Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose: = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Lithuanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Vilnius
Vilniaus universiteto leidykla
2017
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| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Register // Personenregister Abstract Literaturverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | 272 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten 21 cm |
| ISBN: | 9786094598777 |
Internformat
MARC
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| 246 | 1 | 1 | |a How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts |
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| 651 | 4 | |a Georgia (Republic) / Relations | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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Sienijimas Abchazijoje ir Pietų Osetijoje Struktūrinė teritorial umo galia Įprotis būti valstybe. Išvados
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ Bader, Max Abašidze, Aslan 83 Abbott, Andrew 28,125,125, 223 232 45, Bagapš, Sergej 88 Adler, Emanuel 171, 223 Bahcheli, Tozun Adler-Nissen, Rebecca 114,114, Bakke, Kristin M. HÖ, ііб, іі8, 119, 24І Balibar, Étienne 41, 224 47, 224 225 33, Agladze, Elene 8 Bartmann, Barry Agnew,John Baudrillard, Jean 165,165, 216, 217, 26,107,108-111,108, 109, no, 220, 223 Agnė, Hans 174,175, 41, 224 225 223 Beissinger, Mark R. 43, 225 Ahtisaari, Martti 182,183 Berenskoetter, Felix 97, 225 Alasanija, Irakli 88 Berg, Eiki 46, 225 Alavidze, Nino įklija Berija, Lavrentij Albert, Mathias Bertašavičiūtė, Rima 8 31, 236, 239 Alvarez, Robert R., Jr. 31,32,32, 115,115, 223 Ambrosio, Thomas 195,195,198, 200, 223 Anchabadze, Yuri Anderson, Benedict Anderson, James 227 43, 29, 224 32,33,113,144,145, Bibilov, Anatolij 199, 201 Biersteker, Thomas J. Birch,Julian 27, 238 43,74,77,80,225 Biswas, Shampa 33,33,225 Blakkisrud, Helge 46, 236 Blomley, Nicholas ш, 225 Boden, Dieter 224 63 71 Anzaldùa, Gloria 31,31, 224 Borges, Jorges Luis Arlauskaitė, Natalija 8,144 Brenner, Neil Artman, Vincent M. 19,19,189, 224 Broers, Laurence 39,39, 42,44,45, 25,26,107, ш, Campbell, David 224 Asmus, Ronald 32,102, 225 226 Asanišvili, Pikrija 8 Ashley, Richard К. 217 45,82,181,183,186, I9I-I92, I92, I93, 224 115, 226 Caspersen, Nina 37-38,37,4°, 40, 4I, 41, 200, 200, 226 267
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ Cerny, Philip G. 32, 226 Dovydas IV (Statytojas), Gruzijos karalius 53 Cichelašvili, Ketevan 155 Ciobanu, Ceslav 43, 226 Cl°gg, Rachel 46,226 Edwards, Maxim Coakleyjohn Eide, Kai 182 Coffey Luke 21, 12, 226 226 Cole,John W. 30,30,227 Cooley, Alexander 19,19,43, 209, 227 Coppieters, Bruno 42,43,44,45, 227 Cordell, Karl 42, 227 Cornell, Svante E. 42,42,44,45, 227-228 Crawford, Beverly 62, 229 Ellena, Monica 142,142, 229 Evans, Malcolm D. 65 Cibirov, Liudvig 81 Fischer, Sabine 210, 211, 230 Florea, Adrian 37,37, 230 29, 224 97,165, 228, 240 Demetradze, Irina 8 Donaldson, Robert H, 28, Doty, Roxanne Lynn 229 268 Francis, Celine 43, 67, 68,175, 231 Frear, Thomas 47,188, 231 Fuller, Liz 201,231 Gamsachurdija, Zviad 57-58, 66-67, 76-78 George, Julie A. 41,231 42,42,231 Gerrits, André W. M. 229 Donnan, Hastings 21,21, 24,97,97, Geldenhuys, Deon Derluguian, Georgi 61, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 69, 228-229 21, 241 225, 231 Delaney, David іб, іб, 23,104,138, 228 Diehl, Paul Foucault, Michel 31, 107,107,116,116,132,132, 231 21, 26,107, Daškus, Marius 246 175,176-178,176, Forsberg, Tuomas Cachos, Abchazíjos valdovai Dalby, Simon 173, 177,178,179,184, 230 Cullen Dunn, Elizabeth ιβο, іб4, іб4, 228 Cižikienė, Aušra 229 Eiden, Stuart 21, 22, 22, 24, 25, 25, 102, 105, IO6, 107, IO8, 108, III, m, 117,117,141» 141, 2·25 229, 231 Fabry, Mikulas Crampton, Jeremy W, 21,231 13, 186, 229 246, 247 119,119,170, 45, 2 3 2 Giddens, Anthony 105 Gilliland, Clay įklija Goertz, Gary 21, 229 Gordon, Colin 21,231
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ Gotsiridze, Roman Gottmann,Jean Green, Sarah Kabachnik, Peter 47,161,162,163, 84,130, 236 234 22,22,232 Kakačia, Korneli 8 28,34,115,116,232 Gregory, Derek Kapitonenko, Mykolą 43, 235 Kaufmann, Walter 83,87,88, 235 33, 99,104,107, 232-233 Guzzini, Stefano Harvey, David Kazlauskas, Rolandas 8 Kereselidze, Nino 46,160,235 96,97,97,233 Khashig, Inal King, Charles 35,100,102,233 Heidegger, Martin 117 Hereklis II, Gruzijos karalius 53 Hewitt, В, George 43,233 Higgins, Andrew 142,233 Holsti, Kalevi J. 39,46, Kingston, Paul 41, 235 Kitchin, Rob 104, 228 Kokoit, Eduard 81, 86 Kolossov, Vladimir 28,37, 40, 48,48, 33,34,233 Iskandaryan, Alexander 226, 235-236, Kolstø, Pål 234 Yemelianova, Galina M. Yuval'Davis, Nira 41,44,235 Kocs, Stephen A. 22,235 Kofman, Eleonore юо 108,108,233 Houtum, Henk van 189,235 38,42,234 158, 234 240 46, 236 Kramsch, Olivier 33, 233 Kukhianidze, Alexandre 84,130» 236 Kupatadze, Alexandre 84,130, 236 Jackson, Robert H. 38,38,234 Lakóba, Nestor 62 Jacobson, David Lamont, Michèle 28, 28,30,165,166, 31, Jakniūnaitė, Dovilė 236, 239 107,185, 236 234 Jankauskas, Kęstutis 8 223 Jasutis, Gražvydas 8,132,148,150 Jelcin, Boris 78 Johnson, Ron 99,104, 232 Jones, Reece 27, 27, 234 Jones, Stephen 52, Jusionytė, leva 8 58,58,59, Lange, William A. 195,195,198, 200, 82, 234 Lapid, Yosef 31,113, 236, 239 Lavrov, Sergej 194 Lebas, Elizabeth 100 Lefebvre, Henri 35,35,99—101,100, 106,119,126, 236 Leonaitė, Erika 8,179,179, 236-237
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ Lipschutz, Ronnie D. 32» 62,229, 237 Mölder, Martin Lynch, Dov 41, 41, 45, 45) 237 Luhmann, Niklas 114 Murphy, Alexander В. 109, 238 Lundgren, Minna 47,47,129, i49) ібо, ібі, Іб2, 163, 163, 237 Navaro-Yashin, Yael 46, 225 Murinson, Alexander 42, 238 Newman, David 27,29,109, 35, 239 239 30,31, Mayer, Margit 102, 237 Nicholson'Smith, Donald 35, 236 Maikki, Liisa 32, 35,35,119, i59) 159, 237 Nygren, Bertil Mangham, Robert 8 Nogee, Joseph L. 186,229 Mann, Michael North, Andrew 12,142, O Dowd, Liam 32, из, 32, 237 Markedonov, Sergey žr. Маркедонов, Сергей Maskaliūnaitė, Asta 8 Massey, Doreen В. 35,99 238 Mašabeliai, Gruzijos aristokratai Nodia, Ghia 185, 239 43,44, 61,66, 227, 239 239 144,145, 224 O'Loughlin, John 37,40,48,48, 224, 236,240,245 Oskanian, Kevork 45, 240 73 Matsuzato, Kimitaka 46, 238 О Beacháin, Donnacha Mauss, Marcel 117 McLaughlin, Erin 142,238 Medvedev, Dmitrij žr. Медведев, Дмитрий Mickus, Justinas 8 Paasi, Anssi 28, 30, зо-зп 239 240-241 Parker, Noel 114,114, x 16, ηβ, пв, Miloševič, Slobodan 180 Minasyan, Sergey зэ) 226 Minghi, Julian V. ΙΙ9) 241 27,27 Miniotaitė, Gražina 7 Mitchell, Lincoln A. 19,19, 43) 209, 227 Mitchneck, Beth 47, ібі, Іб2, Ібз, 234 Molnar, Virág 28, 28,30,165, ібб, 236 270 46, 240 Ó Tuathail, Gearóid (Gerard Toal) 21, 25, 26, 37, 40, 48, 48,107, no, III, 224) 228, 240, 245 Ρegg, Scott 39) 39) 40, 44) 174) 175) 241 Pelkmans, Mathijs 47,48, 241 Peuch, Jean-Christophe 204, 241 Popescu, Nicu 205, 206, Pouliot, Vincent 171, 241 223
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ Pratt, Geraldine 99,104, 232 Pred, Allan зз,233 Prelz Oltramonti, Giulia 47,47, 128,128,129,130, 241—242 Putin, Vladimir 129,180,183,184, 188.191-192, 242 Regulska, Joanna 47, ібі, 162,163, 234 Rice, Condoleezza 183 Robinson, William L 32, 242 Roudik, Peter 189, 242 Rožėnas, Artūras 8 Smith, Neil 35,100,102, 243 Socor, Vladimir 203, 203, 243-244 Soja, Edward W. 99,100, Souleimanov, Emil 42,42,53,63, 75, 244 Spears, Ian S. 41,235 Srebrnik, Henry 41, 224 Stalin, Josif 63 Stansfield, Gareth 37-38,37,40, 40, 226 Starr, S. Frederick 45, 228 Stephan, Sarah 71, 244 Suny, Ronald Grigor Ruggie, John Gerard 24,24,25,242 Savtvaladze, Miša 8 Sakwa, Richard 4г, 227 Salter, Mark В. 35,35,243 Sanakojev, Dmitrij 132 Taylor, Peter J, 43, 243 Sarkozy, Nicolas 91,133 Savina, Giulio 8 Semneby, Peter 209 Shenfield, Stephen D. 63, 243 Sheridan Smith, Alan M. 97, 231 Shukla, Sebastian 142, 238 Skardžiūtė-Kereselidzė, Renata 8 Smelser, Neil J. 32,243 44,52, 54, 65, 244 Saakašvili, Michail 59, 82-91,82, 132,133,151-153, 162, іб5, 187.191- 192, 20б Sack, Robert David 23, 23, 243 Sahlins, Peter 29,30, 243 Saparov, Arsene 244 Šervašidzės, Abchazijos valdovai 65, Ševardnadze, Eduard 58-59, 67, 78-79 30,245 Takinienė, Renata 8 Tamara, Gruzijos karalienė 53 Thrift, Nigel IO4, 228 Tibilov, Leonid 199 Tigieva, Izolda 8 Toal, Gerard žr. O Tuathail, Gearóid Toft, Monica Duffy 83, 245 Toporov, Vladimir žr. Топоров, Владимир Toria, Malkhaz 47, 245 271
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ Tsertsvadze, Lali 142, 245 Zakareišvili, Paata 88,89,153, 247 Tusk, Donald 12 Zierhofer, Wolfgang Zürcher, Christoph Waal, Thomas de 42,42, 209, ։ю, 246 Walby, Sylvia 32, 246 142, Žalimas, Dainius 179,179, 236- 246 Warbrick, Colin 173,173» 174; 246 Ward, Michael D. 224 Watts, Michael 28, 99,104, Weber, Cynthia 27, 232 99,104, Wilson, Thomas M. 28, 249 Конт, Франсис щ, 248 40,42,130, Медведев, Дмитрий 90-91,133, i86,191-192,192,194,194, 248 232 Топоров, Владимир 114,114,249 246-247 Хундадзе, Тато 136,140,153, 249 Шаишмелашвили, Гиоргий 136, 140, 153, 249 227 Bayerische 272 114, Михайлов, Николай 114, 249 Whatmore, Michael 42, Евзлин, Михаил 220,220,246 Wolf, Eric R. 30,30, 227 136,140,153, 249 Маркедонов, Сергей 198,198, 238, 248 246 Weber, Max 107, 238 Wolff, Stefan 237 Гобронидзе, Гиоргий Wallace, William (Lord Wallace of Salraire) 187 Wastl-Walter, Doris 23Յ 43,43,44,53, 55,56,66, 67, 69, 247 Walker, Rob B.J. 25,25; 26,105,107, 246 Walker, Shaun 33,34, 18, Staatsbibliothek München
Summary HOW TO BECOME A STATE: BORDERS AND SPACES IN GEORGIAN TERRITORIAL CONFLICTS This book analyses strategies of territoriality and bordering employed by two de facto states, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. They are currently at tempting to gain international recognition and achieve full separation from Georgia. The start of Abkhazian and South Ossetian efforts to separate from Georgia can be traced back to the end of the 20^’ century, fall of the So viet Union. After the Russian-Georgian war of 2008, these efforts have but become more solid. The principal aim of these entities is to establish sov ereignty. These are territorial entities that exert control over their own terri tories and citizens and possess military and economic resources for this pur pose. It is common to name them defacto states. Nevertheless, they have no international subjectivity, nor the agreement of Georgia to separate. So, for an accurate depiction of European political map, they ought to be marked as white spots, or unmarked at all, if we were to absolutely follow the principle of the territorial integrity and inviolability of state's borders. The greatest challenge for these territories is to become the legitimate subjects in a world where the mentioned principles dominate and the only possibility to exist as a subject of international relations consists of recogni tion of the already-existing states. The situation of such defacto states is ambiguous. On one hand, they are anomalies, a problem to be resolved, something that should not exist, and thus are to be treated as temporary
phenomena. On the other hand, they continue to exist and become a stable feature of international and re gional politics - their existence as such needs no explanation. Thus, the goal of the research is to understand how this ambiguity of the de facto states works and how the prolonged existence of the de facto states is related to territorial and bordering processes. 251
SUMMARY I analyse not only the history of Georgian territorial wars and efforts to resolve the conflicts, but also ask the following questions: how does a state reconcile with a loss of a part of its territory? How do unrecognised ter ritorial entities utilize the habitual practices of international affairs? How a political-territorial entity justifies its existence? How are certain limits (e. g. borders, lines) agreed upon, and what effects do those agreements entail? How does our system of international relations work — this system that allows some to be a part of it and denies that to the others? What does the existence of an unrecognised territorial entity tells us about the everyday, established practices of international relations? I treat international relations first and foremost as territorial practice and assume that the analysis of the global politics must start with an obser vation that we live and operate in a territorially divided world. Moreover, the existence of a political community is always linked with its ability to control a certain part of a territory. Analysis of a territory is inseparable from borders that define, limit, and create it. Thus through the analysis of territoriality and bordering I aim to understand the subjectivity conditions of the unrecognised territorial en tities. These conditions are related to the territorial practices of particular entities, yet also with practices of other actors of the international system, when these actors attempt to resolve the existence of these entities. I uncover the common state building practices and
show the power and limits of these practices, and the ambiguous position of the unrecognised states provides the special context to reflect the power of state borders and state territoriality. The chosen object of analysis - defacto states - and their problematic situation is a complex phenomenon, one that does not and cannot have a single theoretical explanation. The analysed problem requires several theo retical and analytical contexts that allows to comprehend a particular em pirical situation and formulate a complex theoretical perspective, which would demonstrate what analysing state borders and territories in (Eastern) Europe in the 21st century means. Both Georgian territorial conflicts - with Abkhazia and South Osse tia - sprang up during the fall of the Soviet Union, when Georgia was striv252
SUMMARY ing for sovereignty and creating a nation state. Both entities, during the early 1990S, endured military conflicts, armistices and unsuccessful international attempts in resolving the conflicts. They both had received (varied) support from Russia, and, in August of 2008, mainly South Ossetia experienced yet another war, known as the Russo-Georgian War. Almost immediately af ter the war, both separatist territories were recognised by Russia, they both have functioning governmental institutions that carry out the usual state functions. Abkhazia and South Ossetia currently are defacto states, yet, in accordance with the international law and according to the absolute major ity of the international community, are still regarded as parts of Georgia. Even though no military actions, despite the five-day war in August 2008, are resumed, no peace agreements are in effect as well, and Georgia is not able to control these territories. Russia and Georgia are the main actors impacting the life and function ing of these defacto states. Thir understanding on how these entities should operate differ completely, as do their views regarding the statehood and bor der politics of these de facto states. Georgia is firmly set on reinstating its territorial integrity and wants to reintegrate both entities; hence, it views the status quo as unacceptable. For Georgia, existence of these entities and the conflict resolution is a matter of its domestic politics. For Russia, which has recognised the separatist territories and which helps them to subsist, they are part of its neighbourhood
policy, and a matter of international politics. In academic literature on these conflicts, it is quite common to view these territories simply as Russia’s pawns. This position disregards the ongo ing processes of state-building, the evolving subjectivity of these entities and their ability to receive concessions and negotiate with Russia. Undoubtedly, these territories would have a hard time surviving without Russia’s aid and security guarantees, yet the local elites of Abkhazia and South Ossetia are not just tools of Russian influence, as it is frequently displayed. The history among the region’s ethnic groups is long and complicated, and during the last decades, the contradictory narratives have been formed. These tensions are related to the territories that are inhabited by more than a single ethnic group, the origin narratives of which are tied to those same territories. 253
SUMMARY HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE TERRITORIAL CONFLICTS In the second part of the book, I present the history of Georgia and its territorial conflicts. The battles and disputes of the 1990s that took part in Georgia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia were tangled and interrelated. I uncover the most significant political and social processes of Georgia that occurred during the last three decades and explain how the conflicts led to the formation of Abkhazia’s and South Ossetia’s defacto statehood. I show how Abkhazia and South Ossetia shaped its subjectivity and how the re lated actors (Georgian government, external actors), either by helping or resisting, contributed to this process. So, the objective of this historical part is to demonstrate chronologically how the estrangement of South Ossetia and Abkhazia from Georgia occurred and still occurs through everyday po litical practices. This part builds foundation for the analysis of the territorial and bordering processes in the fourth part. In this part, I also analyse the unsuccessfiil attempts to resolve the conflict. The part finishes with the 2008 Russo-Georgian War; my main analysis starts with the end of this war. The historical analysis reveals at least three points about the Georgian territorial conflicts. First, the formation of exclusive nation state communi ties in this region has instantly rejected the possibility of peaceful coexis tence between groups who have similar objectives of national sovereignty in the same territory. The decisive conditions of the current situation have developed during the last
two or three years of the USSR, when Georgia was intensely and passionately striving for its independence and shaping its ideas about the state. The state Georgians wanted to create was ethnically monolithic nation state, in which Georgian language would prosper and (ethnic) Georgians could thrive. Even if these efforts rarely transformed into radical forms, this exclusivity was part of the emerging Georgian state. Thus any larger deviations from this ideal, the efforts to gain any other ethnic autonomy was perceived as an assault on the Georgian national project. The great Georgian misfortune was that their state reacted to these challenges with violence, which and the remembrance of which was a huge hindrance to negotiate any viable solution for many years after. 254
SUMMARY Second, ir is the legacy of the Soviet territorial policy. In Soviet Union various territorial units had different levels of legal and practical autonomy. The small Georgia was pretty unique as it had an autonomous oblast and two autonomous republics. Upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union, only the territorial units which had the status of Soviet Republics could gain sovereignty with - this is especially significant - the borders that were at that time defined by the USSR. So, the principle of the national self-deter mination in decisions, which unit gets sovereignty, was inevitably applied selectively and within the historically determined circumstances. The fact that the decisions of Soviet government on the particular territorial status of its territorial units were made in dubious circumstances did not play any role. Some borders which existed in Soviet Union allowed the expression of national self-determination and provided with the international subjectivity, while others did not. Third, both defacto states ֊ Abkhazia and South Ossetia ֊ chose the same way to react to their fears and worries as Georgia did: they tried to create ethnically monolithic territorial states. Neither Abkhazia nor South Ossetia arrived at this decision immediately. For around 10-12 years, since the wars of 1990s up until the early 2000s, a “window of possibility” had existed, when it was still possible to imagine that these territories might live together in the common Georgian state. This part of the book demonstrates how the circumstances developed in such a way that, in the
end, the model of nation state for each ethnic group was chosen. Why it is the most obvious option I explain in the next part of the book. THEORETICAL CONTEXTS: SPACE, TERRITORY, AND BORDERS The third part of the book analyses three main terms - space, terri tory and borders. Here I explain the theoretical premises of the study and the foundations on which the thinking on contemporary statehood and its functioning in international relations is based. The practices of territoriality and bordering discussed in this part provide the background for the analysis of the territorial functioning of the defacto states and the politics of external international actors towards Abkhazia and South Ossetia. 255
SUMMARY I rely on critical human geography and border studies. This literature pays attention to the construction of the concepts and how they function in social relations; such analysis seeks to comprehend the conditions of possi bility of certain phenomena (which are described and constructed through these concepts) and the techniques which construct and produce various phenomena. Analysing social phenomena, first, we need to ask what con stitutes them and how they are made. Theories and concepts constitute the world that they describe and analyse, they produce and reproduce the vo cabulary with which we describe the world, and they operate within a cer tain historical context. Several essential concepts operate within any field of study, through which we comprehend that field and in accordance to which theories are formulated. By carrying out the conceptual analysis, I seek to elaborate the established and contentious meanings, how the concepts are interrelated and where they lead the critical research. The aim of the analysis is not to find out how concepts were used previ ously, but how they currently direct and constitute certain way of thinking about the world. These concepts not only give meaning to the social and material processes, they create them, and, according to Michel Foucault, “systematically form the objects of which they speak” (Foucault 2010, 49). Stefano Guzzini summarizes this particular analysis: “Theory is not only the result of knowledge, but also the condition for the possibility of knowledge” (Guzzini 20x3, 531). I begin my analysis from the
space and use the relational and construc tivist approaches. Modern territoriality is a spatial construct and its domi nant contemporary expression is the modern state through which the ter ritorial stabilization and containment of the space takes place. Thus, state hood in modern international relations means the consolidation of state’s territoriality and its spatial control, first of all, through various bordering practices. Statehood, and an especially the effective statehood, requires many other institutions and practices. Yet if we are interested in the initial foundational moment, we have to start form the necessary and mandatory condition to possess the control over certain territory. To control space means to divide it into closed, exclusive, politicalterritorial entities, the boundaries of which are defined by specific lines 256
SUMMARY borders. In this system, it is impossible (or hardly possible) to imagine any alternative, non-territorial ways of life and organisation of a bigger political community. It does not mean, though, that within such a system there are no frac tures, breaks, attempts to question or change it. The existence of separatist territorial entities also demonstrate that stability of the territorial state sys tem is relative. For me it is important not whether the system fits the ideal, but what norms are dominant and what is the acceptable arrangement to exist and manage social affairs. Space analysis emphasises that space is socially constructed through practices and representations, it is not static, and constantly becoming. Analysis of territory and territoriality, on the contrary, reveals that, entities seeking international subjectivity do not have any other way to function in international relations (i.e. exist without a state). Territories shape and are shaped by what they contain, by who is allowed to enter and who is denied this access. The “container” and its “contents” mutually shape each other. The importance of territoriality determines the value of borders, they territori ally organise the political and social life. Border analysis in this book is the analysis of various mechanisms and techniques that allow (or may allow) to create a stable territorially bound state. So, I look at the territorial separatist conflicts from a different angle: the conflict is not the clash of different interests and/or identities, it is the clash between differing interpretation
on how to act and control the par ticular space and how to find a place for a political subject in the territorially divided world. This territorial word is not monolithic, the system has the ruptures, and these ruptures create conditions for the separatist territorial entities to exist even though, in the ideal world, they should not exist. The theoretical approaches discussed in this part are occupied with a widely understood deconstruction — they strive not only to show the con struction of certain concepts and phenomena, but also reveal the mecha nisms through which this construction takes place. At the same time, such analysis demonstrates what is acceptable and most likely necessary to do in striving to maintain a stable system or what it is to be done to “create itself” as a state. The separatist territorial units aim to become a legitimate part of 257
SUMMARY the international system. For the unrecognised state the strategies to create some sort of resemblance of their normality are the most important. This normality as I demonstrate in the empirical analysis, is created through the territorial and bordering practices. BORDERING IN ABKHAZIA AND SOUTH OSSETIA In the fourth part, I analyse the territorial practices of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, through which the subjectivity of these territorial entities is formed and formulated, and through which the sovereign, separated and hierarchical space is created. The state autonomy depends on its ability to have and control borders, which are not only a physical and material entities, but social, political and discursive practices. Territory and what happens with it and through it involve political, geographical, jurisdictional, technical and practical questions. I analyse this complexity by showing how it is possible to "read” territoriality from different practices and texts. The main empirical data was collected during three research visits to Georgia: in April-August 2015, February 2016 and September-November 2016. During these visits, I participated in four European Union Monitor ing Mission (EUMM) patrols along the administrative line (AL): on May 4, 2015 and November 14, 2016 with patrols of the EUMM Field Office in Gori along South Ossetian AL, and on May 6, 2015 and November 16, 2016 with the patrols of the EUMM Zugdidi Field Office along Abkhazian AL. During these trips I familiarized with the situation along a part of both administrative lines, observed how mission
officers perceive and evaluate the situation and how they see their role in Georgia. Separately, I conducted three interviews with the representatives in the EUMM Headquarters in Tbilisi. During visits to Georgia, I also conducted an interview with a rep resentative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia, who was engaged in issues relating to conflict resolution, had meetings with four Georgian experts, who analyse the situation in Abkhazia and/or South Ossetia. These meetings allowed to gather data on Georgia's official policy regarding Ab khazia and South Ossetia and find out the interpretations of this policy. 258
SUMMARY On all occasions, semi-structured interviews were carried out. In order to verify and compliment gathered data as much as it was possible and avail able, I used the primary and official sources or news agency reports - mostly Georgian, but some South Ossetian or Abkhazian as well. The most contentious problem regarding the growing autonomy of Abkhazia and South Ossetia is the emerging border at the AL that sepa rates both territories from Georgia, so called borderisation process. I begin from the analysis of this process; next, I shift focus toward the institutional practices of bordering, and then analyse the effects of the borderisation for one group - the internally displaced persons. Thus, the analysis of territori ality and bordering in Abkhazia and South Ossetia consists of three chap ters. The first chapter analyses the building of the physical, material border along the AL and pays attention to the representations of this new border. Borders are not just direct lines or fences, they are also infrastructure and institutions that support these lines, so the second chapter analyses mobility practices and border control mechanisms, i.e. what is needed to maintain a border as an institution. In the third chapter, I comment on the situation of internally displaced people and explain what means to live in one contained space and be connected with another (previously one’s own) space. This part of the book shows how bordering occurs in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and how practices which are used to create and strengthen the state, do the expected; create the
state. Borders can do many things, but, if one wishes to turn them into state borders, these borders must first sepa rate and divide, border crossing must indicate the change of the territory “owners”. Cooperation, connections and permeability may only emerge after the separation and establishment of control. Jean Baudrillard had wrote that it is a map “that precedes the terri tory" (Baudrillard, 1983, 2). Currently it is precisely what happened in Ab khazia and South Ossetia: their borders had first existed as lines that did not separate but only marked spaces that were different yet same. During the analysed period, borders along Abkhazia and South Ossetia become material, visible. They become the crossing points, a system of surveillance, passports and other documents, a space for curbing illegal activity and the place of constraint. By limiting and dividing the space the bordering with 259
SUMMARY the accompanying images and narratives creates territory, makes it visible and identifiable. I analysed the bordering in Georgia from the perspective of separatist and marginalized entities, which seek to get rid of their defacto condi tion, and studied the practices that bring closer to the imagined normality. However, the territorialisation processes are not uni-directional, Georgia is also participating and shaping its own constrains. Georgian aims are the opposite — they do not want under no circumstances to contribute to the recognition of Abkhazian and South Ossetian statehood and proclaim the territorial integrity of Georgia as the ultimate aim of the state. Yet, Georgia still finds itself within the "territorial trap”: by ignoring and blocking the separatist entities it increases their separation from Geor gia and consolidates their societies to live separately. On the other hand, efforts to communicate and interact would create conditions under which Abkhazia and South Ossetia become more of a subjects, which would be hold the right to control their territories - the absolutely undesirable situa tion for Georgia. Georgian government reacted towards increasing separation and hos tility of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and chose to emphasise that the ter ritories are occupied by Russia. This strategy solves the cooperation, but not the recognition dilemma, and at the same time victimises Abkhazia and South Ossetia, not admitting them the right to speak and act. Such contra dictory practices function inside Georgia as well, in regard to their inter nally
displaced persons. Georgian government holds the idea that one day they will definitely return to their homes in Abkhazia and Ossetia. This not only implies the future restoration of territorial order, it forces this group of people to live unstable lives and turns them into a symbol of the injustice and the part of the permanent Georgian territorial anxiety. STRUCTURAL POWER OF TERRITORIALITY In the second part of the book, when discussing the concepts of space, territory and borders, I formulated the general theoretical context, in ac cordance with which the defacto states and their practices must be under260
SUMMARY stood and analysed. I revealed the established practices of territoriality and the existing structural tensions. Those entities do not operate in isolation around them various other actors act as well, they perceive situation in their own way and have their own practices towards them. The existence of defac to states is a challenge to the international interstate system, for they should not exist in a “normally” functioning state system. The fifth part of the book reveals the strategies of these external actors and their consequences. The international community are not just actors who attempt to resolve a conflict or sometimes escalate it. It is also a set of conditions in accordance to which it operates. These are various limiting and enabling factors, which make possible for international relations to function; they are usually called structural factors. This structure contains a system of meanings, norms and principles, which have been, over a long period of time, developed and negotiated by the actors of international relations. This system structures, leads and affects all actions and decisions of the actors. It does not mean that international relations function in absolute accordance with the rules indicated by the norms, or that everyone will behave the same, according to the requirements of structure. But the understanding of the normative structure allows comprehending the undesirable, deviating behaviour and choices. By asking what are formal and informal rules, habits, justifications and discourses, the acceptable limits of behaviour, it is possible to
grasp the limiting and enabling function of the international structure. The practices of international recognition frame the aims and poli cies of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the actions of the existing states to wards these defacto states, and the decisions of international organisations. I analyse these practices in the first chapter. The next two chapters analyse the policies of two main involved actors - Russia and the EU. Russia is an important player because of its straightforward intervention: it supports the existence of both territories and has recognised their statehood. Thus, Russia changed the context and the circumstances of the conflict substan tially, and possibly limited the options of its resolution. The EU is another involved international actor that competes or tries to compete with Russia. The EU has representatives and observers in Georgia and participates in the daily conflict monitoring and management. The analysis of the policies of these two actors demonstrates the two different ways to remain within 261
SUMMARY limits of the current international structure and explains the functioning of the “global” territoriality, and how this territoriality is sustained and what does the recognition or non-recognition policy means. The analysis in this part again shows how modern state territoriality works. First, the contemporary, still valid in the 21st century, international norms of territorial statehood recognition are strict and limiting. Yet, they function more like an approximate system of normalization, where it is possible for actors to hold different positions and acquire different behav ioural strategies. This does not necessarily mean that any kind of action and decisions will be evaluated alike or will bring about similar effects. At the same time, the international recognition norm indicates the almost absolute indivisibility of certain territories. Hence we can see the tendency for the international system to remain as stable territorially as possible. Statehood finalised through international recognition is intersubjective - it is possible to acquire it only if others recognise the existing entity as a state. The international recognition is not necessary to implement territorial and bordering practices of a state, they can be imitated and function as the practices by recognised “normal” states. This means that normative rules of recognition are exclusive and strict, yet they cannot forbid the carrying out of practices, even if the subject that carries out them still won’t become a state in the eyes of the international community. The external actors also contribute to
this process and their practices may support the increasing separation and the strengthening of desired statehood. Russia and the EU do not seek to ruin the current order of international relations. But they both in their own ways contribute to the existence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as defacto states. Russia’s actions may first seem ambiguous or even contradictory. On the one hand, it poses a challenge to the international community and rec ognises those entities, that, in accordance with international law, should not be recognised. On the other hand, Russia does not demonstrate that it seeks to change the principles of state territoriality in any way. On the contrary, Russia defends this idea as actively as ever. Russia’s seemingly audacious violation of international norms finally turns out into the most persistent defender of the traditional sovereign state system and the traditional state territoriality. 262
SUMMARY The EU is trying to remain as neutral as possible and closely observes all that takes place in Georgia. It supports the territorial integrity of Georgia and promotes engagement with Abkhazia and South Ossetia. But the EU in no way can resist the clear-cut support for these defacto states expressed by Russia. Moreover, in efforts to stabilize and normalize the conflict, the EU consistently contributes to Abkhazia and South Ossetia more and more liv ing separately. Thus, both external players willingly or unwillingly support the strengthening subjectivity of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. CONCLUSIONS How did Abkhazia and South Ossetia manage to emerge in status and shape in which they are now? It is not a question about the development of the conflict and the habit of these territories to live separately. It is a ques tion about how such territorial entities become imagined as states with a particular shape and name. It is impossible to suddenly stand on any plot of land and to establish a state there. Abkhazia and South Ossetia have existed as separate territorial units on the map far longer than their strive for independence began. Both de facto states were not required to prove where their boundaries are - the job was already done in the map, the territories of Abkhazia and South Osse tia were already marked on paper. We may even call them simulacra which should not be in reality, but which are reality, for sometime already. Though contrary to Baudrillard, I do not argue that we must perceive all reality as mediated simulacra, or that the simulacra of Abkhazia or
South Ossetia emerged solely from will and faith. On the contrary, throughout the whole book, I tried to prove just how important is the materiality of the state, which occurs first and foremost through bordering and the practices of the everyday territoriality. This materiality, of course, is mediated — later or even in the moment of its creation: the stories and images are produced, and they strengthen these material effects. Thus, I analysed how processes of territorialisation and bordering op erate, and are applied in different contexts and situations: in bordering and territorial practices of defacto states, in Georgias resistance strategies, in the 26s
SUMMARY rules and norms of international recognition, in the decisions and actions of Russia and the EU. This allowed to see how, in international relations, when applying the established rules and norms, they create the result which these rules and norms are more or less designed to create. It does not matter that the entity which should not act according to these norms is applying them. The results are still there. Thus, the strategy of defacto states derives from familiar practices of state territoriality through which they construct their statehood. Defacto states lose at the last but crucial stage: for them it is impossible to receive the international recognition. This impossibility is connected with the systems tendency for the status quo and thus tendency to favour the already existing territorial divisions. The study of territorialisation and bordering processes in Abkhazia and South Ossetia emphasises the relevance of habits and their analysis in international relations. How does a state reconcile with losing parts of its territory? Georgia, of course, had not reconciled - at least according to its official political rhetoric. On the other hand, the time is important - the state of Georgia is continuously operating without any contact with ei ther Abkhazia or South Ossetia. There is limited access to territories, no influence over the economic and social processes, minimal communication among political elites and population, little knowledge on how people live on either side. Hence, in political practice, Georgians just know that somebody lives over there,
something that operates separately. Moreover, the existing strate gy by both sides is to limit and prohibit the contacts and access to each other territories. This strategy solidifies the detachment in everyday life, to which people eventually adjust. People adjust to living in a “smaller” territory, even if the ideological construction of the territory remains unchanged. This adjustment happens despite the official policy of non-recognition that is supported by almost all international community and despite the still valid and strong principle of state territorial integrity. Adjustment to the ter ritorial changes also changes the imagination - now, in the beginning of the 21st century, it is especially difficult to imagine Georgias territorial integrity being restored. That in itself is the answer for how it is possible to survive with an "incomplete” territory. 264
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ The forming of a new habit in the Georgian case does not mean that all the involved actors are pleased with the situation, yet they still partici pate, are engaged in practices of various kinds and levels, and that also helps in establishing habit. To analyse the shaping of a habit is to analyse new regularities, so, in effect, to analyse the founding and consolidation of new practices as well. In this study this means to study how state territoriality is consolidated by building borders, establishing territorial control, limiting or allowing certain groups to participate in the life of separatist territories, by use of force or simply by observing and maintaining other kinds of es tablished rules. For change to occur, much more efforts are required than to simply maintain the usual practices, for it must be acted against automatism and the well-established routines. To think about the habit in international relations means to supplement the explanation of the behaviour with the at tention to the automatized, non-reflected forms of discourses and practices. The structure of international relations also contributes to this process through the decisions, interpretations and actions of its actors. The prin ciple of territorial integrity is an ideal that is difficult to maintain for a long term. Exceptions willing to become a norm have always existed and still ex ist. Nevertheless, the international political system seeks to stay as stable as possible and rely on the exclusive territoriality and one acceptable form to order political communities. The
stability of existing territorial states are also constantly threatened as the normative ideal of state territoriality is not easy to implement. They must keep the territorial container separate from the outside, have clear boundaries between inside and outside, which is not easy to maintain. The system of states is always hill of breaks and fractures, and somebody or something will always try to get into them, intervene, open up these breaks even more. Defacto states are such fractures, that attempt to become normal. They reveal how important is for a state to practice its territoriality and statehood everyday. These practices prevent us from seeing that structures, especially structures of meaning, can never be stabilized. The competing norms of in ternational relations, for example, related to human rights, do not allow for fully realizing the principle of territorial integrity. Thus, the possibilities al ways appear for the territorial simulacra emerge within the system. 265
ASMENVARDŽIŲ RODYKLĖ The awareness of this stabilisation principle allows understanding how the structural changes in the international system occur or may occur. The international system is complex, so it is hardly possible to accurately forecast international political processes. We can only just accidentally guess some new picture of the global politics. Nevertheless, it is possible to look for frac tures in the system and in our images of the system, seek to understand what are its limits, how they are maintained and how they might be challenged or transform. The situation of defacto states reveals such tensions in the idea of the territorial statehood, demonstrates how non-systemic actors emerge in this system, and at the same time shows how the structures of international relations resist and adapt, agreeing to live with these non-systemic entities without changing the system itself. 266
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| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV045862556 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1113729247 (DE-599)BVBBV045862556 |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
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| geographic | Georgia (Republic) / Boundaries Abkhazskai͡a A.S.S.R. (Georgian S.S.R.) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republic) / Relations South Ossetia (Georgia) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republick) / Relations / South Ossetia (Georgia) Georgia (Republic) fast Georgia (Republic) / Abkhazia fast Georgia (Republic) / South Ossetia fast Georgien (DE-588)4022406-5 gnd Südossetien (DE-588)4352213-0 gnd Abchasien (DE-588)4084629-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Georgia (Republic) / Boundaries Abkhazskai͡a A.S.S.R. (Georgian S.S.R.) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republic) / Relations South Ossetia (Georgia) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republick) / Relations / South Ossetia (Georgia) Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republic) / Abkhazia Georgia (Republic) / South Ossetia Georgien Südossetien Abchasien |
| id | DE-604.BV045862556 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-11-21T11:03:22Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9786094598777 |
| language | Lithuanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-031246018 |
| oclc_num | 1113729247 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 272 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten 21 cm |
| psigel | BSB_NED_20200227 |
| publishDate | 2017 |
| publishDateSearch | 2017 |
| publishDateSort | 2017 |
| publisher | Vilniaus universiteto leidykla |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Jakniūnaitė, Dovilė 1978- Verfasser (DE-588)118994331X aut Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts Dovilė Jakniūnaitė How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts Vilnius Vilniaus universiteto leidykla 2017 272 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten 21 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Geschichte gnd rswk-swf State, The Boundaries fast International relations fast State, The fast Territorium (DE-588)4184803-2 gnd rswk-swf Konflikt (DE-588)4032081-9 gnd rswk-swf Georgia (Republic) / Boundaries Abkhazskai͡a A.S.S.R. (Georgian S.S.R.) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republic) / Relations South Ossetia (Georgia) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republick) / Relations / South Ossetia (Georgia) Georgia (Republic) fast Georgia (Republic) / Abkhazia fast Georgia (Republic) / South Ossetia fast Georgien (DE-588)4022406-5 gnd rswk-swf Südossetien (DE-588)4352213-0 gnd rswk-swf Abchasien (DE-588)4084629-5 gnd rswk-swf Georgien (DE-588)4022406-5 g Abchasien (DE-588)4084629-5 g Südossetien (DE-588)4352213-0 g Territorium (DE-588)4184803-2 s Konflikt (DE-588)4032081-9 s Geschichte z DE-604 Erscheint auch als Online-Ausgabe 978-609-459-876-0 Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Register // Personenregister Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB München 25 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000007&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Jakniūnaitė, Dovilė 1978- Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts State, The Boundaries fast International relations fast State, The fast Territorium (DE-588)4184803-2 gnd Konflikt (DE-588)4032081-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4184803-2 (DE-588)4032081-9 (DE-588)4022406-5 (DE-588)4352213-0 (DE-588)4084629-5 |
| title | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts |
| title_alt | How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts |
| title_auth | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts |
| title_exact_search | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts |
| title_full | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts Dovilė Jakniūnaitė |
| title_fullStr | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts Dovilė Jakniūnaitė |
| title_full_unstemmed | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts Dovilė Jakniūnaitė |
| title_short | Kaip tapti valstybe: sienos ir erdvės Gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose |
| title_sort | kaip tapti valstybe sienos ir erdves gruzijos teritoriniuose konfliktuose how to become a state borders and spaces in georgian territorial conflicts |
| title_sub | = How to become a state: borders and spaces in Georgian territorial conflicts |
| topic | State, The Boundaries fast International relations fast State, The fast Territorium (DE-588)4184803-2 gnd Konflikt (DE-588)4032081-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | State, The Boundaries International relations Territorium Konflikt Georgia (Republic) / Boundaries Abkhazskai͡a A.S.S.R. (Georgian S.S.R.) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republic) / Relations South Ossetia (Georgia) / Relations / Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republick) / Relations / South Ossetia (Georgia) Georgia (Republic) Georgia (Republic) / Abkhazia Georgia (Republic) / South Ossetia Georgien Südossetien Abchasien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000003&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000005&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=031246018&sequence=000007&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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