Verfügbarkeit: Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku

Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku: polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura

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Körperschaft:	Międzynarodowa Konferencja Naukowa "Polska i Jugosławia w XX Wieku" Bydgoszcz (VerfasserIn)
Weitere Verfasser:	Pavlović, Momčilo 1959- (HerausgeberIn), Wawryszuk, Paweł (HerausgeberIn), Zaćmiński, Andrzej 1960- (HerausgeberIn), Fojt, Alojzy (ÜbersetzerIn)
Format:	Tagungsbericht Buch
Sprache:	Polish
Veröffentlicht:	Bydgoszcz Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Kazimierza Wielkiego 2018
Schlagworte:	Geschichte 1900-2000 Außenpolitik Kulturbeziehungen Polen Jugoslawien Polska / 20 w / konferencje Jugosławia / 20 w / konferencje Jugosławia / stosunki / Polska / 20 w / konferencje Polska / stosunki / Jugosławia / 20 w / konferencje Konferenzschrift > 2017 > Bydgoszcz
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Abstract
Beschreibung:	Zawiera teksty zaprezentowane na konferencji w Bydgoszczy w 2017 roku
Beschreibung:	495 Seiten Illustrationen 25 cm
ISBN:	9788380182127 838018212X

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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text	Sadrzaj Uvod...............................................................15 I. Poljska i Jugoslavija u medunarodnim odnosima u XX v..................................19 JacekTebinka Poljska i Jugoslavija u 1943. - prelomnoj godini rata.............21 Ratomir Mifikic Saradnja dve vlade u Londonu: jugoslovensko-poljski odnosi 1941-1944 ............................35 Ivana Pantelic Medunarodna Demokratska Federacija Zena: jugoslovensko i poljsko iskustvo 1945-1949 ........................49 Momcilo Pavlovic Propaganda IB zemalja 1948-1953. prema jugoslovenskom rukovodstvu. Primer Poljske ..................60 Vladimir Lj. Cvetkovic Odjek beogradske konferencije 1961. godine u Poljskoj..............79 Dragomir Bondzic Zajednicka nuklear na istrazivanja Jugoslavije, Poljske i Norveske 60-ih godnina 20. veka ........................92 Milan Gulic Poljski bataljon UNPROFOR-a u percepciji lokalnog srpskog stanovnistva u Republici Srpskoj Krajini 1992-1995 .......106 Ewa Bujwid-Kurek Odnosi medu postjugoslovenskim drzavama - casus sporna pitanja granice (izabrani primeri).................126 Sadrzaj 9 II. Poljsko-jugoslovenski odnosi .......................................139 Agnieszka Rypel Slika Jugoslavije i poljsko-jugoslavenskih odnosa u „Bidgoskom dnevniku“ 1918.-1928.......................................141 Pawel Wawryszuk Poljsko-jugoslovenski odnosi poslednjih godina vlade Vladislava Gomulke (1969-1970).................................156 Bojan Dimitrijevic Tito kao gost i domacin. Marsal Tito u zvanicnim posetama Poljskoj i poljski lideri u posetama Jugoslaviji (1946-1978)............172 Dragan Bogetic Jugoslovenska percepcija sadrzaj a i znacaja razgovora Tito-Gierek u Varszavi, juna 1972. (analiza sadrzaja dokumenata beogradskih arhiva).194 Andrzej Zacmiñski Organizacija i obezbedenje Titovih poseta Poljskoj 70-ih godina ........................................208 Nebojsa Stambolija Jugoslovensko-poljski odnosi 1985. godine ...........................221 Maja Lukanc Poljski oktobar ,56 iz Perspektive slovenacke i jugoslovenske vlasti i stampe......................................235 III Poljska - Jugoslavia: nacionalne manjine, emigrants biografije ......................253 Michai M. Kosman Politicka aktivnost nemacke manjine u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca u godinama 1918-1929. Prikaz problematike.......255 Slaven Kale Poljske organizacije u hrvatskoj u meduratnom razdoblju ...........267 Enes S. Omerovic Poljaci u Bosni i Hercegovini (1918-1941) .........................286 Stanislav Sretenovic Odnosi poljske i srpske antikomunisticke emigracije u Francuskoj 1945-1956.............................................304 Tomasz Jacek Lis Delatnost Frana Ilesica, slovenackog polonoiila ...................317 10 Sadrzaj Hubert Stys Aleksa Dilas. Zivot i delo..........................................333 Piotr Zurek Kapetan Vladislav Gutri zamenik komandanta stanice poljske obavestajne sluzbe „Slava“ u Srbiji (1940-1942).............346 IV. Poljska i Jugoslavia - ideologija, kultura, privreda ................................357 Tadeusz Wolsza Sa Boleslavom Bjerutom i Josipom Brozom Titom u glavnoj ulozi. Teatralizacija sportskih dogadaja u Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji na prelazu iz cetrdesetih u pedesete godine XX veka.................359 Danuta Jastrzçbska-Golonka Poljska i Jugoslavia posle II. svetskog rata - ideologija u kontekstu mode —372 Joanna Szczutkowska „Bitni su ljudi, nosioci ideja..Veze poljskih i jugoslovenskih filmskih umetnika na primeru snimateljskog stvaralastva Jezija Vujcika...........................388 Justyna Gluba Videnje Jugoslavije u dokumentarnim filmovima Krste Papica..........401 Slobodan Selinic Jugoslovenski pisci u Poljskoj 1960-ih i 1970-ih. Planovi, putovanja i utisci.........................................412 Maria Ewa Szatlach Pravno-ekonomski aspekti funkcionisanja preduzeca u Jugoslaviji i Poljskoj - uporedna analiza.........................426 Milutin Zivkovic Medunarodna saradnja srpskih i poljskih gradova (1962-1991).........442 Sazeci..............................................................456 Abstracts...........................................................476 SAZECI JacekTebinka Poljska i Jugoslavia u 1943. - prelomnoj godini rata Kraljevina Jugoslavija je od aprila 1941. bila saveznica Poljske, mada je u Lon- donu upravo pozícija poljske vlade bila jaca od jugoslovenske. Poljska di- plomatija je bila pristalica stvaranja federacije evropskih drzava od baltickih zemalja do Jugoslavije i Grcke. Znacaj Jugoslavije je u poljskim posleratnim pla- novima povremeno ustupao promadarskim simpatijama. Godina 1943. dónela je poljskoj i jugoslovenskoj vladi sve izrazeniju pretnju da ce se posle rata teritorije njihovih zemalja nací pod komunistickom vlascu. U poljskom slucaju to je proisticalo iz toga sto je Crvena armija preuzela strates- ku inicijativu na istocnom frontu u leto 1943. Medutim, u svetlu razvoja situad- je u okupiranoj Jugoslaviji sve veci znacaj komunistickog partizanskog pokreta Josipa Broza Tita je ukazivao da ce taj pokret preuzeti kontrolu nad zemljom. Britanci su se trudili da putem razgovora sa SSSR podjednako rese problem poljsko-sovjetskih odnosa, kao i pitanje konflikta cetnika sa Titovim partizani- ma u slucaju Jugoslavije. Na teheranskoj konferenciji sa SSSR i SAD po poljskom pitanju su dogovorili premestanje teritorije Poljske na zapad na racun Nemac- ke. Medutim, u jugoslovenskom slucaju, i dalje odrzavajuci diplomatske odno- se sa vladom u egzilu, poceli su da podrzavaju Titove partizane, smatrajuci da cine, nasuprot cetnicima, realnu opasnostza Nemce. SAZECI 457 Ratomir Milikic Saradnja dve vlade u Londonu: jugoslovensko-poljski odnosi 1941-1944 Uradu se na osnovu arhivske grade srpske i engleske provenijencije, kao i memoarske grade srpskih zvanicnika iz tog perioda, sagledavaju bilateral- ni odnosi jugoslovenske i poljske vlade u emigraciji, u Londonu. U posebno teskim okolnostima, daleko od domovina, obe vlade su tesno saradivale u bloku saveznickih drzava. Za jugoslovensku stranu ta saradnja je imala posebnu tezinu, jer se u mnogo cemu ugledala na aktivnosti poljskih kolega. Saradnja je ostvarivana na svim nivoima, a narocito su upecatljivi susre- ti na najvisem nivou. U tome se posebno izdvajao general Sikorski, koji je ¡mao i brojne susrete sa jugoslovenskim diplomatama. Po svemu sudeci, general Si- korski je poslednji zvanicni razgovor pred tragicnu pogibiju 1943. godine, imao upravo sa jugoslovenskim poslanikom u Kairu. Posle po mnogo cemu prelomne i sudbonosne 1943. godine, za obe vlade u Londonu nastupaju teske prilike. lako su obe bile nesumnjivo legitimne i ¡ma- le lojalne pokrete otpora na svojim teritorijama koji su se borili protiv nemackih okupatora, zbog uskih interesa pojedinih zemalja saveznica, one su bile desta- bilizovanei sustinski razvlascivane. U poslednjim mesecima rata kada su u Jugoslaviji komunisti prigrabili vlast, uz vidnu podrsku pojedinih saveznika, ne samo na istoku, nego i na zapadu, ju- goslovenski, a ponajvise srpski political koji su se nasli u politickoj emigraciji u Londonu su s posebnom paznjom pratili desavanja u Poljskoj, gde se taj pro- ces odvijao nesto sporije. Ivana Pantelic Medunarodna Demokratska Federacija Zena: jugoslovensko i poljsko iskustvo 1945-1949 Inicijativa zastvaranje Medunarodne demokratske federacije zena (MDFZ) pojavila se juna 1945. godine, kada je odrzan prvi kongres Saveza francuskih zena. Predstavnice jugoslovenskih zena ucestvovale su uvelikom nastojanju koje je za cilj imalo formiranje medunarodne organizacije zena. Na prvom (osni- vackom) kongresu MDFZ odrzanom od 26. novembra do 1. decembra 1945. go- dine u Parizu ucestvovalo je 840 predstavnica zenskih udruzenja iz 41 zemlje, medu kojima su bile Jugoslavia i PoIjska.Cilj Kongresa biloje angazovanje zena 458 SA2ECI u uspostavljanu mira. Stoga se nastojalo da MDF¿ dobije mesto savetodavnog clana pri Ujedinjenim nacijama, kao i da se sastavljanje atomske bombe sta- vi pod kontrolu UN-a. Sukob Jugoslavije i SSSR-s i svih zemalja istocnog bloka, 1948. godíne, odrazío se i na medunarodnu saradnju AFZ-a. Nakon ovog doga- daja rukovodstvo MDF2 pokrenulo je kampanju izbacivanja AF2j iz Federacije. Uslediîo je nekoliko provokacija da bi na kraju na plenumu odrzanom u Moskvi, novembra 1949. AFZJ bio izbacen iz clanstva ove organizacije. I predstavnice Lige poljskih zena su se javno izjasnile i giasale za izbacivanje AFZJ. Nakon ra- zlaza sa MDFZ, uprava AFZJ svoje medunarodne aktivnosti sve cesceje prilago- davala programima Ujedinjenih nacija, i tako se, vremenom, sve vise orijentisala na problème majki i dece. Momcilo Pavlovic Propaganda IB zemalja 1948-1953. prema jugoslovenskom rukovodstvu. Primer Poljske Iznenadni i brzi raskid Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalistickih Republika (SSSR) i ze- malja okupljenih u Informacionom birou (IB zemlje) s Jugoslavijom za posle- dicu je imao, pored ostalog, otvorenu i ostru propagandu IB zemalja, granicne provokadje i incidente, prekid politickih, kulturnih i ekonomskih odnosa i eko- nomsku blokadu Jugoslavije, izjasnjavanje nekoliko hiljada Jugosiovena u ze- mljama IB protiv jugoslovenskog rukovodstva (jugoslovenska IB emigracija). Aktivnost i otvoreni istup malobrojne IB emigracije u Poljskoj (24 clana) moze se pratiti od jeseni 1948. Glavnu delatnost informbirovske jugoslovenske emigracije u Poljskoj cini- le su propagandne aktivnosti, realizovane u tri paralelne forme: stampanje cla- naka u poljskoj stampi; rad u redakciji Jugoslovenskih emisija Poljskog radija a od jula 1949. do oktobra 1951. i pubkovanje biltena ZaZwyciqstwo (Zapobe- du). Bilten je stampan na sapirografu u tirazu 70-300 primeraka I slat novinskim redakdjama u Poljskoj izemljama narodne demokratije, jugoslovenskim radio stanicama, kao i poljskim repatrijantima iz Jugoslavije koji su se naselili u bole- slavjeckom okrugu. Diplomatska predstavnistva Sovjetskog saveza i ostalih IB zemalja, pa sa- mim tim i Poljske, u Jugoslaviji tretirani su kao propagandni i neprijateljski cen- tri. Optuzivani su da su rasturali po Jugoslaviji propagandni materijal koji je pre- nosio i sam poljski ambasador Jan Karol Vende. Taj materijal poljski diplomatski predstavnici i ostali sluzbenici rasturali su u licnom kontaktu sa Jugoslovenima. SAZECI 459 Pored toga poljska ambasada izdavala je i svoje biltene na srpskohvatskom jeziku, rasturajuci ih po Jugoslaviji postom (na ádrese iz telefonskog imenika). Ali najveci deo ovog posla obavljala je poljska citaonica u Beogradu. Ona je od- mah posle Rezolucíje póstala preplavljena iistovima i brosurama neprijateljskog karaktera dajuci to posetiocima svojim ne samo na citanje negó i za nosenje ku- cama. Izlozi te citaonice bilí su tendenciozno ispunjeni izvesnim materijalom u cilju propagande protiv FNRJ. Ono sto jeradila poljska ambasada u Beogradu radilia je i jugoslovenska u Varsavi. Stampan je i rasturan bilten, koji je rasturan automobilom na vecer ¡li rano u jutro i razbacivao se u postanske sanduke u Varsavi. Poljska stampa bila je vrlo aktivna u propaganda Vec tokom 1948. u poijskoj stampi je objavljeno 225 antijugoslovenskih napisa. Propaganda je bila najze- sca tokom 1949. i 1950. kada je objavljivano oko 400 antijugoslovenskih napisa. Sv¡ ovi tekstovi imali su za cilj da jugoslovenski rezim predstave kao fasisticki, nacionalisticki i sovinisticki, situaciju u Jugoslaviji beznadeznom, a veze Jugo- slavije sa Zapadom kao cvrste i odane. Narednih godina intenzitet propagan- de u stampanim medijima je opadao, ali je i dalje bio znacajan. Tokom 1952. i 1953. samo ulistu Trybuna fudu je objavljeno pooko 50 antijugoslovenskih napisa. Isti list je tokom 1954. objavio samo jedan clanak i jedan govor koji su imali antijugosíovensku notu. Sumirajuci neprijateljske i propagadne akte poljske vlade jugoslovenske vlasti nasle su u periodu 1948-1953. desetak takvih postupaka. Prvi jezabele- zen 20.jula 1948. kada je iz automobila koji je prevozio sluzbenu postu Amba- sade u Varsavi siiom oduzeta diplomatska posta. Usledila su sistematska vrsenja pritisaka na sluzbenike policijskim pracenjem, licnim pretresanjem, pa cak i nad onim sluzbenicima koji uzivaju diplomatski imunitet, vrbovanja i zastrasivanja jugoslovenskih ucenika u Poijskoj u cilju da se odreknu svog rukovodstva i po- vratka u otadzbinu, vrbovanja jugoslovenskih oficira koji su bilí na skolovanju u Rombratovu da potpisu izjavu protiv marsalaTita i CK KPJ, uznemiravanje se- kretara ambasade Popovica u njegovom stanu, pruzanja pomoci/Asacici jugo- slovenskih izdajnika i dezertera kojima su poljske vlasti dozvolile stampanje kontrarevolucionarnog lista „Za pobedu . Sledeci krupan dogadaj bio je hapsenje i sudenje sluzbenika jugoslovenskih zeleznica Milica Petrovica, 29 avgusta 1949. koji je prema jugoslovenskom tvr- denju na montiranom procesu 4. novembra 1949. osuden na 10 godina robije. Usledilo je raskidanje ugovora o prijateljstvu i uzajamnoj pomoci 30. septem- bra 1949. sa obrazlozenjem da su se neki predstavnici FNRJ bavili spijunazom kao Milic Petrovic. Potom proterivanje ukupno 14 jugoslovenskih diplomatskih sluzbenika, povlacenje ambasadora Pribicevica izVarsave jula 1950. jer se polj- 460 SAZECI ski ambasador Karol Vende nije vracao iz Vrasave u Beograd i prekid ekonom- skih i kulturnih odnosa. Propagadne aktivnosti oslabíjene su posle smrtí Staljina mada se rad IB emi- gracije u Poljskoj moze pratiti sve do oktobra 1956. godine. Vladimir Lj. Cvetkovic Odjek beogradske konferencije 1961. godine u Poljskoj Beogradska konferencija, ili konferencija neangazovanih zemalja kako je u pocetku nazivana, odrzana je u glavnom gradu Jugoslavije od 1. do 6. septembra 1961. godine uz ucesce 25 zemalja kao punopravnih ucesnika i uz prisustvo predstavnika jos tri zemlje koje su imale svojstvo posmatraca. Konfe- rencija neangazovanih zemalja pripremana je i odrzavana 1961. godine upra- vo u vreme kada je, posle nekoliko godina pauze, u citavom Istocnom bloku, pa i u Poljskoj, ponovo bila aktuelna antijugoslovenska propaganda a u vezi sa novim programom SKJ.Tokom nekoliko meseci pred konferenciju, stav Poljske kao i drugih istocnoevropskih zemalja svodio se mahom na ignorisanje i blo- kovsko poimanje njenih ciljeva. Medutim, posle govora Dzavahrlala Nehrua u indijskom parlamentu u kome se, samo nedelju daña pred otvaranje sku- pa u Beogradu, zalozio za medunarodno priznanje poljsko-nemacke granice na Odri i Nisi, u Poljskoj su shvatili da bi od tog skupa mogli imati i koristi. lako se u zavrsnim dokumentima Beogradske konferencije nije govorilo o prizna- vanju aktuelne poljsko-nemacke granice, cinjenica da su ucesnici konferenci- je neangazovanih zemalja u vezi sa nemackim pitanjem zauzeli stavove koji su bilí bliski stavovima Poljske i drugih zemalja „socijalistickog lagera prevagnula je da skup u Beogradu dobije pozítivnu ocenu i bude shvacen kao korak napred u pravom smeru kada je u pitanju bilo ispunjenje najvaznijeg poljskog spoljno- politickog cilja. Dragomir Bondzic Zajednicka nuklearna istrazivanja Jugoslavije, Poljske i Norveske 60-ih godnina 20. veka Posle Drugog svetskog rata, naporedo sa trkom u nukiearnom naoruzavanju, odvijao se i brz razvoj naucnih istrazivanja za primenu nuklearne energije u mirnodopske svrhe. U okviru Ujedinjenih nacija je 1957. osnovana Meduna- SA2ECI 461 rodna agencija za atomsku energiju u Becu koja je trebalo da podstice nuklear- na istrazivanja u mirnodopske svrhe i da sprecava njihovu vojnu primenu. Jugo- siavija je 1957. pristupila Agenciji, a u isto vreme uspostavila sa nizom zemalja saradnju u nuklearnim istrazivanjima. Medu tim zemljama isticale su se Poljska i Norveska. U Norveskoj su jos od pocetka 50-ih godina usavrsavani jugoslo- venski strucnjaci i nabavljani instrument!, a pocetkom 60-ih je dobijena pomoc u preradi ozracenog goriva. Sa Poljskom je 1957. potpisan Sporazum o saradnji u oblasti koriscenja nuklearne energije u mirnodopske svrhe koji je realizovan preko dvogodisnjih planova, kroz razmenu strucnjaka, organizovanje semina- ra i zajednickih istrazivanja. Pocetkom 60-ih godina doslo je i do uspostavijanja multilateralne saradnje u oblasti reaktorske fizike izmedu Jugoslavije, Poljske i Norveske, uz koordinaciju Medunarodne agencije za nuklearnu energiju, pod nazivom NPY projekat. Pokretanje projekta su marta 1962. inicirali Norvezani koji su vec imali saradnju sa Agencijom u toj oblasti. Posto su sve strane pokaza- le interesovanje, tokom 1962. i 1963. su utvrdeni ciljevi i oblici saradnje i aprila 1964. je u Becu potpisan Sporazum viada Norveske, Poljske i Jugoslavije i Me- dunarodne agencije o zajednickoj saradnji u reaktorskoj fizici. U meduvremenu je vec zapoceia realizacija projekta kroz sastanke Zajednickog komiteta, razme- nu strucnjaka i izvodenje zajednickih eksperimenata u nuklearnim institutima u Vinci kod Beograda, Kjeleru kod Osla i Swijerku kod Varsave, diskusiju o re- zultatima, organizovanje seminara i letnjih skola i publikovanje rezultata. Proje- kat je obnovljen 1967. i 1970. izavrsen je 1971, kada su i nuklearna istrazivanja u Jugoslaviji suzena, pod pritiskom unutrasnjih politickih i ekonomskih proble- ma. Realizacija NPY projekta je bila samo deo intenzivne saradnje Jugoslavije, Poljske i Norveske, kako na polju nuklearnih istrazivanja u mirnodopske svrhe, tako i deo ukupnih kulturnih, naucnih, ekonomskih i politickih odnosa Jugosla- vije sa ove dve zemlje, koji su tokom 60-ih, i pored razlika u unutrasnjem urede- nju i medunarodnom polozaju, bili u usponu. Milan Gulic Poljski bataljon UNPROFOR-a u percepciji lokalnog srpskog stanovnistva u Republici Srpskoj Krajini 1992-1995 Posto su sukobi na podrucju Jugoslavije tokom 1991. prerasli u gradanski rat, pokrenuta je mirovna inicijativa Ujedinjenih nacija. U sklopu angazovanja Ujedinjenih nacija na podrucju Hrvatske zahvacene ratom oformljen je i Poljski bataljon (POLBAT). Poljaci su rasporedeni na podrucju Sektora Sjever. Njihova zona odgovornosti je obuhvatala znacajan dio Korduna i manji dio Like. Baza 462 SA2ECI POLBAT-a se nalazila u Slunju. POLBAT je djelovao u okviru Zastitnih snaga Uje- dinjenih nacija (UNPROFOR), kao i u sastavu Operacije Ujedinjenih nacija za us- postavu povjerenja (UNCRO) u periodu od 15. aprila 1992. do 14. decembra 1995. U radu se sagledavaju odnosi poljskih vojnika i lokalnog srpskog stanov- nistva, koji su prolazili kroz razlicite faze. Bilo je saradnje, nepovjerenja, nerazu- mijevanja, sukoba, razbijenih glava, mamurluka i ukradenih vozila. Eva Bujvid-Kurek Odnosi medu postjugoslovenskim drzavama - casus sporna pitanja granice (izabrani primeri) Uradu pod naslovom „Odnosi medu postjugoslovenskim drzavama - casus sporna pitanja granice - izabrani primeri razmatraju se odnosi medu po- stjugolsovenskim drzavama, imajuci u vidu sporove oko granica. Vidljivo je da izmedu Slovenije i Republike Hrvatske postoji spor oko Piranskog Zaliva i nekih mesta na kopnu oko toka reke Dragonje na podrucju katastarske opstine Sveta Gera. Izmedu Hrvatske i Srbije postoje sporovi na razgranicenju toka reke Du- nav (Vukovarska i Sarengradska ada). Izmedu Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine sporna su podrucja kod Hrvatske Kostajnice i morski grebeni Mali i Veliki Skolj. Takode i izmedu Hrvatske i Crne Gore postoje sporovi na poluostrvu Prevlaka oko rta Ostro. Ovi sporovi su stalno prisutni ¡jos uvek ima problema u postiza- nju kompromisa u njihovom resavanju. Smatram, da ako ova pitanja ne budu resena, u buducnosti ce mozda biti ozbiljan problem za drzave koje imaju spor- na pitanja granica. Mozda ce biti opasno i za bezbednost u regionu. Zbog toga je resevanje pitanja granica izmedu postjugosiovenskih drzava jako vazno. Agnieska Ripel Slika Jugoslavije i poljsko-jugoslavenskih odnosa u„Bidgoskom dnevniku 1918.-1928. Svrha ovog clanka je da ispita kako je„Bidgoski dnevnik casopis koji je imao veoma vazan uticaj na javno mnjenje u Bidgoscu i bidgoskoj regiji, obliko- vao sliku Jugoslavije kao novoformirane drzave i na koji je nacin prikazao od- nose izmedu Poljske i Jugoslavije. Politicki aspekti ovih veza tretirani su u ovom clanku marginalno, kao po- zadina za predstavljanje kognitivno-socijaínih prikaza koji su stvoriii uobicaje- SAZEC1 463 nu percepdju Jugosiavije te njenih stanovnika. Kao kriterijum naredivanja tek- stova izvucenih iz odredenih brojeva dnevnika, prihvacena su cetiri tematska kruga: unutrasnji odnosi, medunarodni odnosi, etnografski prikaz ¡ meduljud- ski odnosi te senzacionalna desavanja. Analiza naslova i dovodi do za- kljucka da je slika Jugosiavije i Jugoslavena koja je predstavljena citaocima mul- tidimenzionalna i da ona daleko prevazilazi tradicionalne stereotipe zasnovane na civilizacijskoj antinomiji Istok-Zapad. Pavel Vavrisuk Poljsko-jugoslovenski odnosi poslednjih godina vlade Vladislava Gomulke (1969-1970) Kriza u poljsko-jugoslovenskim odnosima koja se posebno ispoljila posle in- tervencije pet zemalja Varsavskog pakta u Cehoslovackoj, pokazala je niz suprotnosti u politid Jugosiavije i Poljske. Kada su vlasti u Beogradu donekle prihvatile nasilno gusenje Praskog proleca, u polemic! sa Varsavom su pócele da se pojavljuju ozbiljne optuzbe koje su se uglavnom odnosile na kritiku eko- nomskih sistema koji su funkcionisali u obe zemlje. Pri tome se trudilo da se do- kaze superiornost sopstvenih resenja i protivnikovo napustanje nacela marksiz- ma-lenjinizma. Utoj diskusiji se 1969. pojavio, takode, dotada besprimeran personalni ñapad jugoslovenske strane na lienost poljskog vode - Vladislava Gomulku. Novinski clanakJaneza Stanica o kome je rec, objavljen u junu 1969. u slovenackom casopisu „Delo , razlikovao se od onih koji su stampani za vre- me jugoslovensko-„blokovskog konflikta koji jeotpoceo 1948. posle iskljuci- vanja Komunisticke partije Jugosiavije iz Informbiora. Naime, tada je negativna i agresivna propagandna kampanja bila rezultat naredbe sa vrha. U slucaju Sta- nicevog teksta objavljen sadrzaj nije samo nastao bez pristanka vlasti, ali - kako se cini - cak i protivno njihovoj volji, odozdo. Poslednja godina Gomulkine vlade protekla je pod znakom sporog ob- navljanja drzavnih i - u ogranicenom stepenu - partijskih odnosa. U najvaz- nije politicke dogadaje 1970. god. spadala je radna poseta delegacije Poljske ujedinjene radnicke partije (PURP) Jugoslaviji ujunu, potpisivanje XI Zaseda- nja Polljsko-jugoslovenskog odbora privredne saradnje, promena jugosloven- skog ambasadora u Varsavi (misiju je zavrsio Arso Milatovic, a na njegovo me- sto je postavljen Vladimir Maleski) i poseta ministra inostranih poslova SFRJ MirkaTepavca Poljskoj u novembru.To je bio znak regulisanja drzavnih odnosa. Do pune normalizacije partijskih odnosa je doslo posle uklanjanja Gomulke sa vlasti kada je na VI Kongres PURP koji je zasedao 6-11 decembra 1971. bila po- zvana delegacija Saveza komunista. 464 SA2ECI Bojan Dimitrijevic Tito kao gost i domacin. Marsal Tito u zvanicnim posetama Poljskoj i poljski lideri u posetama Jugoslaviji (1946-1978) V Cíanak je pisan na uporedne analize protokolarnih dokumenata poseta predsednika SFR Jugoslavije J. B,.Tita Poljskoj i posetama poljskih partijskih lidera Gomulke ¡Gkerekea Jugoslaviji, isacuvanih fotografía izTitovih poseta Poljskoj u periodu 1957-1978. godine. Ukljucili smo u razmatranje osnovne ele- mente iz postojecih naucnih radova i arhivske grade radi razumevanja osnov- nog toka i sadrzaja poseta obe strane. One su bile organizovane 1946, 1957, 1964, 1972, 1973, 1975 i 1978. godine. Osnovu rada cini analiza toka poseta, doceka i rasporeda aktivnosti u toku samih poseta, lokacija koje su posecivane, kao i pitanje obezbedenja licnosti Tita i poljskih lidera u toku poseta. Znacajan deo clanka posvetili smo pojedinim Titovim osobenostima, a koji se uocavaju u toku pósete: odevanju - izboru odela, hobijima u kojima fotografisanje, pose- te sumskim rezidencijama imaju posebno mesto, a posebno lov imaju posebno mesto. Takode, posvetili smo paznju i delovima pósete koji su bilí rezervisani za njegovu suprugu Jovanku, a koji su bilí po posebnom i odvojenom planu. Dragan Bogetic Jugoslovenska percepcija sadrzaja i znacaja razgovora Tito-Gierek u Varszavi, juna 1972. (analiza sadrzaja dokumenata beogradskih arhiva) Razgovori dvojice lidera komunistickih partija Jugoslavije i Po!jske,Tita i Gje- reka u Varsavijuna 1972, otvorili su jednu novu fazu jugoslovensko-poljskih odnosa tokom koje dolaze do izrazaja nastojanja obeju strana za unaprede- njem medusobne saradnje. U Beogradu je procenjivano da novo poljsko ruko- vodstvo, predvodeno Edvardom Gjerekom, ima daleko tolerantniji stav prema jugoslovenskoj politici, negó prethodno rukovodstvo. I jugoslovenski, i poljski zvanicnici su se tokom priprema i odrzavanja ovih razgovora rukovodili vrlo pragmaticnim, drzavnim interesima. S jugoslovenske strane tu se radilo o nastojanjima da se ponovo uspostavi optimalan balans u odnosu na blokovske grupacije, ozbiljno narusen zbog po- gorsanja odnosa Jugoslavije sa Istocnim blokom posle vojne intervencije pet SAZECI 465 zemalja clanica Varsavskog pakta u Cehoslovackoj, avgusta 1968. Poboljsanje odnosa sa Poljskom moglo predstavljati znacajan podsticaj daljem poboljsanju odnosa sa Sovjetski Savezom i istocnim blokom. Poljaci su, pak, bili zainteresovani za unapredenjem saradnje sa Jugoslavi- jom, jer se to bilo u skladu sa njihovim nastojanjima da, posle burnih unutras- njih politickih i ekonomskih turbulencia, obezbede sto potpuniju afirmaciju svoje politike na unutrasnjem i sirem medunarodnom planu (van socijalistic- kog lagera i unutar njega). Sudeci podostupnoj jugoslovenskoj dokumentacionoj gradi, obe strane su uspele u svojim nastojanjima. Tito i Gjerek su u Varsavi obezbedili odredene pretpostavke za poboljsanje jugoslovensko-poljskih odnosa i inicirali citav niz novih susreta najvisih zvanicnika iz dve zemlje koji su potom usledili. Andzej Zacminjski Organizacija i obezbedenjeTitovih poseta Poljskoj 70-ih godina Uclanku je obradena delatnost poljskog Biroa zastite vlade ciji je cilj bilo osiguranje bezbednosti i licne zastite Josipa Broza Tita za vreme njegovih poseta Poljskoj 1972. i 1975. godine. U tom okviru predstavljene su aktivnosti planerskog karaktera i njihova prakticna realizacija. U 1972. te aktivnosti su no- sile kriptonim „AVALA u okviru njih jeza obezbedenje angazovano 5700 oso- ba, medu njima: 1105 uniformisanih funkcionera, 2405 funkcionera operativne sluzbe (Sluzbe bezbednosti), 190 saobracajne sluzbe i 2000 pripadnika Dobro- voljne rezerve Gradanske milicije (DRGM). Zatim, u 1975. uakciji pod kripto- nimom „BJESCADl ucestvovale su 1754 osobe, medu njima 167 operativnih osoba, 516 uniformisanih, 690 - DRGM i 381 funkcioner Motorizovanih odre- da Gradanske milicije. Disproporcije izmedu poseta bile su prilicno ocigledne i proisticale su iz njihove specifike. Titov boravak u Poljskoj 1975. bio je ograni- cen samo na odmaraüste u Arlamovu. Ü clanku su dati primeri operativnog izvidanja i obezbedenja mesta na koji- ma je boravioTito. Posebna paznja je posvecenja obilasku Robnih kuca Centrum u Varsavi, Fabrici putnickih automobila uZeranju iobezbedenju aerodroma u Zesovu, trase prevoza do vladinog odmaralista u Arlamovu i njegovo osigu- ranje, a takode i mesta na kojima su boravili clanovi jugoslovenske delegacije. 466 SAZECI Nebojsa Stambolija Jugoslovensko-poljski odnosi 1985. godine Pocetkom osamdesetih godina XX veka bilateralni odnosi Socijalisticke Fede- rativne Republike Jugoslavije i Narodne Republike Poljske su se, i pored kri- ze u obema zemljama, razvijali u veoma pozitivnom pravcu, iako su, u odrede- noj meri, bilí ograniceni. Najvazniji dogadaj u bilateralnim poiitickim odnosima u 1985. godini bila jeuzvratna poseta poljskog premijera generala Wojciecha Jaruzelskog Jugoslaviji od 8. do 10. jula. General Jaruzelski se prilikom pósete, pored predsednice Saveznog izvrsnog veca Milke Planinc, susreo i sa predsed- nikom Predsednistva SFRJ Radovanom Vlajkovicem i predsednikom predsed- nistva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije Vidojem Zarkovicem. Najznacajnija poseta iz Jugoslavije bila je uzvratna poseta delegacije Socijalistic- kog saveza radnog naroda Jugoslavije na celu sa predsednikom Aleksandrom Grlickovim poljskom Patriotskom pokretu nacionalnog preporoda, od 18. do 22. novembra. Privredna saradnja se uspesno razvijala i vec trecu godinu uzastopno je zabelezen porast u odnosu na prethodnu godinu. Robna razmena u 1985. go- dini jenadmasila protokolom predvideni obim i iznosila je 847 miliona dolara. Tokom 1985. godine zavrseni su pregovori o projekciji privredne saradnje za pe- riod 1986-1990. Oktobra meseca u Beogradu je potpisan novi petogodisnji Tr- govinski sporazum i Protokol o robnoj razmeni u 1986. godini. Saradnja u dome- nu kulture, prosvete i hauke u 1985. godini odvijala se redovno i sa uspehom. Ostvareno je vise kulturnih manifestacija igostovanja kako u sklopu realizacije Programa kulturno-prosvetne saradnje, tako i kroz neposredne kontakte i sarad- nju razlicitih institucija. Kao uspesnazabelezena je i saradnja na naucnom nivou, koja je bila na nivou obrade pojedinih naucnih projekata od zajednickog intere- sa. Krajem oktobra 1985. godine potpisan je novi Protokol za 1986-1988. godinu i dogovorene su 33 teme zajednicke naucne obrade. Maja Lukanc Poljski oktobar ,56 iz Perspektive slovenacke v jugoslovenske vlasti i stampe Jugoslovenski politicki vrh, koji je tokom 1956. godine sa paznjom i odobra- vanjem pratio promene u Poljskoj, veoma brzo je izgradio misljenje, da ta- mosnja normalizacija protice bolje i brze nego u drugim sovjetskim satelitima, sto je doprinelo da su teme o Poljskoj pridobile veci prostor u medijima. Veliku SAZEC1 467 paznju jePoljska izazvala prilikom nemira u Poznanju, kada je jugoslovensko vodstvo zbog ideoioskih pretpostavki, losih ekonomskih prilika u drzavi i zelje o ocuvanju neutralne pozidje na medunarodnoj pozornici, podrzalo zvanicno obrazlozenje poljskih vlasti, koje su odgovornost za dogadaje u Poznanju pri- pisale inostranim agentima i domacem reakcionarnom podzemlju. Deo jugo- slovenskog stanovnistva je prepoznao vladine mahinacije v vezi sa medijskim izvestajima o poznanjskim nemirima, a podrska jugoslovenske stampe zvanic- nom objasnjenju je imala dugorocno pozitivan uticaj na jacanje odnosa izmedu Poljskei Jugoslavije.Jugoslovenski komunisti su ostrije reagovali na dolazakso- vjetske delegacije na osmi plenum PURP, posto su to razumeli kao vrsenje priti- ska na poljsko vodstvo, a ta interpretacija se nije nasla u jugoslovenskoj stampi. Raskorak izmedu jasnog stava jugoslovenskog vodstva, izgovorenog na prije- mima i na hodnicima, i ambivalentnog sturog pisanja jugoslovenske stampe u vezi sa sovjetskim postupcima, govori o velikom oprezu jugoslovenskog vod- stva uodnosu prema Sovjetskom savezu i istovremeno ozelji zaocuvanjem krhke ravnoteze izmedu njihovih istocnih i zapadnih interesa.Tako su se jasne ocene jesenjih dogadaja u Poljskoj pojavile tek pozavrsetku osmog plenuma, kada vise nije bilo nikakve sumnje, da su se dogadaji odvili u skladu sa jugoslo- venskom ideoloskom iinijom i zeljama. Mihal Kosman Politicka aktivnost nemacke manjine u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca u godinama 1918-1929. Prikaz problematike Promene na politickoj mapi koje su zasle u Evropi posle prvog svetskog rata na poseban nacin su dodirnule oblast Balkana. Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slo- venaca (SHS) bila je rezultat dugogodisnjih teznji ka stvaranju zajednicke ze- mlje Juznih Slovena. Njena demografska struktura je, ipak, povodovala da se od pocetka suocila sa unutrasnjim nacionalnim sukobima, narocito srpsko-hr- vatskim. Polozaj nacionalnih manjina takode je bio komplikovan. Najbrojnija medu njima su bili Nemd ciji su odnosi sa vlastima Kraljevine bill puni napeto- sti, sto je u znatnoj meri bilo posledica prvog svetskog rata, kada je srpski narod pretrpeo mnoge patnje od strane centralnih sila. Cianak ima za cilj predstav- Ijanje polozaja i politicke delatnosti nemacke manjine u Kraljevini SHS u go- dinama 1918-1929 (pre svega Partije Nemaca kao najvece politicke reprezen- tacije te manjine), tj. od kraja prvog svetskog rata do zavodenja autoritarne diktature kralja Aleksandra. Cianak je zasnovan na nemackoj, poljskoj i engie- skoj literaturi. 468 SA2ECI Slaven Kale Poljske organizacije u hrvatskoj u meduratnom razdobiju U meduratnom razdobiju poljske organizacije na podrucju danasnje Hrvat- ske predstavíjale su okvir za razvoj hrvatsko-poljskih veza te okvir za oku- pljanje i pomoc poljskoj manjini. Znacaj Generalnog konzulata Republike Polj- ske u Zagrebu nadilazi podrucje danasnje Hrvatske, jer je njegova nadleznost obuhvatala i podrucje Slovenije, Bosne i Hercegovine te Crne Gore. U Hrvat- skoj i Bosni je djelovala i jedina organizacija Poljaka osnovana na podrucju Hr- vatske - Poljsko ognjiste, kasnije Savez Poljaka u Kraljevini Jugosiaviji.Takvo djelovanje je bilo veoma vazno, jer je u Bosni u meduratnom razdobiju zívje- la vecina Poljaka u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, kasnije Kraljevini Jugo- slavijL Razvoju hrvatsko-poljskih veza doprinijela su hrvatsko-poljska drustva sa sjedistem u Zagrebu: Poljsko-jugoslavensko drustvo i Poljsko kolo pri Drus- tvu hrvatskih knjizevnika. Najacanju hrvatsko-poljskih turistickih veza radila jeZadruga Poljski dom na Jadranu, osnovana u Varsavi, koja jesvoju paznju usmjerila na otok $oltu pokraj Splita. U radu su ukratko prikazane poljske or- ganizacije koje su djelovale na podrucju danasnje Hrvatske u meduratnom razdobiju, sto omogucuje jasnije razumijevanje hrvatsko-poljskih veza tog vremena. Enes S. Omerovic Poljaci u Bosni i Hercegovini (1918-1941) Poljaci u Bosni i Hercegovini predstavljali su jednu od najbrojnijih ijednu od rijetkih manjinskih zajednica koje su do pocetka Drugog svjetskog rata biljezile uglavnom pozitivan prirodni prirastaj. Specificnost poljske manjinske zajednice bila je ¡ kompaktnost u teritorijalnom (uglavnom naseljeni u okolini Banje Luke, posebno u kotaru Prnjavor), socijalnom (dominantno agrama za- jednica) i vjerskom (dominantno rimokatolicko stanovnistvo) pogledu. Iza ove manjinske zajednice formalno je stajala Kraljevini SHS/Jugoslaviji prijateljska drzava Poljska. Niti jednu od navedenih cinjenica poljska manjina u Bosni i Her- cegovini tokom meduratnog perioda nije uspjela pretvoriti u svoju prednost koju bi iskoristili u borbi za ocuvanje vlastitog nacionalnog identiteta i sprje- cavanje asimilacije, koja je predstavljala najvecu opasnost za svaku manjinsku zajednicu. Dominantno agrama zajednica sa vrlo malim brojem pismenih i bez spomena vrijedne inteligencije, te bez podrske maticne drzave, poljska ma- SAZECl 469 njina nije uspjela uraditi skoro nista na ovladavanju onim instrumentima koji su bili bitni za ocuvanje vlastitog identiteta. Rijetke skole sa poljskim jezikom osnovane prije 1918. godine vrlo brzo su ugasene, a mlaki pokusaji osnivanja novih nisu donijeii nikakve rezultate. Postojanje sedam rimokatolîckih zupa koje su okupljale skoro iskljucivo poljsko stanovnistvo nije bilo kapitalizirano i osiguravanjem poljskih svecenika koji bi te zupe vodili. Na taj nacin poljska manjina bila je uskracena i za drugi vazan instument u borbi protiv postepene asimilacije. Skoro potpuno odsustvo ucitelja i svecenika Poljaka u poljskim ko- lonijama odrazili su se i na organizaciju nacionalnih drustava, kao treci vazan instrument u borbi protiv asimilacije. Broj poljskih drustava koja su bila zva- nicno registrirana je bio vrlo mali, a neformalne citaonice, biblioteke, orkestri i drustva koja su njegovala dobre poljsko-jugoslovenske odnose nisu mogli amortizirati gore pomenute nedostatke. U ovakvim uvjetima poljska manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini bila je na vjetrometini i izlozena postepenoj, tihoj asimila- ciji. Nekolicina rimokatolickih svecenika Poljaka, ili onih koji su vladali poljskim jezikom, te aktivnosti poljskih konzula i rijetkih biblioteka i citaonica u pojedi- nim poljskim selima predstavljali su samo tupa oruda u borbi protiv tihe, ali si- gurne asimilacije. Stanislav Sretenovic Odnosi poljske i srpske antikomunisticke emigracije u Francuskoj 1945-1956 Odnosi poljske i srpske emigracije u Francuskoj bili su usiovljeni relativnom slaboscu i neorganizovanoscu srpske emigracije u toj zemlji. Da bi se pre- vazisla ta nesrazmera bilo je neophodno da Poljaci i Srbi ucine dodatni napor za koji ni jedni ni drugi nisu imali materijalne i ljudske snage. Ipak, u periodu neposredno posie Drugog svetskog rata, poljski oficiri su podrzavaii pojedine srpske oficire u njihovom transportu u Francusku i u njihovim nastojanjima da iz Francuske uspostave komunikaciju sa Mihailovicevim stabom u zemlji. Ubr- zo potom, Poljaci su postali za Srbe uzor dobre organizovanosti koji je treba- lo slediti. U vreme demobilizacije Poljaka u Zapadnoj Evropi, poljska emigracija je pócela da finansijski podrzava Dragana Sotirovica, Mihailovicevog i poljskog oficira koji se nastanio u Parizu, za zasluge u poljskom pokretu otpora za vre- me rata. Kada je ova pomoc koja je imala humanitarni karakter préstala, odnosi poljske i srpske antikomunisticke emigracije u Francuskoj su postali pretezno simbolickLGIavni interes poljske i srpske emigracije postaoje integracija u fran- cuskodrustvo. 470 SA2ECI Tomas Lis Delatnost Frana llesica, slovenackog polonofila Umom radu hocu predstaviti veiikog prijatelja Poljske Slovenaca Frana llesi- ca (1872-1942). Ilesic kao miad covljek bio je sljedbenik neoillrizama. Ova ideja prllazila ga prema„Slavenski Klub , koji je radio u Krakovu, a nijegovi clanci su bili Marian Zdziechowski ili Feliks Koneczny. Vjerovao je da ne Russija negó Poljska trebala biti srediste drzave u kojoj bi ziveli svi Slaveni iz Europe. Poslije I svjetskog rata, preko cijeli period medu dva svjetska rata primicao je kultu- re, povijest Polsjke u Jugoslavije. Bio je prijatelj i pomocnik za mnogo Poljaka, np: Józefa Gotqbka, ili Henryka Batowskog. Cesto je dolazío u Poljsku. Clanak je samo predstavlja llesida i nijegove mislenje. Hubert Stys Aleksa Oilas. Zivot i délo Clanak je sinteza biografije i glavnih tokova politicke misli Alekse Dilasa (rodj. 1953). Njegova aktivnost ¡ misao, bez ikakve sumnje, zasluzuje paznju, ne samo zbog njegovog neobicnog zivota, vec i zbog duboke, ¡ntelekíualne origi- nalne geopoliticke analize, komentara tekucih dogadaja, recenzija ¡ polemika sa uticajnim naucnicima i publicistima. U biografskom delu pomenuti su teski trenuci represije, kojoj je porodica Dilas bila podvrgnuta od 1954. godine. Po- tom, tesko odrastanje, sa ocem osudenim na dugogodisnju kaznu zatvora zbog svog beskompromisnog stava prema rezimu. Aleksini teski zivotni izbori su ga odveli u 13-godisnju emigraciju, a u zemlju se vratio 1993. godine. Analizirajuci njegove politicke poglede, pomenuti su: kritican stav prema zivotu, prema do- stignucima i nasledu Josipa Broza Tita, prema problemu Kosova i opasnosti na- cionalizama u multinacionalnoj Jugoslaviji. Dañas, Aleksa Dilas je i dalje jugo- nostalgicar, demokratski politicki pisac, bez ikakvih iluzija prepoznajuci snagu nacionalizama, itakode, pobornik ¡deje dobro organizovanog, multinacional- nog, multikulturnog zivota mnogih nacija u okviru jedne drzave. SA2ECI 471 Pjotr Zurek Kapetan Vladislav Gutri zamenik komandanta stanice poljske obavestajne sluzbe „Slava u Srbiji (1940-1942) Kapetan Wladystaw Guttry „Grott bio je de facto tvorac baze poljske obave- stajne sluzbe Saveza za oruzanu borbu (ZWZ) „Slava koja je delovala u Sr- biji. Guttry je svoju obavestajnu delatnost u Jugoslaviji zapoceo u maju 1940. godine. U avgustu 1940. godine zapovednistvo nad novom bazom ZWZ pre- uzeo je major Wiktor Zahorski „Tramp . Buduci da je Zahorski cesto bio na te- renu, upravljanje „Slavom uglavnom je pripalo Guttryju. Krajem novembra 1940. godine u sastavu baze bilí su: major Zahorski, kapetan Guttry, zastavnik Zygmunt Burghardt radiotelegrafist te porucnik Artur Karkocha„Wotyniak . Me- dutim, sastav„Slave ipak je bio podlozan promenama. U decembru 1940. godi- ne beogradskoj se bazi pridruzio mladi Wtadystawov brat, kapetan artiljerije Jan Guttry„Suchy . Od januara 1941. godine u Beogradu je delovala i poljska civilna baza za vezu politicke obavestajne sluzbe, kojom je upravIjaoTadeuszTrawinski „Kowal . Nakon ñapada Sila Osovine na Jugoslaviju 6. aprila 1941. godine „Sla- va je presla u konspiraciju. Braca Guttry skrili su se u Jagodini gdje su aktivirali radio stanicu s losom pokrivenosti. U oktobru 1941. godine Trawihskog je u ne- jasnim okolnostima uhapsio gestapo. Ne izdrzavsi ispitivanje i pod ucenom pri- jetnji da ce mu ubiti obitelj koja je ostala u okupiranoj Poljskoj, Trawifiski je pri- stao na suradnju s gestapom. Sve upucuje na to da su zbog Trawinskog Nemci razotkrili„Slavu i ubili njezine delatnike. Wfadysiaw Guttry strijeljan je 29. pro- sinca 1942. godine na beogradskom polju masovnih smaknuca uJajincima. Slicnu su sudbinu najverovatnije dozivjeli i ostali radnici baze „Slava . TadeusVolsa Sa Boleslavom Bjerutom i Josipom Brozom Titom u glavnoj ulozi. Teatralizacija sportskih dogacfaja u Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji na prelazu iz cetrdesetih u pedesete godine XX veka Na prelazu cetrdesetih u poedesete godine XX veka komunisti u zemljama koje su se nalaziie u sovjetskoj interesnoj zoni i u Jugoslaviji su u propagand- noj delatnosti u vidu imali sportske dogadaje. Teatralizacija sportskih dogadaja bila jeopste praktikovana. Ona se zasnivala na omasovljenju sportskih takmice- nja i davanja im karaktera predstave, npr. sa gimnastickim prezentacijama uz uce- 472 SAZECI see izuzetnih sportista kao i upotrebu parola koje npr. propagiraju uspehe komu- nistickih partija u privrednom razvoju pojedinih zemalja, uz dalekosezna pomoc Sovjetskog saveza.Tada jeu propagandi vazno mesto pripisivano odbrani svet- skog mira, uz ukazivanje na narocitu ulogu Josifa Staljina na tom polju. Svaka ze- mlja iza gvozdene zavese je imala, pored naravno Staljina, svog lokalnog junaka. U Poljskoj to je bio Boleslav Bjerut, u Jugoslaviji pak - Josip BrozTito. Medu najpo- pularnije sportske dogadaje koji se upisuju u pojavu teatralizaeije treba ubrojati stafete u kojima su ucestvovale hiljade mladih ljudi. Od 1949. Jugoslavia je, slic- no kao i njen voda, u propagandi Sovjetskog saveza i njegovih saveznika obuhva- cena dalekoseznom, masovnom kritikom, takode i prilikom sportskih dogadaja. Danuta Jastsembska-Golonka Poljska i Jugoslavia posle II. svetskog rata - ideologija u kontekstu mode Predmet clanka je uticaj socijalisticke ideologije na modu u Narodnoj Re- public Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji, to jest pretpostavke komunisticke vlasti SSSR-a o modi te posledice preuzete ideologije. Iznose se funkeije mode te na- cini vrednovanja iz gledista socijalistickih vlasti, vrednovanje sveta i gradana kroz modu; tzv. problem sa odecom; zadaci modnih kuca i pravila distribueije brendirane odece, dizajniranje odece za supruge poljskih licnosti (izmedu osta- log za Sofiju Gomulkovu, Stanislavu Gierkovu i Ninu Andric) te za suprugu Josi- pa Broza Tita, Jovanku Tito, kao i modne preferencije samih lidera. Analiza oda- branih podataka iz istorije socijalisticke mode takode vodi ka tzv. nacionalnim stilovima u modi koje je propagirala komunisticka vlast te ka ideoloskoj jedna- kosti - oboje kako u teoriji te u praksi. Joanna ¿cutkovska „Bitni su ljudi, nosioci ideja... Veze poljskih i jugoslovenskih filmskih umetnika na primeru snimateljskog stvaralastva Jezija Vujcika Istorija poljsko-jugoslovenskih filmskih veza je duga i puna primera uzajmne inspiracije.Tokom godina je primala razne oblike, ukljucujud razmenu tehnic- kih i umetnickih usluga, kao i koprodukeiju. Medutim, njihov razvoj je u velikoj meri rezultat licnih kontakata. Oni su omogucili, izmedu ostalih, Jeziju Vujciku SAZEC1 473 da tokom kasnih sezdesetih i ranih sedamdesetih radi u Jugoslaviji kao snima- telj. Inspiracija za uspostavljanje kontakata i saradnje je bio film Matka Joanna odAniotow (rezJezi Kavalerovic, 1961.). Fotografije za taj film su osvojile Jovana Zivkovica (1924-2002), jednog od vodecih srpskih reditelja, koji je odiucio da pozove poljskog snimatelja na saradnju. Politicka klima, nepovoljna za slobodu umetnicke ekspresije, s sigurnoscu je olaksala Jeziju Vujciku odluku da prihva- ti poziv, Dok je u Jugoslaviji opstu liberalizaciju pratio rast ekspresivne i stva- ralacke slobode umetnika, u Poljskoj je sezdesetih godina vladao ostar nadzor centralnih vlasti nad kinematografijom. Jezi Vujcik je u Jugoslaviji snimio cetri igrana filma posvecena uglavnom iskustvu jugoslovenskog naroda za vreme II svetskog rata. Jedan od rezultata saradnje izmedu Vujcika i jugoslovenskih fiimskih stvaralaca je umetnicka vizija masakra u Kragujevcu (Krvava bajka, rez. Branimir Tori Jankovic, 1969.). Vujcikova aktivnost u Beogradu je naisla na ra- zlicte reakcije lokalnih fiimskih stvaralaca. Stavise, njegov rad je izazvao tako ve- like kontroverze da je stampa pocela da se interesuje njima i bilo je neophodno ukijuciti poljsku ambasadu u taj slucaj. Bez obzira na opisane teskoce,,jugoslo- venska epizoda je u Vujcikovim memoarima predstavljena kao„jedinstvena . Justina Gluba Videnje Jugoslavije u dokumentarnim filmovima Krste Papica Krsto Papic, jedan od najznacajnijih hrvatskih redatelja, u periodu 1968.- 1972v stvorioje niz dokumentarnihfilmova koji prikazuju stvarnost Jugosla- vije iz Perspektive njezinih stanovnika. Diskutovani filmovi stvaraju sliku drus- tva punog kompleksa i frustracija, a takode potvrduju i lose finansijsko stanje stanovnika Federacije. Papic je dva dokumentarca posvetio masovnim ekonomskim migracijama u Zapadnu Nemacku (Halo, München Specijalni vfakovi), Kroz jedan od filmova pokazao je i aktivnost ilegalnih, amaterskih radio stanica u hrvatskom Zagorju (Nek se cuje inas glas). Cvor je prikaz rada jedne od zeleznickih stanica u hrvat- skoj Slavoniji.Papic je mnogo puta intervenisao ne samo u uredivanje filmova, ali takode u neke od govora njegovih likova sta predstavlja jednu od njegovih glavnih fiimskih harakteristika. Dokumentarni filmovi koje je stvorio Krsto Papic puni su kontrasta, i postali su sta Ina harakteristika tzv.„Cmog talasa jugoslovenskog filma. Njegovi filmovi predstavljaju izuzetno zanimljiv izvor informacija o drustvenim odnosima, stra- hovima i pojavama na prelomu 60-ih i 70-ih godina u Jugoslaviji. 474 SAZECI Marija Satlah Pravno-ekonomski aspekti funkcionisanja preduzeca u Jugoslaviji i Poljskoj - uporedna analiza Komunisticke vlasti Jugoslavije i Poljske prihvatile su socijalisticki privredni model cija je jedna od osnovnih osobina bila dominacija drzavnog vlasnis- tva. Osnovnu ulogu u privrednom razvoju preuzela jedrzava koja je postala glavni privredni subjekt ivlasnik sredstava proizvodnje. U siucaju Jugoslavi- je preduzeca kojima je administrativno upravljala viada i odgovarajuca mini- starstva funkcionisala su do 1950. godine. Dekretom iz 1950. Godine vlast im jedala vecu samostalnost koja se izrazavala u neposrednom uticaju radnicke samouprave na ekonomski racun.To je imalo pozitivan uticaj na tempo razvo- ja jugoslovenske privrede. U siucaju Poljske drzavna preduzeca su jugoslo- venska resenja prihvatila tek nekoliko godina kasnije, all nazalost nikada nisu dobila takvu samostalnost uvodenju privredne delatnosti kao u Jugoslaviji i pored mnogih pokusaja reformi ostajala su nerentabilna skoro do kraja 80. godina XX veka. Milutin Zivkovic MecTunarodna saradnja srpskih i poljskih gradova (1962-1991) Prateci posleratne evropske trendove, Jugoslavija i Poljska su otvorile kanale medugradske saradnje 50-tih i 60-tih godina 20. veka. Intervencija zemalja Varsavskog pakta u Cehoslovackoj 1968. godine je donekle usporila ovaj pro- ces, alije on„eksplodírao u narednoj deceniji. Od nijednog partnerstva 1968. godine, stiglo se do cak petnaest 1979. godine. Uzrok tome b¡ trebalo traziti u vecoj zainteresovanosti dve drazve da kroz ovaj vid odnosa prodube medu- sobnu privrednu, naucnu, prosvtenu i kulturnu saradnju, te dodatno ocvrsnu sopstveni polozaj na medunarodnoj sceni. Sa jugoslovenske, odnosno srpske strane, saradnju gradova i opstina nadgledao je i podrzavao Republicki zavod za medunarodnu naucnu prosvetnu, kulturnu i tehnicku saradnju. On je u délo sprovodio odluke Izvrsnog veca Skupstine Socijalisticke Republike Srbije, koje je nekoliko puta raspravljalo o pravcima razvoja medunarodne saradnje gra- dova sa poljskim partnerima. Kada su jednom stali na noge, pobratimsko-par- tnerski odnosi izmedu gradova Srbije i Poljske nastavili su da se razvijaju u istom ritmu dogradanskog rata u Jugoslaviji 1991. godine. Izuzetak je bio SAZECl 475 period ratnog stanja u Poljskoj pocetkom 80-tih. Savez komunista Jugoslavi- je, tj. njegovi lokalni ogranci prednjacili su po uticaju na svaki srpsko-poljski par. Bez njihove dozvole, odnosno nadzora, nije bilo moguce uspostaviti nika- kav ozbiljniji kontakt. Sledeci uske ideoloske uzuse ovakvo stanje se zadrzalo sve do 90-tíh, iako se cesto desavalo da se buduci gradovi-pobratimi pronadu upravo na nekim drugim osnovama, mimo polltickih - privrednim, kulturnim ili istorijsklm. ABSTRACTS JacekTebinka Poland and Yugoslavia at the Turning Point of the War 1943 The Kingdom of Yugoslavia was Poland s ally since April 1941, although the position of the Polish government in London was stronger than the Yugo- slavian one. Polish diplomacy was a supporter of plan to create a federation of European countries from the Baltic States to Yugoslavia and Greece. The impor- tance of Yugoslavia in Polish post-war plans sometimes gave way to Hungarian sentiments. The year 1943 brought to the governments of the Polish and Yugoslavians a more and more visible threat that the territories of their countries would be af- ter the end of the war under communist rule. In the Polish case, this was due to the takeover by the Red Army in the summer of 1943 of a strategic initiative on the Eastern Front. In the light of developments in the occupied Yugoslavia, the growing importance of the communist guerrilla party, Josip BrozTito, indicated that it would take over control of the state. The British tried to solve the problem of Polish-Soviet relations, as in the case of Yugoslavia, the conflict between the Chetniks and the Tito partisans. On the Polish question, they agreed at the Tehran conference with the USSR and the US the idea of moving the territory of Poland to the West at the expense of Germany. However, in the Yugoslavian case, maintaining diplomatic relations with the government in exile, they began supporting Tito s guerrillas, recogniz- ing that, unlike Chetnik, it is a real threat to the Germans. ABSTRACTS 477 Ratomir Milikic Cooperation Between Two Governments in London: Yugoslav-Polish Relations (1941-1944) Using archive materials of Serbian and English provenance, along with memoirs by Serbian officials of the time, the author offers a profound glimpse into the bilateral relationship between the Yugoslav and Polish governments-in-exile. Under extremely difficult circumstances, away from homeland, the two gov- ernments worked closely within a bloc of allied states.The cooperation was par- ticularly important for the Yugoslav cabinet, using the activities of their Polish peers as a model.Their cooperation developed across many levels, with empha- sis on top-level meetings. General Sikorski played a particularly active role in the process, having many meetings with Yugoslav officials. To all appearances, General Sikorski s last official meeting before his tragic death was with a Yugo- slav representative in Cairo. After 1941, a watershed year in many respects, hard times hit the two gov- ernments in London. Even though both were legitimate cabinets, with loyal re- sistance movements fighting the Nazi occupiers in their respective territories, the narrow interests of some Allies had left them destabilized and effectively powerless. In the last months of the war, when the communists seized power in Yu- goslavia with conspicuous support from some Allies, not only in the East, but in the West, too, Yugoslavia s political emigres in London, the Serbs in particu- lar, watched very carefully the developments in Poland, where the process was somewhat slower. Ivana Panteltc Women s International Democratic Federation: Yugoslav and Polish Experience, 1945-1949. The founding initiative for the Women s International Democratic Federation (WIDF) was given at the first congress of the Union of French Women in June 1945.The representatives of Yugoslav women participated in the great effort to create an international organization of women. The first (founding) congress of WIDF held in Paris from 26th November to 1st December 1945 was attended by women delegates from 840 women s organizations from 40 countries, among the others Yugoslav and Poland. The main aims of the organization were estab- 478 ABSTRACTS lished as: active participation in the struggle for the total destruction of fascism in the world and establishment of lasting peace, organizing women of all coun- tries for the attainment of complete economic, legal and social equality, as well as the protection of health especially children s health and welfare. The leader- ship of WIDF was elected at the congress. Eugenie Cotton was elected the pres- ident. The Executive Committee had 26 members, in the middle of 1948 a con- flict broke out between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union and all the countries of the Eastern bloc which had repercussions on the international cooperation of WAFY. After this WIDF leaders started campaign against WAFY. At the plena- ry session of the WIDF held in Moscow on 18 November 1949, Dolores Ibárru- ri informed all present delegates that a decision was unanimously reached to expel WAFY from the Women s International Democratic Federation. League of Polish Women representatives voted for the WIDF decision. After the break up with the WIDF the leadership of WAFY began to direct its activities all the more towards the United Nations programs and in time directed its activities to the welfare of mothers and children. Momcilo Pavlovic Propaganda of the Cominform Countries Against the Yugoslav Government 1948-1953. Poland s Example The sudden conflict of the Soviet Union and the countries gathered in the Cominform with Yugoslavia resulted in, inter alia, the open and intense propaganda of the Cominform countries, border provocations and incidents, the breakdown of political, cultural and economic relations, the economic blockade of Yugoslavia and the declaration of several thousand Yugoslav resi- dents in the Cominform countries against the Yugoslav leadership (Yugoslav IB emigration). The activity of a small number of IB emigrants in Poland (24 mem- bers) can be traced from autumn 1948. The main activity of the Yugoslav IB emigration in Poland consisted of prop- aganda activities, realized in three parallel forms: printing of articles in the Pol- ish press; work in the editorial of Yugoslav broadcasts of the Polish Radio, and from July 1949 to October 1951 printing of the Bulletin Za Zwyciqstwo (For the Victory). The newsletter was printed in 70-300 copies and sent to news agen- cies in Poland and other socialist countries, Yugoslav radio stations, and Polish repatriates from Yugoslavia who settled in the District of Boleslawiec. Diplomatic missions of the Soviet Union and other Cominform countries, and therefore Poland, were treated in Yugoslavia as propaganda and hostile centers. They were accused of distributing propaganda material in Yugoslavia. The Polish ambassador, Jan Karol Vende, was also accused of the propaganda ABSTRACTS 479 activity. Polish diplomatic representatives and other officials were spreading propaganda material in personal contacts with Yugoslavs. In addition, the Polish Embassy also issued its bulletins in the Serbian lan- guage, spreading them in Yugoslavia by post (to addresses from the telephone directory). But most of this work was done by the Polish library in Belgrade. It had leaflets and pamphlets of a hostile content, which were given to its visitors not only for reading but also for taking away with them. The exhibits of the li- brary were filled with propaganda material against Yugoslavia. Polish press was very active in propaganda. In 1948,225 anti-Yugoslav arti- cles were published.The propaganda was the strongest in 1949 and 1950 when about 400 anti-Yugoslav articles were published. All of these texts were aimed to present the Yugoslav regime as fascist, nationalist and chauvinist, the situa- tion in Yugoslavia as hopeless, and Yugoslavia s relations with the West as firm and loyal. In the following years, the intensity of propaganda in the print media declined, but it was still significant. During 1952 and 1953, about 50 anti-Yu- goslav articles were published in Trybuna Ludu. In 1954, the same newspaper published only one article and one speech that had an anti-Yugoslav character. Summing up, the Yugoslav authorities found a dozen of hostile and propa- ganda activities of the Polish government. They were systematic pressures on police officers, personal searches, even those officials who had diplomatic im- munities, the recruitment and intimidation of Yugoslav pupils in Poland in or- der to force them to return to Yugoslavia, the recruitment of Yugoslav officers, who were at training in Rombratovo, to sign a statement against Marshal Tito and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the harassment of the Embassy secretary Popovic in his apartment, and providing assistance to a handful of Yugoslav traitors and deserters who were allowed by the Polish authorities to print the counter-revolutionary newspaper Za zwyciqstwo . The next major events were: the arrest and trial of a member of the Yugo- slavian Railways, Milic Petrovic who were sentenced to 10 years in prison on November 4,1949; the termination of the treaty on friendship and mutual assistance on September 30, 1949, with the explanation that some Yugoslav representatives dealt with spying - as Milic Petrovic; the expulsion of 14 Yugo- slav diplomatic officials; the withdrawal of Ambassador Pribicevic from Warsaw in July 1950; and generally the interruption of economic and cultural relations. The propaganda activity weakened after Stalin s death, but the activity of the Cominform emigration in Poland continued until October 1956. 480 ABSTRACTS Vladimr Cvetko vie Echo of the Belgrade Conference in 1961 in Poland The Belgrade Conference, or the Conference of non-aligned countries, as originally called, was held in the capital of Yugoslavia from September 1-6th, 1961 with the participation of 25 countries as full participants and with the presence of representatives of three other countries that had the capacity of observers* The conference of non-aligned countries was prepared and main- tained in 1961 at the time when, after several years of breaks, throughout the Eastern bloc, as well as in Poland, the current anti-Yugoslav propaganda was again in connection with the new program of League of Communists of Yu- goslavia. A few months before the conference, Poland s, as well as other East- ern European countries, position was largely due to ignoring and blocking the understanding of its goals. However, after the speech by Javaharlal Nehru in the Indian Parliament, in which, just a week before the opening of the rally in Belgrade, he pledged for the international recognition of the Polish-German border on Odra and Nysa, in Poland they realized that they could benefit from that meeting. Although the final documents of the Belgrade Conference did not speak about the recognition of the current Polish-German border, the fact that the participants of the conference of non-aligned countries regarding the German issue took positions that were close to the views of Poland and other socialist countries gets a positive assessment and is seen as a step forward in the right direction when it comes to fulfilling the most important Polish foreign policy goal. Dragomir Bondzic Joint Nuclear Research of Yugoslavia, Poland and Norway in 1960s After the Second World War, in addition with the race of nuclear weapons, the rapid development of scientific research for the application of nucle- ar energy for peacetime purposes was taking place. In 1957, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna was founded within the United Nations, which was supposed to encourage nuclear research for peaceful purposes and to prevent their military use. Yugoslavia joined the Agency in 1957, and at the same time established with a number of countries cooperation in nuclear re- search. Among these countries, Poland and Norway stood out. From the begin- ning of the 1950s, experts in the field of science and instruments were procured ABSTRACTS 481 in Norway, and in the early 1960s, assistance was provided in the processing of irradiated fuel. Cooperation Agreement with Poland in the field of nuclear ener- gy for peaceful purposes was signed in 1957, which was implemented through two-year plans, through the exchange of experts, the organization of seminars and joint research. At the beginning of the 1960s, multilateral cooperation in the field of reactor physics between Yugoslavia, Poland and Norway took place, with the coordination of the International Nuclear Energy Agency, called the NPY project. The start of the project was initiated in March 1962 by Norwegians who had already had cooperation with the Agency in that area. Since all sides showed interest, goals and forms of cooperation were established in 1962 and 1963, and in April 1964, the Agreement between the Governments of Norway, Poland and Yugoslavia and the International Agency for Joint Cooperation in Reactor Physics was signed in Vienna. In the meantime, the realization of the project through the meetings of the Joint Committee, the exchange of experts and joint experiments at the nuclear institutes in Vinca near Belgrade, Kjeler near Oslo and Swierk near Warsaw, the discussion of the results, the organi- zation of seminars and summer schools, and the publication of results, has al- ready begun. The project was renewed in 1967 and 1970 and was completed in 1971, when nuclear research in Yugoslavia was narrowed, under the pressure of internal political and economic problems. The realization of the NPY project was only part of the intensive cooperation between Yugoslavia, Poland and Norway, both in the field of nuclear research for peaceful purposes, and part of the overall cultural, scientific, economic and political relations between Yugo- slavia and the two countries, that were rising, apart from the differences in the type of government and the international position. Milan Gulic The Polish UNPROFOR Battalion in the Perception of Local Serbian Authorities in the Republic of Srpska Krajina 1992-1995 Since the conflicts in Yugoslavia in 1991 escalated into civil war the peace initia- tive of the United Nations was launched. As part of the United Nations engage- ment in the territory of Croatia affected by the war, the Polish Battalion (POLBAT) was formed. Poles were deployed in the Sector North. Their area of responsibility included a significant part of Kordun and a smaller part of the Lika. The base of POLBAT was located in Slunj. POLBAT operated within the United Nations Protec- tion Force (UNPROFOR), as well as within the United Nations Confidence Resto- 482 ABSTRACTS ration Operation (UNCRO) from April 15,1992 to December 14, 1995. The paper deals with the relations between Polish soldiers and the local Serb population, who passed through different stages.There was cooperation, distrust, misunder- standing, conflict, broken heads, hangovers and stolen vehicles. Ewa Bujwid-Kurek Relations Between Post-Yugoslavian Countries. The Casus of Contentious Border Issues (Selected Examples) The main research goal of the article Relations between the Post Yugosla- via countries casus border disputes issues - selected examples was to de- termine how the relations between the selected countries look like due to the unresolved issues related to border disputes. It was established that between the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Croatia there is still exist unsolved dispute about the Bay of Bran, the Dragnaja river, in the cadastral commune of Sveta Gera. Between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia, there is a dispute over the bends of the Danube River (Vukovarsa i and Sarengradzka ada). A dispute over the area of Horvatske Kostajnice and the maritime islands of Mali and Veliki Skolij is still present between the Republic of Croatia and Bos- nia and Herzegovina. There is also a current dispute between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Montenegro about the Privlaka peninsula around the headland of Ostro and the dispute between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia about the exclave of Sastavci and the Lim River. These unsolved border disputes, which is most often accompanied by intransigent positions of parties participating in it, not only negatively affect the mutual re- lations between states but also unregulated, in even in the near future they can become the source of dangerous conflicts between them. Therefore, due to se- curity and peace in the region, it seems very important to reach a consensus in almost all disputable cases, particularly these, which concern the borders of the Post Yugoslavia area. Agnieszka Rypel Image of Yugoslavia and Polish-Yugoslav Relations in Dziennik Bydgoski (Bydgoszcz Journal) over the Period 1918-1928 The main purpose of this article is to investigate how Dziennik Bydgoski - the most opinion-forming newspaper in Bydgoszcz and whole region - was creating an image of Yugoslavia as a new country and how it showed ABSTRACTS 433 relations between Yugoslavia and Poland. When it comes to political aspects there were treated lightly as a background to point out cognitive-social rep- resentations that were an important factor in colloquial perception of Yugosla- via and its population. To arrange the texts from chosen journal issues a critéri- um of four thematic circles were taken: internal relations, international relations, knowledge about the country and interpersonal relations as well as sensational events. Analysis of these titles and press texts leads to the conclusion that the image of Yugoslavia and Yugoslavians given to the Dziennik Bydgoski readers is multidimensional and goes beyond the traditional stereotypes based on civ- ilization antimony West-East. Pa wet Wawryszuk Polish-Yugoslav Relations in the Last Years of Wtadysiaw Gomutka s Rule (1969-1970) The crisis in Polish-Yugoslav relations, that was particularly visible after the in- tervention of five countries of the Warsaw Pact in Czechoslovakia, revealed a number of contradictions in the politics of Yugoslavia and the People s Repub- lic of Poland. When the authorities in Belgrade somehow accepted the military suppression of the Prague Spring , serious accusations began to appear in the polemic with Warsaw, mainly regarding the criticism of economic systems func- tioning in both countries. At the same time, the authorities tried to prove the superiority of its own solutions and the adversaries abandonment of principles of Marxism-Leninism. In 1969, in this discussion, there was also an unprece- dented personal attack from the Yugoslav side on the Polish leader - Wfadystaw Gomutka. Janez Stanic s press article, published in June 1969 in the Sloveni- an newspaper Delo , was different from those printed during the Yugoslavian camp conflict, which began in 1948 after the exclusion of the Communist Par- ty of Yugoslavia from the Cominform. Then the negative and aggressive prop- aganda campaign was the result of a order from the government. In the case of Stanic, it seems he published his text without the permission of the govern- ment but even against its will. The last year of Gomulka s rule was marked by a slow rebuilding of state relations and, to a limited extent, party relations. The most important political events of 1970 included the working visit of the PZPR delegation to Yugoslavia in June, the signing of the XI Session of the Polish-Yugoslav Economic Cooper- ation Committee, the change of the Yugoslavian ambassador in Warsaw (Arso Milatovic ended his mission, Vladimir Maleski was the new one) and the visit of the Jugoslav minister of affairs foreign, Mirko Tepvca, in Poland in November. This was a sign of regulations of state relations. A full normalization of party re- 484 ABSTRACTS lations occurred after Gomufka s losing power when the delegation of the Com- munists7 Union was invited to the Sixth Congress of the PZPR, which was held on December 6-11,1971. Bojan Dimitrijevic Tito as a Polish Guest and Host Marshal Tito on Official Visits to Poland and Polish Leaders Visiting Yugoslavia 1946-1978 The article is written in comparative analysis of protocol documents of the visits of the President of SFR Yugoslavia J. B. Tito to Poland and visits of Pol- ish party leaders Gomulka and Gierek to Yugoslavia, and preserved photo- graphs from Tito s visits to Poland in the period 1957-1978. We have considered the basic elements from existing scientific papers and archival material in order to understand the basic flow and content of visits of both parties. They were organized in 1946, 1957, 1964,1972,1973,1975 and 1978. The basis of work is the analysis of the flow of visits, visits and schedule of activities during the vis- its, the sites visited, as well as the issue of Tito s and the Polish leaders security during the visits. A significant part of the article was dedicated to some of Tito s features, which are noted during the visit: dressing - choosing suits, hobbies in which photographing, visits to forest residences have a special place, and espe- cially hunting. We also paid attention to the parts of the visit that were reserved for his wife Jovanka, that were in a special and separate plan. Dragan Bogetic The Yugoslav Perception of the Content and Importance of the Tito-Gierek Talks in Warsaw, June 1972 (Analysis of Contents of Documents of Belgrade Archives) Talks between two leaders of the Communist parties of Yugoslavia and Po- land, Tito and Gierek in Warsaw, in June 1972, opened a new phase of Yu- goslav-Polish relations during which the two sides efforts to promote mutual cooperation are coming to its peak. In Belgrade, it was estimated that the new Polish leadership, led by Edward Gierek, has a much more tolerant attitude to- wards Yugoslav politics than the previous leadership. L ABSTRACTS 485 During the preparation and maintenance of these talks, both Yugoslav and Polish officials were handling with very pragmatic interests. On the Yugoslav side, this was about attempts to re-establish an optimal balance in relation to the blocking groups seriously damaged by the deterio- ration of Yugoslavia s relationship with the Eastern Bloc after the military inter- vention of five Warsaw Pact countries in Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Im- proving relations with Poland could be a significant boost to further improving relations with the Soviet Union and the Eastern bloc. The Poles, however, were interested in enhancing cooperation with Yugo- slavia, as this was in line with their efforts to ensure, as a result of turbulent in- ternal political and economic turbulence, a fuller affirmation of their policies on the internal and wider international plan (outside the socialist bloc and inside it). Judging by the available Yugoslav documentary material, both sides have succeeded in their efforts. In Warsaw, Tito and Gierek provided certain precon- ditions for improving Yugoslav-Polish relations and initiated a series of new meetings of top officials from the two countries that followed. Andrzej Zacminski Organization and Security of Tito s Visits in Poland in the 1970s The article discusses the activity of the Polish Government Protection Bureau, that aims were to provide security and personal protection of Josip BrozTito during his visits to Poland in 1972 and 1975. In this regard, planned projects and their practical implementation were presented. In 1972, these activities were codenamed AVALA , in which 5700 people were involved in the protection, in- cluding: 1105 uniformed officers, 2405 operational service (Security Service), 190 road traffic services and 2000 members of the Volunteer Militia Reserve (ORMO). In turn, in 1975,1754 people were used in the code name BIESZCZA- DY action, including 167 operational people, 516 uniformed ones, 690 - ORMO and 381 officers of the ZOMO.The statistical disproportions between those two visits were quite clear and they resulted from their specificity. In 1975,Tito s stay in Poland was only limited to the Artamow center. The article gives examples of operational recognition and protection of places where Tito stayed. The particular attention was paid to the Department Stores„Centrum in Warsaw, the Car Factory in Zerah, the airport in Rzeszow, the route to the Arlamow government center and its protection, as well as the plac- es where members of the Yugoslav delegation were staying. 486 ABSTRACTS Nebojsa Stambolija Yugoslav-Polish Relations in 1985 At the beginning of the 1980s, bilateral relations of the Socialist Federal Re- public of Yugoslavia and the People s Republic of Poland, despite the crisis in both countries, developed in a very positive direction, although they were to a certain extent limited. The most important event in bilateral political re- lations in 1985 was the return visit of Polish Prime Minister General Wojciech Jaruzelski Yugoslavia from 8 to 10 July. During his visit, besides the president of the Federal Executive Council Milka Planinc, General Jaruzelski also met with the President of the SFRY Presidency Radovan Vlajkovic and the chairman of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia Vidoje Zark- ovic.The most important visit from Yugoslavia was the return visit of the dele- gation of the Socialist Alliance of the Working People of Yugoslavia, headed by President Aleksandar Grlickov, to the Polish Patriotic Movement of the National Revival, from November 18 to 22. Economic cooperation has been successfully developing and for the third consecutive year, there has been an increase over the previous year. The commodity exchange in 1985 surpassed the protocol s envisaged scope and amounted to $ 847 million. During 1985, negotiations on the projection of economic cooperation for the period 1986-1990 were com- pleted. In October, a new five-year Trade Agreement and the Trade Protocol in 1986 were signed in Belgrade. Cooperation in the field of culture, education and science in 1985 was carried out regularly and with success. Several cultural manifestations and roles were realized as part of the realization of the Program of Cultural-Educational Cooperation, as well as through direct contacts and co- operation of various institutions. Cooperation on a scientific level, which was at the level of the processing of individual scientific projects of common interest, was recorded as a successful one. At the end of October 1985, a new Protocol for 1986-1988 was signed with 33 themes of joint scientific work. Maja Lukanc Polish October 56 from the Perspective of Slovenian and Yugoslav Authorities, and the Press In 1956, the Yugoslav political leadership followed the changes in Poland with considerable attention and approval. It soon formed an opinion that the nor- malisation of the situation there was better and quicker than in the other So- viet satellite states, which contributed to an improved visibility of the Polish matters in the Yugoslav media. During the Poznan Riots, Poland garnered a lot of attention. Because of the ideological assumptions, the poor economic situ- ABSTRACTS 487 ation in the state, and the wish for the preservation of its neutral position in in- ternational diplomacy, the Yugoslav leadership supported the official explana- tion of the Polish authorities, which attributed the responsibility for the events in Poznan to foreign intelligence agents and to the Polish reactionary under- ground. A part of the Yugoslav population noted the government s machina- tions regarding the media reports about the Poznan Riots. However, the sup- port for the official explanation, exhibited by the Yugoslav press, contributed to the strengthening of the relations between Poland and Yugoslavia in the long- term. The response of the Yugoslav communists to the arrival of the Soviet del- egation to the Eighth plenum of the Polish United Workers Party was much more resolute, though: they saw it as an exertion of pressure against the Pol- ish leadership. However, these interpretations were not published by the Yugo- slav media. The discrepancy between the clear-cut standpoints of the Yugoslav leadership, pronounced at receptions and in the hallways, and the ambivalent reticence of the Yugoslav press with regard to the Soviet actions indicates that the Yugoslav leadership was very careful in its relations towards the Soviet Un- ion, while it simultaneously wished to preserve the fragile balance between its interests in the East as well as in the West.Thus more unambiguous evaluations of the autumn events in Poland would not emerge until after the conclusion of the Eighth plenum, when there was no doubt any longer that the situation had unravelled in accordance with the Yugoslav wishes and ideological standpoint. Michal Kosman Political Activity of the German Minority in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croatians and Slovenians in 1918-1929. Outline of the Issue The changes on the political map that occurred in Europe after the First World War affected the Balkans in a particular way. The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SHS) has become the result of many years of efforts to create a common state of southern Slavs. Its demographic structure, however, caused that from the beginning it faced internal national conflicts, especially Serbian-Croatian conflicts. The situation of national minorities was also compli- cated. The largest of them was Germans, whose relations with the authorities of the Kingdom were full of tension, which was the aftermath of the First World War, when the Serbian people suffered a lot from the central states. The aim of the article is to discuss the situation and political activity of the German minor- ity in the Kingdom of SHS in 1918-1929 (above all the German Party as the larg- est political representation of this minority), i.e.from the end of the First World War to the introduction of authoritarian rule by King Alexander. The article was based on German, Polish and English literature. 488 ABSTRACTS Slaven Kale Polish Organizations in Croatia in the Interwar Period Polish organizations in the area of present-day Croatia formed a framework for the development of Croatian-Polish relations as well as a framework for gathering of and assistance to the Polish minority in the interwar period. The significance of the General Consulate of the Republic of Poland in Zagreb goes beyond the territory of today s Croatia, because its jurisdiction included the territories of Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. The Pol- ish Hearth, or afterwards the Association of Poles in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, was the only Polish organization founded in the area of Croatia and was active in both Croatia and Bosnia. Such activity was extremely important, as the ma- jority of Poles in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, lived in fact in Bosnia during the interwar period. Croatian-Polish associations based in Zagreb, such as the Polish-Yugoslav Association and the Polish Circle at the Croatian Writers Association, contributed to the develop- ment of Croatian-Polish relations. The Polish Home in the Adriatic Cooperative, established in Warsaw, worked on the strengthening of Croatian-Polish tourist relations, focusing their attention on the island of Solta near Split. The paper briefly presents the Polish organizations that were active in the area of today s Croatia in the interwar period, which aims to provide a better understanding of the Croatian-Polish ties of the day. Enes S. Omerovic Poles in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1918-1941) The Poles represented one of the most numerous minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They were one of the rare minorities which was increasing be- fore World War II. One of the characteristics of the Poles was that they were territorially compact. They were mostly inhabiting the suburbs of Banja Luka, especially Prnjavor district. They were also socially compact, which means that they were mainly agrarian community. Their religious characteristic was being predominantly Roman-catholic Christians. The main supporter of this national minority was Poland, which had built a friendly relationship with the Kingdom of SHS/former Yugoslavia. The Polish minority was not able to use any of the mentioned characteristics to their advantage in the period between the two wars in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Such an advantage could have been used to preserve their own national identity and to prevent assimilation, which was the greatest danger for any national minority. Being predominantly agrarian with ABSTRACTS 489 a small percentage of the literate and having none who was famous for their ac- complishments and no support from the home country, the Polish community was not able to do anything in order to preserve their own identity.The schools that had been established before 1918 where Polish was taught were soon shut down, and any attempt to establish new ones was smothered very quickly. The existence of seven Roman-catholic parishes comprised of mainly Polish people was not capitalized. They also did not provide Polish priests who would be in charge of those parishes. In this way the Polish minority was deprived of anoth- er means that could have helped them fight the assimilation. Another means they were lacking was the fact they did not have Polish teachers and priests in Polish colonies. This significantly affected the organization of national groups. They had few Polish groups that were formally registered. They had informal reading rooms, libraries, orchestras and other associations that cherished true Polish-Yugoslav relationships, but that was not enough to compensate for the lack of the abovementioned means. In such conditions, the Polish community in Bosnia and Herzegovina was always exposed to troubles and gradual, silent assimilation. The lack of Roman-catholic Polish priests, those who spoke Pol- ish, the activities of the Polish consuls, the lack of reading rooms and libraries in some Polish villages all contributed to the silent but inevitable assimilation. Stanislav Sretenovic The Relationship Between Polish and Serbian Anti-Communist Exiles in France 1945-1956 The relative weakness and disorganization of Serbian emigrants in France fol- lowing the Second World War, conditioned their relationship with their Pol- ish counterparts. This problem was difficult to resolve due to a lack of human and financial resources. Nevertheless, immediately after the war, a number of Polish officers provided transport to France for their Serbian counterparts and supported their efforts to establish communication with General Mihailovich headquarters in Serbia. The perception of the Serbs was that the Poles were well organized and that they should follow their example. However, in the peri- od of demobilization of Polish units in Western Europe, the only support given by them to the Serbs in France was in form of financial aid to Dragan Sotirovic, who was an officer in both the Serbian and Polish resistance movements during the war. After the war, he settled in Paris and received this aid for some years for his merits in the past. When this humanitarian support ended, the relationship between Polish and Serbian anti-communist exiles became symbolic.The main goal of both groups was to integrate into French society. 490 ABSTRACTS Tomasz Lis The Activity of Fran llesic, a Slovenian Polonophile The article presents Professor Fran llesic (1872-1942), who was a follower of ilirism in his youth. The idea of ilirism brought him closer to the Slavic Club in Krakow where Marian Zdziechowski and Feliks Koneczny were very active. He believed that Poland not Russia should be the center of Slavdom. After the World War I, throughout the interwar period, he promoted Poland in Yugosla- via. He was a friend of namy Poles, for example: Jozef Gof^bek and Henryk Ba- towski. llesic often visited Poland. Hubert Stys Aleksa Djilas. Life and Work The paper is a synthesis of the biography of Aleksa Djilas (born 1953), as well as a synthesis of the major themes of his political thought. The per- son, without any doubt, deserves attention not only due to his unusual life, but profound, intellectual, original geopolitical analysis, comments to contempo- rary events, reviews and polemics to influential scientists and publicists. In the biographical part hard moments of repression are mentioned, to which Dilas family was a subject since 1954. Then, hard years of growing up, with father sentenced to long years in prison, due to his uncompromising attitude towards regime. And, Aleksa s tough life choices, which led to 13-years of emigration, common activities with anti-titoist political emigrants, and come back to coun- try in 1993, tough as well. When speaking on his political views, there are men- tioned: critical attitude towards life, achievements and legacy of Josip Broz-Tito, the Kosovo problem, perils of nationalisms in multinational Yugoslavia. Today, Aleksa Dilas stays still a Yugo nostalgic, profound democratic political writer, without any illusions recognizing the strength of nationalisms, and along - the follower of the idea of well organized, multinational, multicultural life of many different nations within one state. Piotr Zurek Wtadystaw Guttry, Deputy Commander of the Polish Intelligence Agency Stawa in Serbia (1940-1942) At bottom, Captain Wtadystaw Guttry Grot was the creator of Zwiqzek Walki Zbrojnej (abbreviation: ZWZ; Union of Armed Struggle), Polish intelligence ABSTRACTS 491 unit operating in Serbia. In May 1940, Guttry started his underground organi- zation in Yugoslavia. In August 1940, Wiktor Zahorski Tramp took command of ZWZ in Serbia. Due to Zahorski s frequent outside work, it was Guttry who was primarily responsible for managing an outpost in Belgrade. At the end of November 1940, the outpost consisted of: Major Zahorski, Captain Guttry, En- sign Zygmunt Burghardt (wireless operator) and Lieutenant Artur Karkocha Wotyniak . However, the composition of the members had been changing. In December 1940, artillery Captain Jan Guttry Suchy the younger brother of Wladyslaw, joined them. Since January 1941, there was also Polish civil com- munications intelligence branch operating in Belgrade under the command of Tadeusz Trawinski Kowal . On the 6th of April 1941, after the attack of the Axis powers on Yugoslavia, Siawa went into conspiracy. The Guttry brothers were scrimshanking in Jagodina where they installed a low-power radio station. In October 1941, Trawinski was arrested by Gestapo in the unexplained circum- stances. Having not been able to withstand the investigation and blackmail threat to harm his family left in occupied Poland, he agreed to cooperate with them. Presumably, this fact explains how Germans managed to smash Sfawa and eliminate its members. Wladyslaw Guttry was shot on the killing field of Ja- jinci on the 29th of December 1943. Tadeusz Wolsza With Bolesiaw Bierut and Josip BrozTito in the Main Role. Theatralization of Sports Events in Poland and Yugoslavia at the Turn of the 1940s and 1950s At the turn of the 1940s and 1950s, communists in the countries in the Soviet sphere of influence and in Yugoslavia included sports events in their prop- aganda activities. The theatralization of sports events was widely practiced. Mass sports competitions had the character of a spectacle, eg with gymnastic shows, with the participation of outstanding athletes, and slogans promoting the Communist Party s successes in the economic development of individual countries with far-reaching help from the Soviet Union. In propaganda, an im- portant place was attributed to the defense of world peace, with a special role of Joseph Stalin in this regard. Each country behind the Iron Curtain had its own local hero, with Stalin of course. In Poland, it was Bolesiaw Bierut, in Yugoslavia, it was Josip BrozTito. The most popular sports events were relay races with the participation of thousands of young people. From 1949, in the Soviet and its allies propaganda, also at sporting events, Yugoslavia and its leader were mas- sively criticized. 492 ABSTRACTS Danuta Jastrz^bska-Golonka Ideology Inscribed in Fashion - a Case of Wives of Party Dignitaries in Poland and Yugoslavia The topic of the article is the influence of socialist ideology on fashion, name- ly the assumptions of communist authorities in USSR towards fashion and the repercussions resulting from such an attitude in People s Poland and Yu- goslavia. The functions of fashion and the ways of valuing it by socialists are described in this article.The world and the citizens are valued from the fashion perspectives. The problems of clothes, distribution of designed clothing items and designing the clothes for the prominent s wives /for instance: Zofia Gomuf- ka, Stanistawa Gierek and Nina Andrycz/ and Josip Broz Tito s wife, Jovanka Ti- to s. It also mentions the fashion for the political leaders. The analysis of the chosen facts leads to popularise so called national styles in fashion and to the ideological equality - in assumptions and in practice as well. Joanna Szczutkowska Polish and Yugoslav Filmmakers Connections on the Example of Jerzy Wojcik s Cinematography History of Polish-Yugoslav film relations is long and full of examples of mu- tual inspiration. Over the years it took various forms, including exchange of technical and artistic services, and also coproduction. Its development, how- ever, is largely due to the personal contacts. They enabled, among others, Jer- zy Wojcik to work as a cinematographer in Yugoslavia during the late 1960 s and early 70 s.The inspiration to establish contacts and collaborate was the film Mother Joan of the Angels (dir. Jerzy Kawalerowicz, 1961). Photographs for this movie captivated Jovan Zivanovic (1924-2002), one of the leading Serbian di- rectors, and he decided to invite the Polish cinematographer to cooperate. Un- favorable political climate for freedom of artistic expression in Poland made the decision to accept the invitation certainly easier for Jerzy Wojcik. While in Yu- goslavia general liberalization was accompanied by an increase in artists ex- pressive and creative freedoms, in Poland in the 1960s there was a very intense supervision of the central authorities over cinematography. Jerzy Wojcik made in Yugoslavia four feature films devoted mostly to Yugoslav people experience during World War II. One of the results of cooperation between Wojcik and Yu- goslavian filmmakers is artistic vision of the Kragujevac Massacre (Krvava baj- ka, dir. BranimirTori Jankovic, 1969).The activity of Wojcik in Belgrade was met ABSTRACTS 493 with various reactions of the local filmmakers. What is more, his work caused so much controversy that the press became interested in them and it was nec- essary to include the Polish embassy in the case. Regardless of the difficulties described, the Yugoslav episode in Wojcik s memoirs is presented as unique . Justyna Gluba Picture of Yugoslavia in Krsto Pa pic s Documentary Films Krsto Papic, one of the most prominent Croatian directors, created during the period of 1968-1972 a series of documentary films which presented the Yu- goslavian reality from the perspective of its residents.The discussed films create an image of a society full of various complexes and frustrations, and they also confirm the poor financial condition of the Federation s residents. Papic dedicated two of his documentary films to the phenomenon of mass economic migrations to West Germany (Halo, München, The Special trains). One of the films also showed the activity of illegal, amateur radio stations in the Cro- atian region of Zagorje (Let Our Voices Be HeardToo).The filmKnof is on the oth- er hand the image of one of the railway stations in the Slavonia region. Papic s films are characterised by director s interference not only in the editing of the film material, but also in some of the characters statements. The documentary cinematography created by Krsto Papic is full of contrasts and it has become a permanent feature of the so called black wave of the Yu- goslavian cinema. It represents a very interesting source of information about social relations, fears and various phenomena of the turn of the 60s and 70s in Yugoslavia. Slobodan Selinic Yugoslav Writers in Poland in 1960s and 1970s: Plans, Travel and Impressions Cooperation between Yugoslavia and Poland in the field of literature dur- ing the 1960s and 1970s was based primarily on cooperation agreements con- cluded by the federation of writers of the two countries and on the basis of intergovernmental agreements on cooperation in the field of culture. On the basis of these documents, Yugoslav writers traveled to Poland as official del- egations of the Writers Union of Yugoslavia or as participants in international literary events. Yugoslav writers participated in literary gatherings organized by 494 ABSTRACTS the Polish Writers Association (most of which were Warsaw Autumn of Poetry). They established cooperation with Polish literary magazines (Literatura na Swie- cie, Poezija, Nova kulturo, Krakow s Zycie literackie, Wroclaw s Odra). They nego- tiated the translation of a part of Yugoslav literature into Polish and talked with the most famous Polish translators of Yugoslav literature (Danuta t rY c, Branko (jrlic, Magda Petrinjska and others). Talks on the possibilities of publishing Yu- goslav works in Poland and about Polish politics in publishing were conduct- ed in Polish publishing houses. In addition to the professional work, travel to Poland necessarily included a cultural and tourist program. The Yugoslavs met Polish cities (Warsaw, Krakow, Wroclaw, Gdansk, Katowice...), cultural and his- torical monuments of Poland (Auschwitz, numerous museums, galleries, theat- ers, monuments, etc). Maria Ewa Szatlach Legal and Economic Aspects of the Functioning of State Enterprises in Yugoslavia and Poland - a Comparative Analysis Communists in Yugoslavia and Poland adopted the socialist economic mod- el. One of the key features of it was the domination of state property. Thus, the state became the main economic entity and the owner of the means of pro- duction. The state also played a fundamental role in economic development. In the case of Yugoslavia, the model of administrative company management functioned until 1950. In accordance with the decree of 1950, the authorities gave enterprises greater independence. The greater independence was ex- pressed by the direct influence of workers on the economic account. These solutions had a positive impact on the pace of development of the Yugoslav economy. In the case of Poland, state-owned enterprises tried to adopt Yugo- slavian solutions only a few years later, but unfortunately they never gained such independence and despite many attempts to reform they remained al- most unprofitable organizations until the end of the 1980s. Milutin Zivkovic International Cooperation of Serbian and Polish cities (1962-1991) Following the post-war European trends, Yugoslavia and Poland opened the channels of intercity cooperation in the 1950s and 1960s. The intervention ABSTRACTS 495 of Warsaw Pact countries in Czechoslovakia in 1968 slowed down this process somewhat but it exploded in the next decade. Since no partnership in 1968, it has reached even fifteen in 1979. The reason for this should be sought in the greater interest of the two countries to deepen mutual economic, scientific, prosperous and cultural cooperation through this kind of relationship, and fur- ther consolidate their own position on the international scene. From the Yu- goslav and Serbian side, cooperation between cities and municipalities was monitored and supported by the Republic Institute for International Scientif- ic Education, Cultural and Technical Cooperation. It carried out the decisions of the Executive Council of the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Serbia, which discussed several times on the directions of the development of inter- national cooperation of cities with Polish partners. Once they stood on their feet, the twin-partner relations between the cities of Serbia and Poland con- tinued to develop in the same rhythm until the civil war in Yugoslavia in 1991. The exception was the period of the state of war in Poland in the early 1980s. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia, ie. its local branches dominated the influence of each Serb-Polish couple. Without their permission or supervision, it was not possible to establish any serious contact. The following narrow ideo- logical considerations have continued to prevail until the 90s, although it has often happened that future twin cities are found on some other basis, beyond political - economic, cultural or historical ones.
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spelling	Międzynarodowa Konferencja Naukowa "Polska i Jugosławia w XX Wieku" 2017 Bydgoszcz Verfasser (DE-588)1173905839 aut Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura pod redakcją Momčilo Pavlovicia, Pawła Wawryszuka, Andrzeja Zaćmińskiego ; tłumaczenie tekstów serbskich Alojzy Fojt [i 11 pozostałych] Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku Bydgoszcz Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Kazimierza Wielkiego 2018 495 Seiten Illustrationen 25 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zawiera teksty zaprezentowane na konferencji w Bydgoszczy w 2017 roku Zusammenfassungen der Beiträge auf Englisch und Serbisch Teilweise aus dem Serbischen übersetzt Geschichte 1900-2000 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf Kulturbeziehungen (DE-588)4033552-5 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Polska / 20 w / konferencje Jugosławia / 20 w / konferencje Jugosławia / stosunki / Polska / 20 w / konferencje Polska / stosunki / Jugosławia / 20 w / konferencje (DE-588)1071861417 Konferenzschrift 2017 Bydgoszcz gnd-content Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Kulturbeziehungen (DE-588)4033552-5 s Geschichte 1900-2000 z DE-604 Pavlović, Momčilo 1959- (DE-588)1056285648 edt Wawryszuk, Paweł (DE-588)1234995816 edt Zaćmiński, Andrzej 1960- (DE-588)1191269108 edt Fojt, Alojzy trl Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego (DE-588)10142525-9 isb Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030764506&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030764506&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB München 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030764506&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Kulturbeziehungen (DE-588)4033552-5 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4033552-5 (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)4028966-7 (DE-588)1071861417
title	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura
title_alt	Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku
title_auth	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura
title_exact_search	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura
title_full	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura pod redakcją Momčilo Pavlovicia, Pawła Wawryszuka, Andrzeja Zaćmińskiego ; tłumaczenie tekstów serbskich Alojzy Fojt [i 11 pozostałych]
title_fullStr	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura pod redakcją Momčilo Pavlovicia, Pawła Wawryszuka, Andrzeja Zaćmińskiego ; tłumaczenie tekstów serbskich Alojzy Fojt [i 11 pozostałych]
title_full_unstemmed	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura pod redakcją Momčilo Pavlovicia, Pawła Wawryszuka, Andrzeja Zaćmińskiego ; tłumaczenie tekstów serbskich Alojzy Fojt [i 11 pozostałych]
title_short	Polska i Jugosławia w XX wieku
title_sort	polska i jugoslawia w xx wieku polityka spoleczenstwo kultura poljska i jugoslavija u xx veku politika drustvo kultura
title_sub	polityka, społeczeństwo, kultura = Poljska i Jugoslavija u XX veku : politika, društvo, kultura
topic	Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd Kulturbeziehungen (DE-588)4033552-5 gnd
topic_facet	Außenpolitik Kulturbeziehungen Polen Jugoslawien Konferenzschrift 2017 Bydgoszcz
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030764506&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030764506&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=030764506&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
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