Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije:
Концепт Велике Албаније као претња националној безбедности Србије
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Zadužbina Andrejević
2014
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Posebna izdanja / Zadužbina Andrejević
363 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Literaturverzeichnis Register // Sachregister Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 125 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten |
| ISBN: | 9788652501915 |
Internformat
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| 100 | 1 | |6 880-01 |a Beriša, Hatidža |d 1961- |e Verfasser |0 (DE-588)110237573X |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |6 880-02 |a Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije |c Hatidža Beriša |
| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a The concept of "Great Albania" as a threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia |
| 264 | 1 | |6 880-03 |a Beograd |b Zadužbina Andrejević |c 2014 | |
| 300 | |a 125 Seiten |b Illustrationen, Karten | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |6 880-04 |a Posebna izdanja / Zadužbina Andrejević |v 363 | |
| 500 | |a Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache | ||
| 546 | |a Text serbisch | ||
| 546 | |b Kyrillische Schrift | ||
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Großalbanische Bewegung |0 (DE-588)1024896447 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Sicherheitspolitik |0 (DE-588)4116489-1 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 7 | |a Albanien |0 (DE-588)4001028-4 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Serbien |0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 651 | 7 | |a Kosovo |0 (DE-588)4032571-4 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 689 | 0 | 0 | |a Serbien |0 (DE-588)4054598-2 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Albanien |0 (DE-588)4001028-4 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Kosovo |0 (DE-588)4032571-4 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 3 | |a Großalbanische Bewegung |0 (DE-588)1024896447 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 4 | |a Sicherheitspolitik |0 (DE-588)4116489-1 |D s |
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| 810 | 2 | |a Zadužbina Andrejević |t Posebna izdanja |v 363 |w (DE-604)BV017904956 |9 363 | |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Inhaltsverzeichnis |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000004&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
| 880 | 1 | |6 100-01/(N |a Бериша, Хатиџа |a ut | |
| 880 | 1 | 0 | |6 245-02/(N |a Концепт Велике Албаније као претња националној безбедности Србије |c Хатиџа Бериша |
| 880 | 1 | |6 264-03/(N |a Београд |b Задужбина Андрејевић |c 2014 | |
| 880 | 0 | |6 490-04/(N |a Посебна издања / Задужбина Андрејевић | |
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| 940 | 1 | |n oe | |
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 909 |e 22/bsb |f 090512 |g 4971 |
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 909 |e 22/bsb |f 090512 |g 4975 |
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 909 |e 22/bsb |f 090512 |g 4965 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1806958224180510720 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
CaAPwaj
1. CaîKeTaK 7
2. Abstract 9
3. Yboæ 11
4. 03a3OBH, PH3H11H H npeTH»e 6e3ÔeAHOCTH 16
4.1. IlojaM H KJIâCH(J)HKaLUlja H3a30Ba, pH3HKa H IXpeTtfcH 6e30eflHOCTH 17
4.2. IlepiïenxiHja 6e36eaHocHHX npeTH H 19
4.3. IIponeHa H3a30Ba, pn3HKa h npeTH n 6e36eaHOCTH 21
4.4. CaBpeMeHH H3a30BH, pusHUH h iipciibe ôe'jôeflHOCTH 24
5. HaiiHOHajiHa 6e3ÔeÆHocT Penyôjraice Cpönje 27
5.1. Be30eaHOCHO oicpyaceite h nojiHTHKa HaitHOHajiHe 6e30e/iHocTH
Pci iyojiHKe Cponje 29
5.2. BHTaJiHH HauHOHajiHH HHTepecH PenyôjiHKe Cponje 33
5.3. H îaîORH, pn3MHH h upen be öesociuiocni PcnyojiHKe Cpönje 36
5.4. CncTeM HauHOHajiHe 6e36eflHOCTH PenyßjiHKe CpÖHje 41
6. ^eMorpaÿcKe npoMeiie h cthhhkh oahoch
Ha Kocosy h MeToxHjH 45
6.1. ETHoreHe3a AnSaHaija h Cp6a Ha Kocoey h MeToxHjH 45
6.2. ETHHHKa CTpyiciypa CTaHOBHHiiiTBa Kocoßa h MeToxnje 47
6.2.1. HcjiaMH3auHja h npupozjHH npHpaniTaj Ha KocoBy h MeToxHjH 51
6.2.2. MHrpaijHja 53
6.2.3. PeuiaBaH e ajiöaHCKHX Hau,HOHajiHHX nuTaita 54
6.3. 3jioynoTpe6a cTeneHHX npaßa h rpeniKe BJiacTH 57
5
6.4. 3a6pan eH noBparaK KOJioHHCTHMa Ha Kocobo h MeToxHjy 59
6.5. HHTepHau;HOHajiH3aaHja KocoBa h MeToxHje 64
7. KoHi^enTH y peajiHsauwjH npojeKxa
BejiHKe AjiOamije 66
7.1. HcTopHjcica ^HMeH3Hja BenHKoajiSaHCKor npojeicra 66
7.2. IlojiHTHHKa AHMeH3Hja BejiHKoajiSaHCKor npojeKTa 71
7.3. EKOHOMCKa ,zxHMeH3nja BejiHKoajrSaHCKor npojeKTa 74
8. IlpojeKaT BejiHKe AjiGamije Kao npema
reonojiHTHHKOM nojio^cajy Peny6jiHKe Cpfinje 81
8.1. KaTeropn3aijnja npojeicra Bejimce AjiSamije — H3a30B?
pH3HK HJIH npeTH a 82
8.2. IlpojeKaT Bejimce AjiGamije Kao npera a nojiHTHHKHM
HHTepecHMa PenySjiHKe Cp6Hje 85
8.3. IlpojeKaT BejiHKe Aji6aHnje Kao nperrba ckohomckmm
HHTepecHMa Peny6jiHKe CpSnje 90
8.4. IlpojeKaT BejiHKe AjiGamije Kao npera a reonojnrranKOM
nojio^cajy PenySjiHKe Cp6nje 94
9. 3aKJi»yHaK 99
10. HanoMeHe 105
11. JlHTepaxypa 111
12. HH^eKc nojMOBa 117
13. Summary 120
6
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12
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13
Summary
The concept of "Great Albania" as a threat to
the national security of the Republic of Serbia
For more than hundred years, the relations between Serbs and Albanians
have represented one of the key political neuralgic points in the Balkans.
Throughout the history, Serbs and Albanians have most of the time lived as
neighbors in the centuries-old tradition of co-existence, interrupted by short pe-
riods of conflicts, which were most often caused by the great powers. However,
this coexistence could hardly survive the awakening of national identity in the
nineteenth century. The separation of the two nations, which have a very rich
history of mutual contacts, close relationships, alliances and hostilities, was fol-
lowed during the Ottoman period by a complete schism, which occurred with
the emergence of nationalism in the nineteenth century. It was influenced by
the fact that Serbs and Albanians in the recent history, almost, as a rule, were
on opposite sides. The creation of nation-states in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth century contributed to the creation of new dividing lines and self-
identity communities or among competing historical narratives, traditions and
national interests.
The crisis of the two nations, which had previously pulsed, came to the fore in
the Great Eastern Crisis, from 1875 to 1878. When during the so-called Eastern
Question, in the final phase of decline and the loss of the territory of the Otto-
man Empire, it was raised the question of the division of the former Ottoman
possessions in South East Europe, as well as the division of the space in the
region of interest between the major European powers; however, the interest
of Albanians was not considered. The long life under the Ottoman Empire and
their loyal serving of this empire resulted that the islamized population identi-
fied itself with Turks, so that European statesmen denied the existence of the
Albanian nation. This arrangement encouraged reporting of a broader and more
specific sense of the Albanian national identity. In protest, after the uprising in
Herzegovina, Bosnia and Bulgaria, the Treaty of San Stefano (1878), supported
by Russia, assigned to Slav countries a part of the territories inhabited by Alba-
nians, and was followed by a gatheringof Albanian leaders from the wider area
of the Balkans in the city Prizren; this gathering resulted in the proclamation
120
of the establishment of the League of Prizren. A memorandum on behalf of the
Albanian people, made by great powers, sought recognition of national identity
and autonomy of Albanians of Albania within the Ottoman Empire, or territo-
rial unification, that is joining together of four centuries of Ottoman Vilayet of
Shkodra, Kosovo, Monastir and Janina, in a political-administrative unit. Re-
garding the reasons for the establishment of the League of Prizren and its char-
acter there are conflicting opinions. While the Albanian historiography view is
as a general expression general of the Albanian national movement, many other
experts, on the other hand, consider itas an instrument and a form of manipula-
tion of the Albanian people in the conduct of Balkan politics by the Ottoman
policy and European powers. The Congress of Berlin in 1878 ignored the Mem-
orandum of the PrizrenLeague and just made the Albanian national question.
The German chancellor Otto von Bismarck even took the position that Albania
is a geographical concept and that the Albanian nation did not exist.
The League of Prizren, which was a platform to unite all regions inhabited by
Albanians, was essentially based on the idea of “Great Albania”, ignoring the
rights of Serbs and other Slavs and Greeks. At the end of the nineteenth century,
the thwarted Albanian delegate Abdul Fraser, while explaining that the idea of
“ligase” did nothing, has warned Europe with the following words: “If the great
powers condemn this brave and freedom-loving people to remain in slavery, or
worse, to be divided between the neighboring countries, the Balkan Peninsula
will never have peace, because Albanians will never stop fighting for their in-
dependence”, a significant common historical experience waspushed into the
background, and the relations between Serbs and Albanians were permanently
burdened. The principle that “Albanian lands” should remain Albanian defend-
ed the nationalist rhetoric and weapons, which caused the beginning of the great
conflict with the Serbs and created a severe spiral of violence, manifested mur-
ders, persecutions and displacements, which have extended from the nineteenth
century to the present day and have marked the past conditions, present and
future of these two peoples.
The Great Albanian thought, old at least as theLeague of Prizren program, is
that for Albanians it is worse to be “divided between the neighboring countries”
(meaning that they live in Serbia, Greece, Macedonia or Montenegro) than it
was the situation under the Ottoman occupation. This thought flourisheddur-
ing World War II, when under fascist occupation began to be put into practice
what had previously seemed more mythical than practical as possible. Thus, the
project of “Great Albania”, with that name, but in slightly different borders, was
briefly implemented under the auspices of the German-Italian occupation. When
the Axis lost the war, the “Great Albania” ideas were hushed and during dec-
ades, the reduced-nationalist rhetoric, arming themselves in silence, patiently
waiting for its resurrection, that actuallyhappened at the end of the XX century,
with the dramatic changes caused by the disappearance of the bipolar world. In
the Balkans, the nineties, the breakup of Yugoslavia and the disappearance of
communism led to the production of maps based on historical and ethnic basis
for territorial aspirations of various nationalities. Albanian maps of this kind
showed the “Great Albania”, which consisted of Albania, Epirus area of Greece,
greater part of the FYR Macedonia, southern and eastern parts of Montenegro,
Kosovo and Metohija and Vranje basin in central Serbia, which the Albanians
called the Presevo Valley.
121
The idea of “Great Albania”, which generally is neither new nor old, since
its inception towards the end of the Ottoman Empire revived and has been
gaining strength mainly in times of crises; as a constant policy of the state of
Albania,it was founded during the communist rule of Enver Hoxha. Today, the
Albanian elite, which emerged from communist cadres, wrapped their national-
ism wrapped in European rhetoric, just as it had previously been hidden behind
the ideology of Marxism. The project, which had long been known as “Great
Albania”, they renamed “Natural Albania”, after having realized, either on then-
own or on the advice of the patrons, that the name “Great Albania”could have a
negative media and political connotation;however, its essence has not changed.
“Natural Albania”has become a part of the state policy and was incorporated in
the preamble of the Constitution of the Republic of Albania. However, although
it is a state project, hiding behind the eponymous NGO, which in its statements
talks about areas in which Albanians live, relying on the historical claim that
they actually had suffered a historical injustice. This idea has been fueled by the
fact that Albania borders with compatriots and often with direct relatives, and
by claims that the Albanian national question had remained unsolved; using this
feeling is very efficient for the mobilization of Albanians wherever they are.
Such a situation among the Albanian elite is interpreted as a historical injustice
that the world must correct because without it “there will be no peace” in the
Balkans. Therefore, in order to understand contemporary Albanian secession-
ism, it is important to understand that for Albanians “Great Albania” is not seen
as the result of secessionist tendencies, but as the only possible and fair way of
resolving the Albanian question, through the unification of Albanian territories.
The aggressive Albanian nationalist rhetoric, openly expressed interest in the
other territories, the border, the state and the fact that the leaders of the “Great
Albania” idea advocated along with political representatives of Albanians in
neighboring countries contributed to the deepening of political instability in
thealready politically unstable Balkan region, posing a threat not only to states
in its close surroundings, but also became a broader regional, and in some cases,
a global threat. One should especially bear in mind that in the Balkans inter-
twined geopolitical interests of four major powers: the United States, Russian
Federation, Federal Republic of Germany and Turkey, pioneers of four signifi-
cant geopolitical concepts, where a significant part of the problems arising in
this area should be considered as the result of overlapping interests (Atlantic,
continental, neo-osmanic). The Albanians, in the way of their own interests,
seek the help of the international community, where they found patrons primar-
ily in the United States, and subsequently in Germany, Turkey and the UK. On
that occasion, they called on the Albanian friendship with these countries, not
realizing that generally they were in the role of the “Trojan horse”, an instru-
ment for the realization of the interests of the great powers. Maybe even a role
that was intended and understood and rationally accepted, conscious of the fact
that the state is weak and that their fate is determined outside of Albania, led by
the motto that if “you can be someone else to solve their problems”, they will
repay it with friendship, no matter a high price.
In practical terms, the project of “Great Albania” is being implemented in
phases, and the“Pandora’s Box” is open in Kosovo, in which it was largely im-
plemented, but not completed, and where there is no intention to put an end. The
destruction of the territory of Serbia by the NATO aggression, and thereafter
122
unlawful unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo and the recognition
of independence by most Western states have caused countless consequences
for the economic and political interests of the Republic of Serbia. Expansionist
ambitions, further disintegration of the Republic of Serbia, unstable political
and security situation, the “Great Albania” idea instigators try to implement the
expansion of activities in the area of Kosovo and Metohija in the next neuralgic
points within the project of “Great Albania”, Southern Serbia, or the so-called
Presevo Valley. As to the platform for the solution of the Albanian national ques-
tion, they suggest that the question of Albanians in southern Serbia should be
solved by making the “compact part of the Albanian ethnic territories”, which
includes the municipalities of Presevo and Bujanovac; in the first stage the so-
called Republic of Kosovo is to be annexed, while in the next stage, of course,
isplanned its unification, as a part of “Great Albania”. Albanians in southern
Serbia are unanimous in their views that this part of the territory of Serbia
should join the so-called Republic of Kosovo, but at the same time they realize
that their demands are not realistic for the time being, so that the members of
the Assembly of three Albanian municipalities have adopted a platform which
requires a high degree of decentralization and territorial autonomy. To accom-
plish the stated objectives of the Albanian extremists and their mentors, both in
the country and abroad, frequent provocations and bestial demands to try to se-
cure the internationalization of the issue. They estimate that this will ensure the
continuation of activities to destabilize the situation in southern Serbia, where,
according to the model of Kosovo Metohija, there is a social discontent of
the local population, and later there will be, depending on developments, re-
quirements also expanded to the field of human rights, local self-government
regionalization and the like. Certainly, considerable support to such activities
are provided by Albanian politicians from the so-called Republic of Kosovo,
as well as representatives of the international community of states of the West,
who have been openly supported the unilaterally proclaimed independence of
Kosovo. Due to multiple negative consequences that it entails, the project of
“Great AIbania”makes the Republic of Serbia face difficult challenges. The is-
sue of relations between the Republic of Serbia towards its southern province
is directly related to the negotiations that will begin with the European Union
regarding the accession to the EU. The conditions to Serbia’s getting of the
political assistance that Serbia needs for European integration, as well as fa-
vorable economic aid package in order to develop the economy and finish the
transition processes are connected to its willingness to accept the new borders
in the Balkans;in addition, the EUinsists on the full normalization of Serbia’s
relations with the so-called Republic of Kosovo.During the current period of-
Serbia’s strategic inactivity and searching of the own geopolitical position, other
countries are very active in Southeast Europe in taking the positions and in the
realization of theirstrategiesofprojections of their own interests. The interests of
the great powers cause that Serbia is in a very unfavorable political position due
to the weakness of the state.Therefore, global and regional powers are able to
influence its politics, and even its relationsregarding the process of realization
of the project of “Great Albania”. Also, the great powers influence the politics
of the surrounding states that are more willing to confront with Serbia than
Serbia is willing to confront with them.A significant threat is the fact that the
consequences of the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo can be an
123
incentive to autonomist and separatist aspirations of other national minorities in
the Republic of Serbia and thus cause its further degradation. Clearly, it should
be noted that the project of “Great Albania” by the intensity of the manifesta-
tion of long ago, surpassed the theoretical framework of threats to the national
interests of the Republic of Serbia and the Kosovo experience encourages the
Great Albania idea, showingthe way to continue the Great Albanian fight for the
final goal.
Between the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo and the so-
called Presevo Valley, as the second link in the strategic chain of creating “Great
Albania”, is the federalization of FYR Macedonia, due to a great number of
Albanians in this country and their territorially bounded space. Albanian Acad-
emy of Sciences gave a solution to the problem of Albanians in Macedonia sug-
gesting or to acknowledge by the constitution that Macedonia is a bi-national
state, or to form a special Albanian autonomous region in the FYR Macedonia.
International diplomacy has forced officials in Skopje to accept negotiations
with the Albanian side that were completed by the signing of the Ohrid Agree-
ment in 2001, which practically avoided civil war, at least temporarily. Aware
of the fact that Macedonia as a country can survive only as a civic community,
ethnic Albanians continue to strive for the realization of a constituent. Along
with that, they insist on the issue of establishing territorial autonomy based on
ethnic basis, as provided in Annex V of the Ohrid Agreement. Aware of the pos-
sible destabilization of the Macedonian Government, a chance for survival and
calming of internal tensions is found in the recognition of Kosovo’s independ-
ence. However, the conditions under which it recognized the so-called Republic
of Kosovo are poorly estimated, which is why Macedonia is still paying a heavy
price. It is expected that after this act, it will successfully complete the demarca-
tion of the border with the so-called Republic of Kosovo, and that, according
to diplomatic reciprocity, by the so-called Republic of Kosovo and a number of
Western countries have recognized Macedonia under its constitutional name,
which is not the case.
On the issue of Montenegro platform for resolving of the Albanian question,
it is suggested that the issue of Albanians in this country should be resolved in
a manner that they would be a part of the compact ethnic Albanian territory. In
that way, the so-called Malayan Emergency became an independent autono-
mous province, with Ulcinj as its capital. Albanians in Montenegro, according
to the Albanian Academy of Sciences do not have the necessary national and
civil rights, which means that the appropriate solution is likely to seek in the
future. Initially, it will be less likely to insist on concessions, which should re-
sult in fully functioning autonomous Albanian institutions in the north of Mon-
tenegro, while later, by creating the conditions, demanded a greater degree of
autonomy or federalization to secession. Albanian political representatives of
the Montenegrin parliament in 2009 made amendments to the Electoral Code of
Montenegro, demanding equal representation of minorities in the Montenegrin
Parliament. However, their demands were not limited to just that. In addition,
theyrequired the display of the Albanian flag in occasion of the national Alba-
nian holiday in the so-called Republic of Kosovo and Albania, and to celebrate
it as an official holiday of Albanians in Montenegro. The demarcation of the
border between Montenegro and the so-called Republic of Kosovo indicates
additional problems, because it can be an occasion for the exercise of individual
124
ethnic Albanian demands. The Kosovo politicians have already accused the
authorities to have deliberately “shut their eyes”regarding the issue of border
demarcation and that Montenegrin citizens had movedboundary demarcation
signs at the expense of the so-called Republic of Kosovo. It is also important
that the Montenegrin authorities,no matter the very unfavorable conditions for
the Republic of Serbia, have however decided to recognize the unilaterally pro-
claimed independence of Kosovo and thereby disrupt the Montenegrin natural
and historical ties with the Serbian people, thus creating a risk that Montene-
gro’s perspective of survival is only as a state under the protection of some of
the big Protecting Powers.
When it comes to the separatist aspirations of Albanians in Greece, the coun-
try is further protected by the existence of a strong religious solidarity, as well
as many years of membership in the EU, and NATO, so that potential destabili-
zation threats by the “Great Albania” project areassmall as possible. However,
if the Albanian question is positively resolved in other parts of the territory in
which regard the Albanians have territorial claims — which is to a great extent
possible only with the support of major powers — their ambition might even
overcome religious solidarity with Greece, but also the existing integration.
Such a scenario is possible especially if one bears in mind that the realization
of the goals of Albanians in Greece has the support of a NATO member Turkey.
Thus, the idea of “Great Albania”exists and has never disappeared, and the
unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo has given it a new energy.
Violent seizure of Kosovo and Metohija from the sovereignty of the Repub-
lic of Serbia led the Albanian national romanticism to boiling. It is clear that
the“Great Albania” ideas can be realized only with the patronage of some of
the world’s centers of power, and it is very likely that the Albanians, as always,
with the support and advice of someone else, will proceed with the realization
of this project. The reason for this may not be just encouragement given to them
with the case of Kosovo and Metohija, but also a time of crisis and a complete
breakdown, not just of the political order, but also of the social fabric of Euro-
pean societies, which is inspiring for a variety of adventures. The Republic of
Serbia has experienced it on its own skinand still is faced with similar experi-
ments. At this stage of the “Natural Albania”project, it failed to prove that the
problem of Kosovo and Metohija is not complete and does not represent how
the story ended. Because of NGO initiatives,“Natural Albania” deserves a seri-
ous approach, and the Republic of Serbia should pay particular attention to the
ideas of this project. In addition, for Serbia are not less important the ambitions
of “Great Albania” with Macedonia, Montenegro and Greece, because if there
is such a development scenario, Albania will become a regional “partner” in
the search for solutions that will lead to the political marginalization of ethnic
Albanians outside the current borders of Albania. The realization of the project
of “Great Albania” for the future of Serbia is challengingand is of extraordinary
importance. Serbia must now create a strategy for the return of its confiscated
territory and to fixits political, economic and security positions in the south of
the country. Simultaneously it must start with the active promotion and defense
of the interests of its statehood and of the Serbian people and all those who have
affection for this country, regardless of their ethnicity.
125 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Beriša, Hatidža 1961- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)110237573X |
| author_facet | Beriša, Hatidža 1961- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Beriša, Hatidža 1961- |
| author_variant | h b hb |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV043697820 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)959281643 (DE-599)BVBBV043697820 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Albanien Serbien Kosovo |
| id | DE-604.BV043697820 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T00:27:28Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788652501915 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-029110321 |
| oclc_num | 959281643 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 125 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Zadužbina Andrejević |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Zadužbina Andrejević |
| spelling | 880-01 Beriša, Hatidža 1961- Verfasser (DE-588)110237573X aut 880-02 Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije Hatidža Beriša The concept of "Great Albania" as a threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia 880-03 Beograd Zadužbina Andrejević 2014 125 Seiten Illustrationen, Karten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier 880-04 Posebna izdanja / Zadužbina Andrejević 363 Zusammenfassung in englischer Sprache Text serbisch Kyrillische Schrift Großalbanische Bewegung (DE-588)1024896447 gnd rswk-swf Sicherheitspolitik (DE-588)4116489-1 gnd rswk-swf Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 g Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 g Großalbanische Bewegung (DE-588)1024896447 s Sicherheitspolitik (DE-588)4116489-1 s DE-604 Zadužbina Andrejević Posebna izdanja 363 (DE-604)BV017904956 363 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000002&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000003&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Register // Sachregister Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000004&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract 100-01/(N Бериша, Хатиџа ut 245-02/(N Концепт Велике Албаније као претња националној безбедности Србије Хатиџа Бериша 264-03/(N Београд Задужбина Андрејевић 2014 490-04/(N Посебна издања / Задужбина Андрејевић |
| spellingShingle | Beriša, Hatidža 1961- Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije Großalbanische Bewegung (DE-588)1024896447 gnd Sicherheitspolitik (DE-588)4116489-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)1024896447 (DE-588)4116489-1 (DE-588)4001028-4 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4032571-4 |
| title | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije |
| title_alt | The concept of "Great Albania" as a threat to the national security of the Republic of Serbia |
| title_auth | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije |
| title_exact_search | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije |
| title_full | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije Hatidža Beriša |
| title_fullStr | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije Hatidža Beriša |
| title_full_unstemmed | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije Hatidža Beriša |
| title_short | Koncept Velike Albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti Srbije |
| title_sort | koncept velike albanije kao pretnja nacionalnoj bezbednosti srbije |
| topic | Großalbanische Bewegung (DE-588)1024896447 gnd Sicherheitspolitik (DE-588)4116489-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Großalbanische Bewegung Sicherheitspolitik Albanien Serbien Kosovo |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000002&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000003&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=029110321&sequence=000004&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV017904956 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT berisahatidža konceptvelikealbanijekaopretnjanacionalnojbezbednostisrbije AT berisahatidža theconceptofgreatalbaniaasathreattothenationalsecurityoftherepublicofserbia |