DE-604 Biblioteka specialis 36 (DE-604)BV047244538 36 Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032648733&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032648733&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032648733&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract 100-01/(N Мартинов, Златоје ut 245-02/(N Национал-социјалистички основи државног и друштвеног уређења НДХ и Недићеве Србије Мр Златоја Мартинов 264-03/(N Београд Задузбина Андрејевић 2020. 490-04/(N Библиотека Specialis |
| spellingShingle | Martinov, Zlatoje 1953- Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije Biblioteka specialis Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd Gesellschaftsordnung (DE-588)4020645-2 gnd Faschismus (DE-588)4016494-9 gnd Nationalsozialismus (DE-588)4041316-0 gnd Staat (DE-588)4056618-3 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4115590-7 (DE-588)4020645-2 (DE-588)4016494-9 (DE-588)4041316-0 (DE-588)4056618-3 (DE-588)4073841-3 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije |
| title_alt | National-socialist base of the state and social order in the Independent State of Croatia and Nedić's Serbia |
| title_auth | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije |
| title_exact_search | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije |
| title_exact_search_txtP | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije |
| title_full | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije Mr Zlatoja Martinov |
| title_fullStr | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije Mr Zlatoja Martinov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije Mr Zlatoja Martinov |
| title_short | Nacional-socijalistički osnovi državnog i društvenog uređenja NDH i Nedićeve Srbije |
| title_sort | nacional socijalisticki osnovi drzavnog i drustvenog uredenja ndh i nediceve srbije |
| topic | Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd Gesellschaftsordnung (DE-588)4020645-2 gnd Faschismus (DE-588)4016494-9 gnd Nationalsozialismus (DE-588)4041316-0 gnd Staat (DE-588)4056618-3 gnd |
| topic_facet | Politisches Denken Gesellschaftsordnung Faschismus Nationalsozialismus Staat Kroatien Serbien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032648733&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032648733&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=032648733&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV047244538 |
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