Origins of the Greek verb:
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| Beschreibung: | xxxi, 713 Seiten Diagramme |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Origins of the Greek verb |c Andreas Willi (University of Oxford) |
| 264 | 1 | |a Cambridge ; New York ; Port Melbourne ; New Delhi ; Singapore |b Cambridge University Press |c 2018 | |
| 300 | |a xxxi, 713 Seiten |b Diagramme | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804177791811321857 |
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| adam_text | Contents
List of Figures page xix
List of Tables xxi
Preface xxiii
Abbreviations and Conventions xxvii
I The Greek Verbal System I
I.I Introduction I
1.1 Variety and Economy in the Verbal System of Ancient
Greek I
1.2-1.6 Verbal Endings 2
1.2 Overview 2
1.3 Athematic Endings: Active 3
1.4 Athematic Endings: Middle 5
1.5 Thematic Endings: Active and Middle 6
1.6 Perfect Endings 8
17-1.8 Modal Stem Markers 9
1.7 Subjunctive 9
1.8 Optative 10
1.9-1.13 ‘Tense’ Stems 12
1.9 Overview 12
1.10 Aorist Stems 13
1.11 Present Stems 15
1.12 Perfect Stems 19
1.13 Future and Future Perfect Stems 20
1.14-1.15 Non-finite Forms 21
1.14 Participles and Verbal Adjectives 21
1.15 Infinitives 22
1.16-1.18 Approaching Prehistory 23
1.16 Comparative (External) Observations 23
1.17 The Anatolian Challenge
1.18 Systemic (Internal) Observations *5
1.19 Agenda 26
1.19 Agenda 26
Vll
viii Contents
2 From Greek to Proto-Indo-European 28
2.1 Introduction 28
2.1 Competing Theories 28
2.2—2.7 The ‘Hoffmann—Strunk Model’ 28
2.2 Hoffmann’s Graeco-Aryan Premise 28
2.3 Root Formations and Root (A)telicity 29
2.4 Radical or Phrasal Telicity? 30
2.5 Characterised Stems and Aktionsarten 31
2.6 Strunk on the Genesis of Tense and Aspect 31
2.7 A Special Role for the ¿-Aorist? 34
2.8—2.12 Cowgill’s Model and ‘Proto-Indo-Hittite’ 35
2.8 Positioning Anatolian 35
2.9 Cowgill on the Hittite /^’-Conjugation 37
2.10 Cowgill’s ‘Nominal Verbs’ and PIE Aspect 40
2.11 Some Obstacles 42
2.12 Assessment 44
2.13—2.16 Early Aspect I: Jasanoff on the ‘Proto-Middle’ 45
2.13 Jasanoff against Cowgill 45
2.14 The ‘Proto-Middle5 46
2.15 Jasanoff’s ‘¿^-Conjugation’ 49
2.16 Reconstructive Aims and Ideologies 50
2.17—2.18 Early Aspect II: Kurylowicz’s Framework 52
2.17 Telic Verbs and Aspectual Shifts 52
2.18 Shortcomings of Kuryfowicz’s Model 53
2.19 Conclusion 56
2.19 Conclusion 56
3 The Reduplicated Aorist 58
3.1—3.4 Searching for Early Perfectives 58
3.1 Introduction 58
3.2 Eliminating the ¿-Aorist 59
3.3 Eliminating the Thematic Aorist 60
3.4 The Reduplicated Aorist as the Earliest Perfective
Type? 60
3.5—3.14 Greek Reduplicated Aorists: Data and Analysis 61
3.5 Arrangement of the Data Survey 61
3.6 General Observations 61
3.7 Greek Data 62
3.8 Root Structure 62
3.9 Thematic Stem Structure 78
3.10 Reduplication Vocalism and ‘Attic’ Reduplication 79
3.11 Full ‘Attic’ Reduplication Patterns (*HeC- Roots) 80
3.12 Full ‘Attic’ Reduplication in the Perfect 82
3.13 Partial Attic’ Reduplication Patterns (*HCeCL Roots) 82
3.14 The Reduplicated Aorist as a Relic Category 84
Contents
IX
3.15-3.22 The Reduplicated Aorist in Indo-Iranian 85
3.15 Inherited Reduplicated Aorists 85
3.16 Causative Reduplicated Aorists in Sanskrit 86
3.17 Leumann’s Theory 87
3.18 Inheritance and Innovation in the Causative Aorist 88
3.19 Non-causative Reduplicated Aorists in Sanskrit 90
3.20 Reduplicated Aorists and Pluperfects 91
3.21 Athematic Reduplicated Aorists? 92
3.22 Synopsis 93
3.23-3.25 Reduplicated Aorists in the West (Italic and Celtic)? 94
3.23 Problems of Identification 94
3.24 Theoretical Backing for a Formal Merger 95
3.25 Latin Long-Vowel Perfects 96
3.26-3.31 The Tocharian Reduplicated Preterite 97
3.26 Reduplicated and Long-Vocalic Causative Preterites 97
3.27 The Reduplication Vowel 99
3.28 Non-causative Cognate Formations? 100
3.29 Malzahn’s Theory 100
3.30 An Alternative Proposal 101
3.31 Implications 103
3.32—3.36 The Reduplicated Aorist in Proto-Indo-European 104
3.32 Distributional Arguments for an Archaism 104
3.33 Lexical Illustrations 105
3.34 Kurylowicz’s ‘Fourth Law of Analogy’ 107
3.35 Scalar (Semantic) Transitivity 107
3.36 Factitivity, High Transitivity, and the Reduplicated Aorist 109
3.37-3.42 Excursus on PIE Thematicity and Ablaut no
3.37 The Reduplicated Aorist as a Thematic Category no
3.38 Origins of the Thematic Vowel: Phonetics
and Phonology hi
3.39 Secondary Thematisation and the Reduplicated Aorist 112
3.40 Reconsidering Long-Vowel Preterites
and ‘Aerostatic Presents 113
3.41 Notes on PIE Ablaut 114
3.42 Operational Ablaut in the Reduplicated Aorist 116
3.43 Conclusion 116
3.43 Conclusion 116
4 The Reduplicated Present 118
4.1-4.7 Theoretical Considerations 118
4.1 Introduction 118
4.2 Reduplication and Iteration 119
4.3 Sources of Imperfectives 120
4.4 Plurality Types, Nominal and Verbal Aspect 121
4.5 PIE Reduplication from Verbal Collectives? 122
123
126
127
127
I27
130
132
132
135
137
138
138
158
163
165
165
166
167
168
169
170
170
172
174
174
175
175
177
178
179
182
183
184
184
185
186
187
187
188
189
190
Contents
4.6 Perfective vs. Imperfective Reduplication:
Stemmatic Models
4.7 Reduplicated Presents as Secondary Imperfectives?
Hittite Reduplicated Stems
4.8 Preliminary Remark
4.9 Classification of Hittite Reduplicated Verbs
4.10 Analysis of Group (i)
4.11 Analysis of Group (ii)
4.12 Formal Analysis of Group (iii)
4.13 Semantic Analysis of Group (iii)
4.14 Atelic Iteration and Bounding
Greek Reduplicated Presents
4.15 Reduplicated Presents without Suffix
4.16 Reduplicated Presents with Suffix *~iefo-
4.17 Presents with ‘Full’ Reduplication and Suffix *-ie/o-
Formal Reconstruction
4.18 Overview
4.19 Problems of (A) thematic!ty
4.20 Thematic Primacy
4.21 Indo-Iranian Athematisation
4.22 Problems of Root Vocalism
4.23 Conflicting Analogies
4.24 Problems of Reduplication Vocalism
4.25 From ^-Reduplication to /-Reduplication
Semantic Analysis: Vedic and Greek
4.26 Vendryes on the Thematic Reduplicated Presents
4.27 Reduplicated Presents in Vedic Polymorphic Systems
4.28 Polymorphic Reduplicated Presents and Verbal Voice
4.29 The Case of bibharti
4.30 Greek exgo/Tcjx60» ^¿vco/[jii|avco, v^opcn/vicrofjica
4.31 Greek Reduplicated Presents without Polymorphic
Partners
4.32 Factitivity and High Transitivity among Reduplicated
Presents
4.33 Intermediate Summary
PIE Thematic Presents: Genesis and Distribution
4.34 PIE *CeC-o ‘Statives’
4.35 PIE *CeC-o as a Nominal Form
4.36 Watkins on the Thematic Root Presents
4.37 Phonological Adjustments
4.38 Morphological Adjustments
4.39 Hittite Correspondents to PIE Thematic
Root Presents
4.40 Hittite and PIE Reduplicated Presents
4.41 A Semantic Query
Contents xi
4.42 Schematic Summary
4.43 Inferior Alternatives to Watkins’s Model 192
4.44 Thematic Root Presents and the Middle Voice 193
4.45—4.48 Systemic Consequences I: The Subjunctive 19b
4.45 Thematic vs. Athematic Root Presents 196
4.46 Thematic Indicatives to Subjunctives 197
4.47 Semantic Evolution of the Subjunctive 198
4.48 Long-Vowel Subjunctives 200
4.49-4.52 Systemic Consequences II: Reduplicated Presents 200
4.49 Thematic Presents and Athematic Root Aorists 200
4.50 Reduplicated Presents as Imperfective Gap-Fillers 202
4.51 Perfective and Imperfective Stem Selections 203
4.52 Root-Aorist Subjunctives and ‘New’ Reduplicated
Presents 204
4.53 Conclusion 205
4.53 Conclusion 205
The Perfect 207
5.1-5.2 Introduction 207
5.1 Divergent Views on Perfect Reduplication 207
5.2 Reduplicated Roots or Reduplicated Stems? 209
5-3—5-9 Formal Prehistory of the Greek Perfect 210
5.3 Perfect, Middle, and /¿/-Conjugation Endings 210
5.4 Perfect Stems with Ablauting 0-Grade 211
5.5 Non-ablauting 0-Grade Perfect Stems 211
5.6 Perfect Stems to *HeC-- Roots 211
5.7 Long-Vowel Perfects 215
5.8 Further Developments and Results of the
Perfect-Stem Survey 218
5.9 Middle Perfects 219
5.10-5.13 The Pluperfect 220
5.10 Pluperfects as Pivot Forms 220
5.11 PIE Pluperfects? 221
5.12 Early Active Pluperfects 222
5.13 Later Pluperfects 223
5.14-5.25 Semantics of the Perfect in Greek and
Proto-Indo-European 225
5.14 Wackernagel’s Taxonomy 225
5.15 Chantraine’s Classification of Homeric Perfects 227
5.16 Reconsidering Wackernagel’s Taxonomy:
‘Continuous’ Perfects 228
5.17 Perfects of‘Lasting Effect’ 231
5.18 The PIE Perfect as a ‘Nactostatic’ Category? 232
5.19 The Problem of Root (A)telicity 234
5.20 Intensive Perfects 236
Xll
Contents
5.21 ‘Lexicalised Perfecto-Presents’ 237
5.22 Evolutionary Sequences 239
5.23 Perfecto-Presents’ in the Evolutionary Sequence 242
5.24 A Slavic Comparandum 244
5.25 A Japanese Comparandum 245
5.26-5.33 A Form/Function Analysis of the PIE Perfect 246
5.26 Kuryfowicz’s Verbal Adjective 246
5.27 Cowgill’s Agentive Nominal 248
5.28 Accentual Matters 249
5-2 9 Reduplication and Perfect Semantics 250
5.30 *CdC-e Imperfectives I: PIE uoide 252
5.31 *CoC-e Imperfectives II: Anatolian 252
5.32 *CoC-e Imperfectives III: Germanic and Baltic 254
5-33 JasanofFs ‘¿^-Conjugation’ Root Presents Reconsidered 255
5-34-5*39 Related Formations I: *CoC-éie/o- Iterative-Causatives’ 257
5-34 The Formal Type 257
5-35 Greek Evidence 259
5.36 Semantic Variation 259
5-37 Iteratives to Factitives? 264
5.38 Denominal Iteratives and Factitives 265
5-39 Relative Chronology 266
5.40-5.42. Related Formations II: Zero-Grade Statives 268
5.40 *CoC-é and *CéC-o 268
5*41 Agentivity and Accent 269
5-42. Zero-Grade Statives 270
5.43-5.47 Related Formations III: *CC-éie/o- ‘Iteratives’ 273
5*43 Greek Evidence 273
5-44 Problems of Identification 273
5-45 PIE *CC~eie/o- Presents: Form 277
5.46 PIE *CC-eie/o~ Presents: Function 2 77
5-47 Relative Chronology 279
5.48-5.50 The Constitution of a ‘Nominal-Verb’/Perfect Paradigm 280
5.48 Singular 280
5-49 Plural: Preliminary Observations 280
5.50 Plural: A Developmental Scenario 281
5*5i Conclusion 284
5-51 Conclusion 284
The Thematic Aorist 286
6.1 Introduction 286
6.1 Revisiting Kurylowicz’s Aorist Chain 286
6.2-6.10 Theories on the Origin of the Thematic Aorist 287
6.x Kurylowicz: Another Shifted Imperfective 287
6.3 Distributional Counter-Indications 288
6.4 Cardona: A Thematised Root Aorist 289
Contents
xiii
6.5 Ablaut Inconsistencies in Indo-Iranian 290
6.6 Lack of Pivot Forms in Greek 293
6.7 Problems of Reconstructive Economy 294
6.8 The Evidence of *(h,e-)uid-e-t 296
6.9 Root Aorists and Thematic Aorists
as Synchronic Competitors? 296
6.10 Argumentative Agenda 298
6.11-6.22 The Fate of PIE Root Aorists in Greek 299
6.XI Fully Preserved Root Aorists to *CeH- Roots 299
6.12 K-Aorists 299
6.13 Partially Preserved Root Aorists:
Patterns of Innovation 304
6.14 Assessment 331
6.15 Aorists to *CeRH- Roots: Preliminary Remarks 332
6.16 Grouping the Data 333
6.17 Analysis of Group (i) 337
6.18 Analysis of Group (vii) 338
6.19 Inconsistencies with Roots in *-h2- and *-hf 339
6.20 Inconsistencies with Roots in hy* 340
6.21 A New Scenario 342
6.22 Preferential Selections 343
6.23-6.27 The Thematic Aorist in the PIE Verbal System 345
6.23 A Functional Query 345
6.24 Reduplication and V^-Prefbtation 346
6.25 Reduplicated Aorists to Thematic Aorists 347
6.26 Implications for the Augment 348
6.27 Reduplication, Augmentation, and Laryngeal Loss 350
6.28-6.29 The Sanskrit Class VI (tudati) Presents 351
6.28 Greek ‘tudati Presents’? 351
6.29 The Genesis of tudati Presents 353
6.30 Conclusion 355
6.30 Conclusion 355
The Augment 357
7.1 Introduction 357
7.1 The Communis Opinio 357
7.2-7.10 The Augment in Homer 358
7.2 Wackemagel’s Position 358
7*3 Wortumfang 359
7-4 Augmentation in Compound Verbs 361
7-5 Augmentation and Aorist Types 3 %
7.6 Augmentation and Iteratives in -ctks/o- 365
7-7 ‘Drewitt’s Rule’ 366
7.8 Functional Tendencies 368
7-9 Histoire, discours, and the Augment 372
XIV
Contents
7.10 Bakker’s ‘Immediacy5 374
7.11—7.14 Theories on the Origin of the Augment 376
7.11 The Handbook Doctrine 376
7.12 Watkins’s Sentence Connector 377
7.13 An Emphatic Particle? 378
7.14 Intermediate Summary 379
7.15-7.19 Homeric Augmentation and Perfectivity 381
7.15 Reassessing the Data 381
7.16 Unaugmented Modal Forms 384
7.17 Augmented and Perfective Imperfects 385
7.18 Homeric Illustrations 386
7.19 Typological Support 388
7.20—7.22 The Augment in Mycenaean 389
7.20 General Situation 389
7.21 Earlier Explanations 389
7.22 Implicational Neutrality 391
7.23-7.27 The Augment in Phrygian, Armenian, and Iranian 392
7.23 Phrygian 392
7.24 Armenian 392
7.25 Old Persian 394
7.2b Augmented Aorists in Avestan 394
7.27 Augmented Imperfects in Avestan 395
7.28—7.37 The Augment in Vedic 397
7.28 Functions of the Vedic Injunctive 397
7.29 Hoffmann on the Vedic Augment 399
7.30 Hoffmann’s ‘Memorative’ 400
7.31 The Injunctive Paradox 403
7.32 On (Re-)reading the Vedic Injunctive 404
7.33 Vedic Illustrations 405
7.34 Vedic and Early Greek Augmentation 410
7.35 The ‘Aoristic Drift’ 411
7.36 Counter-Evidence from the History of Sanskrit? 413
7.37 The ‘Aoristic Drift’ in Old Indie Diachrony 414
7.38 Conclusion 415
7.38 Conclusion 415
8 The s~Aorist 417
8.1 Introduction 417
8.1 A Mysterious Type 417
8.2-8.11 The Greek s~Aorist 418
8.2 The Creation of an Alphathematic Paradigm 418
8.3 Root Aorists to s-Aorists 421
8.4 /-Presents and s-Aorists 422
8.5 Root Presents and s-Aorists 425
8.12-8.19
8.20—8.23
8.24-8.27
8.28-8.30
8.31-8.36
8-37-8-45
Contents XV
8.6 Alternative Patterns 432
8.7 The ¿-Aorist and High Transitivity: Theoretical
Considerations 435
8.8 Functional Differentiation among Aorist Types 436
8.9 Factitive ¿-Aorists 437
8.10 Supporting Evidence 439
8.il Reduplicated Aorists to ¿-Aorists 440
The Greek ¿-Future 441
8.12 The Aorist-Subjunctive Theory 441
8.13 The Desiderative Theory 443
8.14 Assessment 444
8.15 Greek Middle Futures as Support for the Desiderative
Theory? 445
8.16 A Morphological Hypothesis 447
8.17 Data Check 449
8.18 Asigmatic Middle Futures: Triojjicu 450
8.19 pe(i)o[jiai and eSojjicu 451
¿-Aorists in Italic, Celtic, Slavic, and Baltic 452
8.20 Italic 452
8.21 Celtic 455
8.22 Slavic 457
8.23 Baltic 458
The j -Aorist in Indo-Iranian 459
8.24 Medial Primacy in the ¿-Aorist? 459
8.25 On Aorist-Stem Distribution 462
8.26 Secondary Developments 463
00 Independent ¿-Subjunctives 464
$
Tocharian ¿-Formations 464
8.28 ¿-Subjunctives and ¿-Presents: Overview 464
8.29 Diachronic Interpretation 465
8.30 ¿-Preterites 468
Hittite Comparanda 473
8.31 ¿-Endings: 3$g. 473
8.32 ¿-Endings: 2sg. 474
8.33 Root Presents to ¿-Enlarged Roots 475
8.34 Systemic Placement 476
8.35 The Semantics of ¿-Enlarged Roots 477
8.36 Hittite Fientives in -ess- 478
Presents in *-ske/o- 479
8.37 PIE *-ske/o- as a Composite Suffix 479
8.38 A Problem of Root Vocalism 480
8.39 ¿-Enlarged Roots, ¿-Presents, and Thematic Root
Presents 480
8.40 Middle Presents in *-ske/o- 482
8.41 The Presents in *-ske/o- as Secondary Imperfectives 483
XVI
Contents
8.42 On the Aktionsart Values of *-ske/o- 484
8-43 Greek Unreduplicated Presents in *-ske/o- 484
8-44 Greek Reduplicated Presents in *-ske/o- 485
8-45 Reduplicated Presents in *-ske/o~ outside Greek 488
8.46-8.52 Ablaut in the PIE ¿-Aorist 489
8.46 Regular ¿-Aorist Vocalism in Greek
and Indo-Iranian 489
8-47 Lengthened-Grade Evidence outside
Indo-Iranian 490
8.48 The ¿-Aorist as an ‘Aerostatic’ Type? 493
8.49 Theories of‘Aufstufung’ 494
8.50 ‘Aerostatic’ Presents vs, s-Aorists 495
8.51 Monosyllabic Lengthening? 496
8.52 Szemerenyi’s Law and the ¿-Aorist 497
8-53-8-54 Whence the ¿-Aorist? 498
00
ua An Action Noun Turned Verbal? 498
8.54 An Agent Noun Turned Verbal? 500
8-55 Conclusion 0
M
8.55 Conclusion s
0
M
9
From Proto-Indo-European to Pre-Proto-Indo-European
9.1-9.3
9*4-9-11
9.12-9.14
9.15-9.20
Introduction
9.1 Uhlenbeck’s Ergative Hypothesis
9.2 Chapter Outline
9.3 On Studying ‘Pre-Proto-Indo-European’
Pre-PIE Nominal Ergativity after Uhlenbeck
9.4 Van Wijk on Genitives, Impersonal Verbs,
and Pronouns
9.5 Pedersen on Ergative —► Accusative Alignment Change
9.6 Vaillant on Nominal Gender and Directional *-m
9.7 Martinet on Markedness
9.8 Split Ergativity and the Animacy Hierarchy
9.9 Pre-PIE ‘Split Ergativity’ or ‘Split Accusativity’?
9.10 Shortcomings of the ‘Split-Accusative’ Hypothesis
9.11 Countering Animacy-Based Objections to
the Ergative Theory
Early Views on Pre-PIE Ergativity and the Verb
9.12 Vaillant’s ‘Pseudo-Transitive Inflection’
9.13 Critique
9.14 Pedersen’s Alternative
Pre-Proto-Indo-European as an ‘Active’
(‘Split-S’) Language?
9.15 Beginnings of the ‘Active Hypothesis’
9.16 The Classical ‘Active Hypothesis’
504
504
504
505
506
50 6
50 6
507
508
509
510
512
SH
514
515
515
517
519
520
520
522
Contents xvii
y.Yj Assessment I: Minor Evidence 524
9.18 Assessment II: ‘Active’ vs. ‘Inactive’ Verbs? 527
9.19 ‘Split S’ vs. ‘Fluid S’ 530
9.20 The Emergence of Verbal Voice 531
9.21-9*25 Pathways for an Ergative ---► Accusative Alignment
Change 533
9.21 Extension of A Marking 533
9.22 Passives and Antipassives 533
9.23 Reanalysis of Antipassives 535
9.24 Pre-PIE Antipassives and Nominal Inflection 535
9.25 Pre-PIE Antipassives and Verbal Inflection 536
9.26-9.27 Ergativity and Tense/Aspect Categories V»
00
9.26 General Principles 538
9.27 Implications for (Pre-)Proto-Indo-European 539
9.28-9.31 Reconsidering the Origin of the s-Aorist 541
9.28 From Pronouns to Personal Endings 541
9.29 Zero-Endings and Full Endings in the 3sg. 542
9.30 Spreading 3sg. *-t and the Genesis of Suffixal *-j- 543
9.31 Assessment 544
9*32 Conclusion 544
9.32 Conclusion 544
From Pre- -Proto-Indo-European back to Greek 547
10.1-10.2 Introduction 547
10.1 A Gap to be Filled 547
10.2 Chapter Outline 547
10.3-10.14 More on Verbal Endings 548
10.3 Singular Endings: Recapitulation 548
10.4 Remodellings of the ^-Series isg. and 2sg. 549
10.5 The ipl. Endings 550
10.6 The 2pl. Endings 552
10.7 ipl./2pl. Endings: Summary 553
10.8 3pl. Endings: Preliminary Remarks 553
10.9 The Participial Connection 553
10.10 Anatolian and Pre-PIE Participial Orientation 554
10.11 From Participles to 3pl. Forms 556
10.12 Participles and *CéC-o ‘Statives’ 558
10.13 Endings of the m-Series and ^-Series: General
Summary 559
10.14 Composite Middle Endings 559
10.15-10.31 Categorial Histories 561
10.15 Introductory Remark 561
10.16 Root Aorists: Active 562
10.17 Root Aorists: Middle 563
XVU1
Contents
10.18 Root Presents (Athematic): Active 564
10.19 Root Presents (Athematic): Middle 565
10.20 Reduplicated Aorists 567
10.21 Thematic Aorists and Zero-Graded Thematic
Presents (tuddtt) 568
10.22 s-Aorists 568
10.23 s- Presents 569
10.24 Thematic Root Presents: Active 569
10.25 Thematic Root Presents: Middle 573
10.26 Reduplicated Presents (Thematic) 574
10.27 Reduplicated Presents (Athematic) 575
10.28 Presents in *-ske/o- 575
10.29 Excursus: Hittite Imperfectives in -ssa- 576
10.30 Perfects (and ‘Nominal Verbs’) 577
10.31 ‘Iterative-Causative’ Presents 578
10.32—10.39 Origin and Functions of the /-Present 579
10.32 Imperfectivising *-ie/o- 579
10.33 The Basic Formal Type 580
10.34 /-Presents and (In)transitivity 581
10.35 The /-Presents as Pre-PIE Antipassives? 583
10.36 On Denominal /-Presents 586
10.37 Antipassives and Relativisation 586
10.38 Suffixal *-ie/o~ and Relative *ie/o- 588
10.39 Paradigm Constitution 589
10.40—10.41 Alignment Change and PIE Aspectual Shifts 590
to. 40 Building Blocks of the Pre-PIE Verbal System 590
10.41 New Perfectives through Alignment Change 591
10.42 Conclusion 593
10.42 Conclusion 593
Epilogue 595
References 60 2
Index of Forms 677
General Index 705
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Willi, Andreas 1972- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)141681233 |
| author_facet | Willi, Andreas 1972- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Willi, Andreas 1972- |
| author_variant | a w aw |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV044463418 |
| classification_rvk | FC 5151 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)1021047956 (DE-599)BVBBV044463418 |
| discipline | Philologie / Byzantinistik / Neulatein |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV044463418 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T07:53:39Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 1107195551 9781107195554 |
| language | English |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-029864042 |
| oclc_num | 1021047956 |
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| owner_facet | DE-11 DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-188 DE-29 DE-824 DE-12 |
| physical | xxxi, 713 Seiten Diagramme |
| psigel | gbd_3_1901 |
| publishDate | 2018 |
| publishDateSearch | 2018 |
| publishDateSort | 2018 |
| publisher | Cambridge University Press |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Willi, Andreas 1972- Verfasser (DE-588)141681233 aut Origins of the Greek verb Andreas Willi (University of Oxford) Cambridge ; New York ; Port Melbourne ; New Delhi ; Singapore Cambridge University Press 2018 xxxi, 713 Seiten Diagramme txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 gnd rswk-swf Verb (DE-588)4062553-9 gnd rswk-swf Griechische Sprache (DE-2581)TH000005700 gbd Griechische Syntax (DE-2581)TH000005717 gbd Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 s Verb (DE-588)4062553-9 s DE-604 Erscheint auch als Online-Ausgabe 978-1-108-16420-7 Digitalisierung BSB München - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029864042&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Willi, Andreas 1972- Origins of the Greek verb Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 gnd Verb (DE-588)4062553-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4113791-7 (DE-588)4062553-9 |
| title | Origins of the Greek verb |
| title_auth | Origins of the Greek verb |
| title_exact_search | Origins of the Greek verb |
| title_full | Origins of the Greek verb Andreas Willi (University of Oxford) |
| title_fullStr | Origins of the Greek verb Andreas Willi (University of Oxford) |
| title_full_unstemmed | Origins of the Greek verb Andreas Willi (University of Oxford) |
| title_short | Origins of the Greek verb |
| title_sort | origins of the greek verb |
| topic | Griechisch (DE-588)4113791-7 gnd Verb (DE-588)4062553-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Griechisch Verb |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029864042&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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