Contra paedagogicos: ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
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Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Croatian |
Veröffentlicht: |
Zagreb
Institut Društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar
2015
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Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | Englische Zusammenfassung |
Beschreibung: | 230 Seiten Illustrationen 24 cm |
ISBN: | 9789536666928 |
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SADRZAJ
Uvod .9
Svjetski i europski kontekst raspada skolstva .23
Je li »drustvo znanja« bila iluzija? . 27
Uloga drustva znanja u stvaranju europske krize .51
Zasto ne mozemo izid iz obrazovne krize? .67
Bologna, mon amour.79
Kriza sveucilista .83
Nena m ¡era va ne posljedice »bolonje«: birokracija vaznija od nastave . 87
Novi izazovi visokog obrazovanja .91
Trostruka uzvojnica akademske (ne)odgovornosti .97
Trziste, neredi, skolarine . 105
Neredi i skolarine: nova nelagoda u kulturi . 109
Studentski protest i stanje visokog skolstva u Hrvatskoj . 1 15
Uzroci studentskih protesta u Europi i kod nas . 1 19
Necastivi na Filozofskom fakultetu . 1 23
Nekoliko teza u povodu prosvjeda studenata na Filozofskom fakultetu .127
Sto je akademsko trziste?. 133
Kako b¡ izgledalo neoliberalno skolstvo (da ga ¡mamo)? . 139
Poslanice bolonjcima . 145
Liberalna ideja skolstva . 181
Liberalna ideja skolstva . 183
Gdje su djeca liberalne filozofije? . 187
Prema trecoj generaciji sveucilista . 199
Rijec na kraju .209
Zahvale .221
Summary . 223
About the Author .229
7
Summary
Popular scepticism and discontent towards representative democracy was prompt-
ed by the recent economic crisis in the West. But yet another, more or less related
problems, smouldered all along: the problems of public education in general, and
especially the problem of higher education. From 2009 onwards students in Europe
organized a number of strikes challenging alleged commercialisation of universities
and the move of governments towards alleged “neo-liberalism”. Target of the strikes
was a perception that the state is withdrawing from public financing of higher ed-
ucation. Who should finance, and to what extent, the growing costs of higher edu-
cation? Can governments and taxpayers afford these rising costs? These are at pre-
sent the primary concerns of the governments and academia. How should we meas-
ure the outcomes and benefits of such expenditures? Several other questions have
been raised in the recent discussions: do such expenditures belong to “human
rights”? And how do we square the tendency to make governments more efficient
with the public claim to such — allegedly growing — benefits?
At the same time, Bologna process, which became an overall framework for
higher education in Europe, brought about a rather strict set of regulations about
how teaching at universities should be organized. Instead of greater liberty in de-
signing courses and study frameworks, instead of swift adjusting and adapting of
curricula to the faster changing world, it generated more or less universal and rig-
id strait-jackets, at least in some parts of Europe. Universities were obliged to ap-
point a number of bureaucrats at all levels to make sure that provisos “of quality”
from Bologna process were carried out. However, it is highly doubtful whether
quality control bureaucracy, and growing bureaucracy in general, created quality
stipulated by such regulations. Further, instead of making students more employ-
able according to the documents, conventions and regulations such as Lisbon Agen-
da and Bologna declaration, Europe at the same time witnessed the highest percent-
ages of unemployed educated youth in its newer history. Bureaucratic regulations
did nothing to avoid the s. c. “European paradox”, a term which signifies an inabil-
ity of European societies (in comparison to other regions in the world) to translate
223
Darko Polsek: Contra paedagogicos. Ideja o !iberalnom obrazovanju
its academic achievements into public wealth. If anything, it boosted the disparity
further.
And especially for the less developed countries and for the countries burdened
with a larger public debt ratio, even more essential question became apparent: if
such countries cannot keep up with the more developed ones in covering the grow-
ing costs of education and scientific research, what exactly can they hope for? What
should be the rationale for public education financing in such an environment? Tak-
ing globalisation and the increasing opportunities for employment anywhere in the
world into account, should local governments sponsor publice ducation that is like-
ly going to end up as a benefit for — or as a social capital of — the more devel-
oped countries and environments?
All these problems and social manifestations provide a rich background for dis-
cussions provided in the book. In the papers presented in the book I take a stand:
in the debt ridden countries university institutions should take the burden of the
overall populace. If governments acted irresponsibly in the past by accumulation of
public debts, then (public) universities should take its share of the burden. This is
the only responsible and ethical way to think about public financing.
However, this contention, that scholars and universities in countries with high
public debt ratio should bear their share of “austerity” measures is still rather un-
common in the academia. One would have expected that ethical and responsible
views were more widespread among intellectuals, and that such an “austerity view”
towards public financing was more typical among them. But this is not the case.
We see just the opposite: it is precisely among intellectuals at universities, in the ac-
ademia, that we typically encounter scepticism towards “austerity measures”, that
we meet intellectuals claiming that governments should “end the crisis now!” by
pouring more money into public education system, into the sector that has so far,
at least in the less developed countries of Europe, proved its efficiency only to a
very limited extent. Universities and faculties, especially in the less developed coun-
tries, have not excelled in cost and curriculum management. Cost efficiency has
never been their priority. And it is my view that it would not take too much of a
burden to make substantial improvements in cost-efficiency.
The main focus of the book is precisely this point: academia, scholars at uni-
versities, the bulk of intelligentsia and public intellectuals generally prescribe wrong
cures to ill-devised diagnosis, for the present symptoms of maladies. By claiming
that “now” is the proper time to boost public financing in (higher) education, these
intellectuals are not only behaving irresponsibly and unethically. One can easily see
how their ideas and prescriptions to the governments — to spend more money on
public education “now!” instead of less — are not only financially self-serving. Such
claims are also structurally ill-devised, since with the same level of expenditure or
224
Summary
higher, members of the academia, unlike all the other social strata would not be
forced to adapt to the state of public finances, to the public expectations and to the
new global environment. They show thereby their unwillingness, and possibly also
their inability to change. Members of the academia in many countries therefore in
effect belong to the most conservative social strata, precisely a stratum, being nor-
mally taken care of by the taxpayers, for which Acemoglu and Robinson recently
coined the term — “extractive class”.
At the same time, this is a class or a stratum quite able to frame a smoke screen
for its self-serving, selfish, and more or less latent ideology. But what is their man-
ifest ideology? It is quite annoying to follow the contradictions between their latent
i.e. self-serving financial interests and their “manifest” ideology. The “intelligentsia
ideology” usually takes several forms. The first and the most common one in the
public discourse is: “Never question the rationale for public expenditure of educa-
tion!” as if the expenditures will capitalise themselves in any circumstance.
Second form of the same “ideology” may take one of the following forms:
“Higher expenditures for higher education are always justified, since they provide
greater public goods, notwithstanding its quality and quantity!” Quite often (in such
an ideological discourse) it takes a following form: “Private education and institu-
tions of private education do not belong to public goods. They serve only particu-
lar individuals, or school owners, unlike public institutions and scholars in public
education, which serve everybody!” The manifest ideology of the academia claims
that its members — by virtue of its very existence — provide a public good (i.e.
education) which should therefore necessarily be financed by the taxpayers. This
conservative, rent-seeking behaviour and the ideology of the intelligentsia stands in
a striking contrast to its manifest side, which boosts the parlance of the “public
good”.
But is public education and “investment” in public education necessarily a
public good? It is a question that should be decided empirically, and we should re-
frain to answer the question by saying that it is “necessarily” so. And empirical da-
ta provided in the book at least for some countries show that it is not necessarily
so. Even more problematic is the opposite side of the coin: the claim that private
education is a priori NOT a public good, by virtue of the fact that it is not “public”.
This dichotomy of “public vs private goods” in the ideology of intelligentsia is prob-
lematic in more than one sense. Suffice it to say, for this summary, that if private
education provides better education than the public one it would enhance public
good more, by virtue of being potentially more useful to more people.
None of these “arguments” for public education is necessarily true, and in the
book I provide several proofs that they are not. But they are “understandable” in
terms of the selfish interests of their claimants. The most unfortunate side of this
225
Dorko Polsek: Contra paedagogicos. Ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju
ideology is that students often play a starring role in its enforcement. It was prima-
rily the students who accepted and promoted such claims. They organized public
demonstrations all over Europe asking for “universally free education for every-
body”, and declaring “higher education to be a human right”. And regretfully, it is
precisely students who bear all the non-monetary costs of such an ideology.
Of course, education on all levels IS a human right, but not in the sense stu-
dents and scholars usually take them to be. What they usually mean by the claim
that education is a human right, is that if education is a human right it should ipso
facto be taken care of by the government, or be a standard cost for taxpayers
(which in Europe it de facto always was). Until recently, however, public financing
of higher education was not justified by such a grand claim (“because it is a human
right!”). In recent public discussions about the public status of higher education
some more elaborate definitions and justifications of human rights almost never sur-
faced. Education IS a human right as a “liberty right”, in the parlance of Wesley
Newcomb Hohfeld. It means that nobody can stop/prevent a person to exert
his/her right to educate him/herself. But at the same time it is not a “claim right”,
meaning that somebody else should necessarily provide it for me, or take a finan-
cial burden for it instead of myself. So, even if education was (or is) a liberty right,
that right cannot be automatically translated into a claim that somebody should pro-
vide it to me, or even less — to everybody.
Secondly, economic analysis of public finances in education typically shows
that having a prudent policy of education financing, using various forms of private
financing, and/or a combination of private and public financing provides from the
standpoint of “public good” a far better service. It is more cost efficient, it lowers
public debt, and in the most environments it is even educationally more efficient,
in the sense that it provides a better education than its public counterpart, or in the
sense that it is more adaptable to new social conditions and to the new scientific
discoveries and frontiers.
Be that as it may, for the time being, governments in most European countries,
with very rare exceptions, yielded to majority claims (the ideology) of the academia
and students. Discussion on the merits of public/private financing in higher educa-
tion since then became politically virtually dead almost everywhere. This is rather
unfortunate in the light of the fact that such governmental decisions only aggravat-
ed the overall bad shape of public finances in most countries, and in European
Union in general.
Those were my reasons to label my book “Contra paedagogicos. A liberal jus-
tification for higher education”. The arguments provided in the book stem from the
“classical liberal” tradition, “liberal” in the European sense of the term. This stand-
point is the most evident in papers which argue against student/demonstrator’s re-
226
Summary
quirements for the “sea social change”, or against representative democracy. In
these papers I argue that we have very good evidence that “direct democracy” as a
model for the whole of society, a model which was suggested by students and some
intellectuals, has typically brought about totalitarian outcomes. I provide several ar-
guments why this is so, why the law of unintended consequences is likely to take
effect. Another important reason is that such claims are very poor policy proposals
for a number of pragmatic problems which students and members of the academia
are faced with. A pledoyer for a liberal justification for higher education focuses on
the notion of accountability and responsibility of every actor involved in the
educational process, and most notoriously — I argue — of the institutional mana-
gers, a stratum which is (bureaucracy not with standing) strikingly absent in our ed-
ucational system. It is precisely in this realm, in the realm of institutional manage-
ment where a host of educational problem arise, and this should be the proper
place to solve them. I do take into account that sometimes an accumulation of prob-
lems lead individuals to the perception that one should “change the whole system”,
or to build it from scratch, but at the same time I claim that educational problems
and societal problems more generally are more likely to be solved in a piece-meal
fashion.
227 |
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spelling | Polšek, Darko Verfasser aut Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju Darko Polšek Zagreb Institut Društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar 2015 230 Seiten Illustrationen 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Englische Zusammenfassung Includes bibliographical references Education, Humanistic Education, Higher / Aims and objectives Education, Higher / Economic aspects Deregulation Deregulation fast Education, Higher / Aims and objectives fast Education, Higher / Economic aspects fast Bologna-Prozess (DE-588)4833805-9 gnd rswk-swf Deregulierung (DE-588)4201191-7 gnd rswk-swf Bildungsökonomie (DE-588)4006664-2 gnd rswk-swf Bildung (DE-588)4006650-2 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Bildung (DE-588)4006650-2 s Bildungsökonomie (DE-588)4006664-2 s Deregulierung (DE-588)4201191-7 s Bologna-Prozess (DE-588)4833805-9 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028929419&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028929419&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Polšek, Darko Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju Includes bibliographical references Education, Humanistic Education, Higher / Aims and objectives Education, Higher / Economic aspects Deregulation Deregulation fast Education, Higher / Aims and objectives fast Education, Higher / Economic aspects fast Bologna-Prozess (DE-588)4833805-9 gnd Deregulierung (DE-588)4201191-7 gnd Bildungsökonomie (DE-588)4006664-2 gnd Bildung (DE-588)4006650-2 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4833805-9 (DE-588)4201191-7 (DE-588)4006664-2 (DE-588)4006650-2 (DE-588)4073841-3 |
title | Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju |
title_auth | Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju |
title_exact_search | Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju |
title_full | Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju Darko Polšek |
title_fullStr | Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju Darko Polšek |
title_full_unstemmed | Contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju Darko Polšek |
title_short | Contra paedagogicos |
title_sort | contra paedagogicos ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju |
title_sub | ideja o liberalnom obrazovanju |
topic | Education, Humanistic Education, Higher / Aims and objectives Education, Higher / Economic aspects Deregulation Deregulation fast Education, Higher / Aims and objectives fast Education, Higher / Economic aspects fast Bologna-Prozess (DE-588)4833805-9 gnd Deregulierung (DE-588)4201191-7 gnd Bildungsökonomie (DE-588)4006664-2 gnd Bildung (DE-588)4006650-2 gnd |
topic_facet | Education, Humanistic Education, Higher / Aims and objectives Education, Higher / Economic aspects Deregulation Bologna-Prozess Deregulierung Bildungsökonomie Bildung Kroatien |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028929419&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028929419&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT polsekdarko contrapaedagogicosidejaoliberalnomobrazovanju |