Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Timişoara
Editura Universităţii de Vest
2016
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| Ausgabe: | Ediţia a II-a revăzută şi actualizată |
| Schriftenreihe: | Colecţia Amfiteatru Seria Antropologie/Etnologie
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| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Literaturverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | 332 Seiten Illustrationen, Diagramme, Karten |
| ISBN: | 9789731254968 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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CUPRINS
Abrevieri bibliografice /11
Credite foto /15
1. Antropologia: o ştiinţă în sprijinul cunoaşterii aprofundate a
societăţilor şi culturilor /17
2. Pledoarie pentru o proto-istorie a antropologiei culturale / 36
Protoistoria antropologiei: idei şi gânditori ai Antichităţii şi Evului
Mediu / 36
Efervescenţă ideatică, etnocentrisme şi noi mentalităţi în gândirea
Renaşterii şi Iluminismului / 40
Antropologia în perioada expansiunii coloniale / 46
3. Evoluţionismul în antropologie / 57
Scurtă incursiune în problematica evolutionismului general /58
Evoluţionismul social şi cultural / 60
4. Difuzionismul cultural şi particularismul istoric /79
„Kulturkreise” / 82
Difuzionismul heliocentrist britanic / 88
Şcoala difuzionistă americană / 89
Şcoala boasiană de antropologie şi particularismul istoric, sub egida
Universităţii Columbia (S.U.A.) / 96
Problematica aculturaţiei /102
Tendinţe difuzioniste contemporane? /105
5. Funcţionalismul în antropologie /110
Funcţionalismul biocultural /111
Funcţionalismul structuralist /123
6. Structuralismul în antropologie /137
7. Orientarea „cultură-personalitate” /149
Teoria configuraţionistă /151
Teoria personalităţii de bază /160
Teoria personalităţii modale /163
Margaret Mead şi „caracterul naţional99 /165
8. Şcoala antropologică de la Manchester /172
9. Antropologia marxistă şi materialismul cultural /192
Marx, Engels, Gramsci, Lévi-Strauss şi Meilassoux: teorie socială şi
antropologie /192
Harris, White şi materialismul cultural american /198
10. Ecologia culturală /212
11. Antropologia şi mişcarea feministă / 226
12. Antropologia cognitivă / 244
13. Antropologia simbolică şi interpretativă / 254
Glosar de termeni /271
Mic dicţionar al populaţiilor, triburilor şi grupurilor etnice menţionate
în capitolele lucrării / 279
Abstract: Orientations and trends in cultural anthropology / 285
Bibliografie /295
CONTENTS
Bibliographic abbreviations /11
Credits /15
1. Anthropology: A science in support for thorough knowledge of
societies and cultures /17
2. Pleading for a protohistory of Cultural Anthropology / 36
Anthropology’s protohistory: Ideas and thinkers of Antiquity and of
the Middle Ages / 36
Effervescence of ideas, ethnocentrisms and new mentalities in
Renaissance and Enlightenment thinking / 40
Anthropology during the time of colonial expansion / 46
3. Evolutionism in Anthropology / 57
Brief incursion in Evolutionism /58
Social and cultural Evolutionism / 60
4. Cultural diffusionism and Historical particularism /79
„Kulturkreise” / 82
The British heliocentric diffusion / 88
The American School of Diffusionism / 89
The boasian school of Anthropology and Historical particularism at
the University of Columbia (USA) /96
The issue of acculturation /102
Contemporary diffusionist trends? /105
5. Functionalism in Anthropology /110
Biocultural Functionalism /111
Structuralist Functionalism /123
6. Structuralism in Anthropology. /137
7. The trend ‘Culture ֊ Personality’ /149
The theory of‘configuration’ (Gestalt) /151
The theory of ‘basic personality’ /160
The theory of ‘modal personality’ /163
Margaret Mead and the ‘national character’ /165
8. The Manchester School of Anthropology /172
9. Marxist Anthropology and Cultural materialism /192
Marx, Engels, Gramsci, Lévi-Strauss, and Meillassoux: Social theory
and Antropology /192
Harris, White, and the American Cultural materialism /198
10. Cultural ecology /212
11. Anthropology and the feminist movement / 226
12. Cognitive Anthropology / 244
13. Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology / 254
Glosary /271
Dictionary of populations, tribes, and ethnic groups / 279
Abstract: Orientations and trends in cultural anthropology / 285
Bibliography / 295
ORIENTATIONS ANO TRENDS IN CULTURAL
ANTHROPOLOGY
(Abstract)
The main objective of this book is to analyse the most
representative trends and schools of anthropology, and implicidy the
major concepts and specialists who influenced anthropology through
their work and scientific papers. We highlighted certain issues
connected to the general nature of anthropology, the transformations
which have occurred over time through an anthropological perspective,
and an entire series of aspects, which according to us, plead for the
strong interdisciplinary character of the subject.
Our approach broadly follows the diachronic development of
the anthropological science from its roots to the beginning of the 21st
century. We would like to stress the fact that our approach is not
exhaustive in nature; an entire series of issues could also be mentioned
in the review.
Accordingly, the present book is meant first and foremost for
the students in Anthropology, Sociology, and Hioman Resources from
the West University of Timişoara, but also for students from other
Departments, such as History, Cultural Studies, Political Studies,
Psychology, and Social Work, who have constandy shown a real
interest for the field of Anthropology and for its theoretical and
conceptual development. Last but not least, the book is addressed to all
scholars interested in the vast field of social sciences. Finally, I wish to
express my gratitude to all those who somehow contributed to this
second edition.
* * *
285
Ever since the period that marked a possible beginning for
Anthropology as distinct science, there was a quasi-unanimous
conception among the philosophers according to which culture
generally developed (or evolved) in a uniform or progressive way. The
general agreement revolved round the concept stipulating that most
societies undergo the same series of stages, reaching a common level of
development at the end.
The scientific community as far back as the Enlightenment
period readily accepted the concept of evolutionary progress that
manifested itself within the framework of a society. In the 18th century,
the French and Scottish philosophers resorted to such evolutionary
schemas.
Towards the middle of the 19th century, the series of
geographic explorations, conquests and colonization reached the point
of maximum development. At the same time, an extremely complex
system of colonial possessions was developed, a system profoundly
marked by the existence of some populations completely different from
Europeans from the cultural point of view, and implicitly from the
Europeans’ lifestyle. These circumstances opened up new and vast
horizons of development for Anthropology, by means of analysis of the
differences present at the cultural level.
For Anthropology, the 19th century represented the point
where, starting from the general concept of evolution but also from the
writings of Montesquieu, the focus shifted to society and its evolution.
Roughly speaking, the merits of Evolutionism and its
proponents consisted in the materialization of the first efforts to give
Anthropology a scientific character. Reduced to essence, Evolutionism
promoted three basic ideas, which later became an integral part of the
philosophy of Anthropology. First, it was unanimously accepted the
286
idea that cultural phenomena must be studied in the specific manner
proposed by naturalists.
Diffusionism, as well as the anthropological school of
thought, constituted an attempt to understand culture from the
perspective of the origin of the cultural signs, and, at the same time,
their propagation from one society to another.
As versions of the diffusionist theory, one must mention: the
Heliocentric Diffusion (at the root of this theory lies the idea that all
cultures are generated by a cultural center); The Theory of cultural circles
(Germ. Kulturkreise) (according to this theory, culture was generated by
a limited number of cultural centers); Reciprocal influence (each society is
influenced by other societies, but the process of influencing one
another is mutual).
The scientific approach, as far as Cultural Diffusionism is
concerned, was initiated in the middle of the 19th century, and had as
result the perception of the nature of the way human culture elements
are spread at a global scale.
The major purpose of scholars was to observe if, on the whole,
people and society made progress following the path of development
from simple to complex or, from inferior to superior.
Three schools of Diffusionism emerged, each one with its
specific approaches and peculiarities. The German School: its
supporters were considered extreme diffusionists. The Catholic clergy
controlled the school. Its characteristic is expressed by the theory of
“cultural circleits representatives: Frobenius, Rat^el, Graebner, Father W.
Schmidt The British School: difussionism reached the extremity through
Smith, who believed that Egypt is the nucleus of the original culture;
representatives: Elliot Smith, IV.J. Perry, WJHTL Rivers, and A.C.Haddon.
The American School: at its basis lay the ethnographic researches on
the American Indians; O.T. Mason introduced the term culture area
only in 1895; representatives: Boas, AX. Kroeber, and C. Wissler.
287
Historicism or Historical particularism represented a school
of thought, which manifested itself in the theory of Anthropology as
well as in the theory of culture, and marked the middle of the 19th
century and the beginning of the 20th century.
There are two ways of expressing the Historicism: Cultural
Diffusionism on one hand and Historical particularism on the other.
This approach is associated with Franz Boas and his plethora
of students, but its origins are to be found in early diffuionist theories.
Historical particularism served the purpose of providing
alternative theories to the global theories that referred to socio-cultural
development. Franz Boas, as founder of this trend, undertook
elaborated regional studies, focusing on individual cultures, in order to
exceed evolutionist and diffiisionist approaches and seek clarification to
these in the same time.
The outcome consisted in the identification of the way in
which cultural marks are being distributed, and in the understanding of
the individual process of cultural change.
Numerous results of the studies and conclusions drawn by
Boas as well as by his disciples lost their credibility in time,
concomitandy with the development of Anthropology. On the other
hand, Boas and his school is given the merit of taking Anthropology far
away from Evolutionism and Diffusionism, and of drawing researchers’
attention upon the multitude of existing cultures, and upon the
diversity of cultural manifestation.
The critic brought down upon the historical particularism was
preponderantly oriented towards the high scale action of gathering data,
and the fear of putting forward some general theories on
Anthropology.
Functionalism asserted itself at the beginning of 20th century
as a trend of Cultural Anthropology, its direction being established to a
288
great extent by two British anthropologists: Bronisław Malinowski and
Alfred R. Radcliffe-Brown.
The purpose of Functionalism was to bring some equilibrium
after putting forward a new series of theories that caused disputes in
the 19th century, such as Evolutionism and Diffusionism.
The functions of the different organs (in nature and society)
work together and have the task of making sure that the organism
functions properly, so that this one could assure the development of its
essential processes, and could reproduce. The members of a society can
be regarded as cells, and the institutions of the society as organs whose
function is to maintain the life of the collective entities, even though it
involves a perpetual cyclic process materialized into cell death and new
cell reproduction.
One can draw the conclusion that B. Malinowski and A.R.
Radcliffe-Brown fully deserve their title of British Anthropology
pioneers. Even though today, functionalism is no more than a reference
point in Anthropology, theoretically speaking, and the revolutionary
method of field study that even nowadays represents a habitual practice
of every ethnologist and anthropologist, remains vivid. If the two
anthropologists dominated the scene between 1920 — 1930, starting
with the fourth decade of the 20th century, a second generation of
British social anthropologists that would carry on the legacy, was bom.
As part of Cultural Anthropology, Structuralism is based on
the idea that cultural objects, such as literature, art, architecture and
others, cannot be perceived independently, but that they must be
studied in a context delimited by larger structures to which these
cultural objects contributed, and within the framework in which they
evolved.
The structuralist paradigm of this discipline suggests that man’s
thinking process can be found in an identical manner at all cultures, and
that the mental processes exist in the form of binary oppositions.
289
The Structuralism promoted by Lévi-Strauss represented an
effort in the process of reducing information on cultural systems to
essential formal relations among elements. He regarded cultures as
communication systems and he conceived models that had at the basis
structural linguistic and mathematical concepts on structure, in order to
establish and demonstrate the general rules that govern the structure of
social relations.
Although critics considered structuralism to be a static theory
that does not take into account human individuality and human
independent acts, it represents a reference point for Cultural
Anthropology. Unlike earlier theories, Structuralism aimed at
reconciliation between sensitivity and intelligibility, art and logic.
The field culture-personality is founded on the concepts and
methodology characteristic to Anthropology, but also to Psychology.
The starting point of anthropologists was the Freudian psychoanalysis,
and from here, they moved to common aspects that characterize people
and are to be found in their cultures.
The structures and studies on culture and personality limited
the number of racist ethnocentric descriptions of some cultural types,
which were characteristic of the first half of the 20th century. These
studies projected the individual in a whole new light, through the
interdisciplinary connection between Anthropology and Psychology.
From this point forward, the focus was on social behaviour inside
cultures, assisting many people in their attempt to understand the
different cultures other than their own.
By means of culture and personality studies, the scientific and
the profane worlds became aware of the fact that people in general are
very much alike and that evolution should be regarded as a global
phenomenon, and by no means should it be considered as a series of
stages in evolution.
290
Anthropological field studies undertaken in rural communities
as well as in the urban communities from British Central Africa
between 1950 -1960 represented the frame where, through a plethora
of researchers, came into existence what in Anthropology is known
under the Manchester School of Anthropology. The coordination of
the anthropological research project was carried out in cooperation
between the University of Manchester, more exactly the Social
Anthropological Department, and the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute.
The theoretic basis and the method of this cooperation
originate in Max Gluckman’s ideas. He became the first professor of
Social Anthropology from the University of Manchester. As was the
case of other founders of anthropological schools, his students had a
role worth mentioning — the same applied to Columbia University from
United States of America — in a short time, the group of
anthropologists from Manchester laid the foundations of a genuine
school.
The central merit of the Manchester School and of Rhodes-
Livingstone Institute consisted of the initiation of some systematic
regional research programs.
Although the School was engaged in a wide variety of activities,
generally attention is drawn to the researches that focus on Central
Africa. Many of the theoretical and methodological fundaments of the
School are to be found in the published monographs on this African
region.
The structural-functionalist paradigm used by the
anthropologists from the Manchester School was subject to criticism
due to its nonconformist character. Another aspect of the critics
regarded its slight resemblance to the Marxist ideas. Some of the
anthropologists adopted the ideas of the socialist or liberal movements.
Materialism, as a general attempt to comprehend the cultural
systems, is defined by means of three fundamental principles: cultural
291
materialism, cultural evolution and cultural ecology. The first ideas are
present with the first economists, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.
Therefore, this 2nd edition also brings in discussion some issues dealing
with Marxist Anthropology.
With Marx’s ideas as starting point, the anthropologist, and
here we are referring to Marvin Harris, laid the foundations of a new
system, Cultural Materialism.
Following Marx and White’s example, Harris’ vision is also
structured on the three principles mentioned above. However, the
infrastructure is represented by the modes of production (defined by
Harris as technology and practice used in expanding or limiting the
elementary subsistence, or expansion, limitation and preservation of the
dimension of population). Unlike Marx, Harris thinks that the mode of
reproduction (demography) should be restricted to the level of
infrastructure, since as a rule; every society confronts itself with the
problem of reproduction, more exactly with uncontrolled demographic
shifts.
Studies on culture and personality intend to explain the
development of personal or social identity in the social context.
Through analysis of individual personalities one can establish vast
correlations and generalizations as far as different cultures and
implicitly their members are concerned.
Cultural Ecology focuses on the study of the complex
relations that manifest themselves among people, as creators and
bearers of cultural values, and their environment. There is a constant
contact between humans and the different elements such as land,
climate, species of plants and animals, when people leave their mark on
the environment. This contact observes the ways through which the
collateral aspects of life belonging to the social, economic and politic
field, are built.
292
Discussions concerning Feminism and Anthropology
appeared at the beginning of the 70’s, as a natural reaction of some
women researchers in Anthropology at the exclusively male
Anthropology of that time.
Feminist Anthropology is an attempt to outline a trend with
democratic and equitable character. The other anthropologists received
the works of the first female anthropologists with reluctance. All
anthropologists have later recognized the role of these researches. The
central objective of feminist Anthropology is social inequality among
groups, segregation.
Almost in all cases, this trend was associated with the feminist
movement and it was brought into the political arena on several cases.
From one perspective, the core is derived from research towards
radicalism, and from the other, taking into account the politicization of
gender; one might have doubts about the objectivity of the research.
Cognitive Anthropology is known for its theory and specific
method, thus obtaining a special statute. Cognitive Anthropology
emerged around the fifth decade of the 20th century. It is a trend that
originated in earlier attempts of anthropologists like F. Boas, Margaret
Mead and Ruth Fulton Benedict, who regarded culture from a
psychological point of view.
Some representatives of Enlightenment, especially Rousseau,
also influence cognitive Anthropology to a great extent but, through
their approaches, they limited themselves to a mere interpretation of
the influence that society has on the individual. At birth, a person’s
intellect can be compared to a tabula rasa and cultural knowledge and
social influence on the individuals determine their later evolution.
The central objective of Cognitive Anthropology was not that
of finding the way in which people organize their culture, but a mere
process of observing the way in which culture is used, the mode in
which it is put into practice.
293
The merit of Cognitive Anthropology is that it provides
detailed and reference descriptions on cultural representations, building
a bridge between culture and mental functioning by means of sub
discipline.
The central objective of Symbolic Anthropology is
represented by the studies of the ways through which the individuals
with a social life perceive and interpret the environment they live in,
and implicitly the actions of the other members of society. In this
respect, the results of the interpretations gave others a personal cultural
system, consisting of a gathering of shared experiences.
Symbolic Anthropology is concerned with various symbols and
processes. To illustrate this, in the category of processes one can
include myths and rituals by means of which people assign semantic
value to this symbols, with the purpose of highlighting the fundamental
problems regarding man’s social life.
According to an idea promoted by Clifford Geertz, one of the
founders of this trend, taking into account the system of
representations that is characteristic to any culture, one can notice the
human species’ the need for a symbolic criterion to help its orientation.
The fundamental role of symbolic Anthropology was to have
drawn the specialist’s attention towards culture bound problems and
the interpretation of culture, rather than to the elaboration of some
great theories. Clifford Geertz became the most frequently quoted
author by the specialists from other disciplines.
294
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332 |
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| spelling | Pribac, Sorin 1973- Verfasser (DE-588)113930609X aut Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală Sorin Pribac Orientations and trends in cultural anthropology Ediţia a II-a revăzută şi actualizată Timişoara Editura Universităţii de Vest 2016 332 Seiten Illustrationen, Diagramme, Karten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Colecţia Amfiteatru Seria Antropologie/Etnologie Zusammenfassung auf Englisch Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4151278-9 Einführung gnd-content Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 24 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029671113&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 24 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029671113&sequence=000002&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 24 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029671113&sequence=000003&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis |
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| subject_GND | (DE-588)4133903-4 (DE-588)4151278-9 |
| title | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală |
| title_alt | Orientations and trends in cultural anthropology |
| title_auth | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală |
| title_exact_search | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală |
| title_full | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală Sorin Pribac |
| title_fullStr | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală Sorin Pribac |
| title_full_unstemmed | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală Sorin Pribac |
| title_short | Orientări şi curente în antropologia culturală |
| title_sort | orientari si curente in antropologia culturala |
| topic | Kulturanthropologie (DE-588)4133903-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kulturanthropologie Einführung |
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