Skitite v Trakija: (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) 1 Čast Pismeni izvori za skitite v Trakija
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THE SCYTHIANS IN THRACE (7th century BC — 1st century AD).
PART I. WRITTEN SOURCES FOR SCYTHIANS IN THRACE
FOREWORD
The ethnonym Scythians is Greek. In the beginning of 7th century BC the tribal
group called Scythians moves from the Central Asian steppes into South-East Europe.
Subsequently they settle in the plains of the North and West Black Sea coast zone
and the East European forest steppe in present day Ukraine, Moldova and Romania,
including incursion south of Danube river. Their presence forges the ethic geographic
region Scythia.
Thrace is situated south of Scythia. The immediate neighborhood helps population
migration from one region into the other. However these migrations have different causes
and scale, but the result is the emergence of a region on south-west Scythia and north-
east Thrace into the so-called Istrus/Pontus contact zone, where about seven centuries
live together Scythians, Thracians and Greeks.
One reservation should be pointed immediately and that is that the ethnonym
Scythians does not refer to a specific ethnos, or nation, but rather to the group of people
who, in the Greek minds, are the dominating indigene population in the geographic
region Scythia. In their manners, everyday culture, and religious beliefs they differ both
from Greeks and the surrounding tribes. The distinctions with some of them, such as the
Getae are fundamental and significant, while with other, especially with the neighboring
Sauromatae (Sarmatians), are rather artificial.
It is presumed that the Scythians are intruders in Thrace. So when it comes to
Scythians in Thrace it is meaning in general people coming from Scythia. Modem
researchers define them mostly with descriptive names such as north Pontic people,
steppe people or forest steppe people. The same is true for their everyday culture.
It is assumed that during the 5th century BC, or at the latest during the first half of
the 4th century BC, Scythia rises to statehood (kingdom) with central government. The
large number of written testimonies about the king Atheas (end of 5th century BC-339 BC)
have influenced his perception as a king — unifier of the Scythians from Dobrudja to the
Sea of Azov, while his death somewhere south of the Danube river in a battle against the
Macedonian king Philip II (359-336 BC) is traditionally pointed out as one of the causes
leading to the fall of Great Scythia.
By the end of the 3rd century BC Scythia is populated largely by different tribes.
From southeast moved the Sarmatians, while from southwest - Getae and Celts. Some
Scythian enclaves remain only around Olbia, Crimean peninsula and in Dobrudja.
Within these regions, known to Strabo with the same name - Scythia Minor, during the
1st century BC the Scythians are included within the boundaries of tribal alliances or
multiethnic states.
The Scythians disappear gradually, but their ethnonym remains. Tribes as the
Bastamae, Dacians, Goths and other, including Bulgarians, are sometime called Scythians.
The state of studies about the Thracian-Scythian contacts outlines some specific
present day concepts about the nature of Scythian presence south of Danube river.
369
Some are generally accepted among historians. Other cause from time to time renewed
discussions of different nature. However, increasing number of studies with alternative
historical interpretations is a good basis for deeper understanding of ancient authors.
During the last twenty years are published the findings in archeological complexes
with Scythian items and the growth in numbers of individual artefacts expand both the
chronological and geographical boundaries of Scythian presence. This is the reason why
the Scythian problématique continues to be topical within the framework of the general
history of Ancient Thrace. The interest it focuses calls for processing information of
diverse nature and in many languages scattered in publications in Bulgarian, Romanian,
Moldavian, Ukrainian, and Russian, in order to gather it in one study and provide
systematic analysis.
CHAPTER I. SCYTHIA AND THRACE BOUNDARIES AND TERRITORY
(7st CENTURY BC - 1st CENTURY AD).
GEOGRAPHIC DISTRIBUTION OF SCYTHIANS IN THRACE
1.1. Scythia boundaries and territory (7th century BC — 1st century AD).
Dynamic of changes.
There is a thesis in modem historiography for two European Scythians. The earlier
dates from 7th - beginning of 6th century BC. It is classified by archeological findings
from Caucasus and the Kuban region. It is generally accepted that it is the kingdom of
Askuz as known to Assyrian. The second Scythia dates from 6th - 3rd centuries BC. Its
region includes the Black Sea steppes and the East European forest steppes. Ancient
authors write about it.
The boundaries between the Scythians and their neighboring tribes during the
6th - 5th centuries BC follow the banks of rivers and lakes. The Maeotian marshes (or
Lake Maeotis, present day Sea of Azov) separates them from the Maeotians and the
Sindi; Tanais river (present day Don river) divides them from the Sauromatae, while the
lake from where flows the Tyras river (present day Dniester river) - from the Neuroi.
However their boundaries with the Agasthyrsoi, the Androphagae, the Melanhlainoi, the
Budinoi, the Golonae, and the Getae are unknown.
Southwestward Scythia reaches at least to the Istrus (present day Danube river),
but it is uncertain whether the river divided the Scythians and the south Danube Getae or
they were rather neighbors (Hdt. Hist., IV, 93, 96, 118; Thuc. Hist., II, 96. 1) somewhere
southbound in Dobrudja. Herodotus indicates Istrus as Scythian river (Hdt. Hist., VI,
48-51, 99, 139), either because at his lifetime the north river bank marks the beginning
of Scythia, or because the river Istrus flew through, and not near Scythia.
In general terms the ancient Scythia territory matches the steppe and forest steppe
zone of present day Ukraine and Crimea, the eastern regions of Moldova and of the
lower Danube plain in Romania and northeast Dobrudja.
Starting the end of 4th century BC the geographical area known as Scythia shrinks.
Initially on its periphery and later inland settle various tribes who change the ethnic
landscape and the boundaries of Scythia. Two Scythian kingdoms with the same name —
370
Scythia Minor, emerge around the Black Sea west and north banks. One is located on the
Crimean peninsula, reaching Borysthenes river (present day Dnieper river) and Olbia.
The second is located in Dobrudja.
At the beginning of 1st century AD on both banks of the Danube river live
Sarmatians. Their movement from Tanais river to Istrus river lasts about three centuries
and is marked with extermination, expulsion or assimilation of the Scythian population.
Scythia now is known and called Sarmatia.
1.2. Thrace boundaries and territory (7th century BC - 1st century AD).
Dynamic of changes.
It is said that for Hecateus of Miletus the northern border of Thrace is the mountain
Haemus, while the western ֊ the land of Illyrians, but given the fact that his Travels
round the Earth is not preserved, it is only a hypothesis. However, it is certain, that in
southwest the land of Thracians reached to Axius river (present day Vardar) and the gulf
of Therme (Hec. Fr. 146).
Since the 6th century BC until the 1st century AD Thrace boundary northward
is the Danube river, eastward the Black Sea and the Sea of Marmara, southward is the
Aegean Sea, and westward - the valleys of Struma river and possibly of Iskar river. The
northern, eastern, and southern boundaries match the borders of the Odrysian Kingdom
Sitalces (c. 445/4—424 BC) and Seuthes I (424—405 BC), and four centuries later - with
the borders of the Thracian kingdom during the reign of Rhoemetalces I (c. 10 BC-c. 12
AD) and his successors (c. 45/46 AD).
1.3. Scythia south of the Danube river
Although geographically included in Thrace, part of present day Dobrudja is
called Scythia. At the end of 3rd century AD this is the location of newly founded Roman
province Scythia. Centuries before that event Ovid, who arrives in 8 AD in Tomis, in
his own words is exiled in Scythia (Ov. Trist., I, 3. 61; Ep., II, 1. 3), Strabo mentions
Scythia Minor south of the river Istrus (Strabo. Geog., VII, 4, 5; VII, 5, 12), while
Gnaeus Pompeius Trogus / Justin / Paulus Orosius in Historiae Philippicae with most
likely primary source the Philippica of the Greek historian Theopompus (c. 380c. 310
BC), describes a campaign of Philip II in Scythia (Just. Epii, IX, 1-3; XXXVIII, 7. 3;
Oros. Hist. lib. sept. adv. pag., Ill, 13, 4).
In concert with the Hellenistic authors, the Late Antiquity writers call Scythia
a region in fact inhabited by the Thracians since the 6th century BC. The scope of its
territory may not be taken as revealing the size of Scythian enclave in Thrace. Probably
the names Scythia and Scythia Minor are superimposed as toponyms for part of Dobrudja
not only because of the residing locally Scythians, but as well because of the similar
physical and geographic conditions with the steppe north of Danube river.
371
1.4. Written sources about Scythians around Greek cities and for Scythian
cities on Black Sea western shore
In his description of the cities and tribes in Pontic Thrace Pseudo-Scymnus
(Ps.-Scym. Perieg., 748-772) states that around Dionysopolis and Tomis live Scythians.
The information is borrowed from Demetrius of Kallatis and most likely refers to the end
of 3rd or first half of 2nd century BC. During the same period Scythian-ploughmen settle
in towns with Carians and Hellenic tribes, or probably instituted their own settlements
in the lands of the Greek poleis north of Odessos. Pliny the Elder mentions the names of
seven such settlements - Aphrodisias, Libistos, Zygere, Rhocobae / Rhocolae, Eumenia,
Parthenopolis, and Gerania (Plin. NH, IV, 11. 44^-5).
Gerania
The name derives from the Greek word γερανός (crane). According what is told
by Pliny the Elder and Solinus, the palce of Gerania was once inhabited by pygmies
who were evicted by cranes. Solinus writes that Gerania has a barbarian name Cathizon
(Solin. Coll. rer. memor., X, 11). The same story of pygmies evicted by cranes and for
a town named Cathuzae is retold by Stephanus of Byzantium (Steph. Byz. Ethnica, s.v.,
368, 11-14).
There are suggestions for several castles within the area of the village Kranevo,
municipality Balchik, that may be re remains of Gerania. Within the village Kranevo
are found reliefs with inscriptions. The findings are located in the Greek and Roman
settlement in the valley of Kranevska river and its right tributary Dzhaferliyska river
(Kamara gully). Its location and dating allow to identify it with Gerania.
Rhocobae / Rhacolae / Rhocolae
After Pliny the Elder the settlement Rhocobae is mentioned by Stephanus of
Byzantium who calls it Rhacolae (Steph. Byz. Ethnica, s.v., 368, 12-13). Both authors
mention it together with Gerania / Cathuzae.
During the excavations of the Pontic Mother of Gods temple in Balchik is found
a plate describing a donation to the temple by Diodorus, son of Menis, sometime during
the first half of 3rd century BC. The donation includes vineyards in Rhocolae.
The proximity between Gerania / Cathuzae and Rhocolae on one hand and
between Rhocolae and Dionysopolis on the other helps to situate Rhocolae between the
village of Kranevo and Balchik.
Aphrodisias / Aphrodision / Aphrodisiada
It is generally accepted that Aphrodisias is identical with Aphrodision mentioned
on the chorothesia of Dionysopolis (second half of 1st century BC or beginning of
1st century AD) (IGBulg V, No 5011) and in the chronicle of Theophanes Confessor
(Theophan. Confi Chron., 224). Stephanus of Byzantium (Steph. Byz. Ethnica, s. v.,
150, 17-18) mentions a seaside town Aphrodisiada in Scythia. Most likely its ruins are
located on the seaside terrace and the slopes of Dobridja plateau south of Topola village,
municipality Kavama.
372
Parthenopolis
In addition to Pliny the Elder, Parthenopolis is mentiones in Eutropius, Rufius
Festus and Jordanes (Eutrop. Brev., VI, 10; Fest. Brev., IX, 3; Jord. Rom., 222). It
is listed among the conquered cities by Macus Terentius Varró Lucullus during his
campaign in Thrace in 72/71 AD. North of Haemus mountain these cities were Kallatis,
Parthenopolis, Tomis and Histria. As Parthenopolis possesses a toponymic parallel in
the Heraclea Pontica region, with metropolitan city of Kallatis, it is assumed that the
town was within the area of Kallatis. It is identified with antique settlements near the
villages Skitu, Kostinesh or Albesht, Constanta region.
II. LEGENDARY STORIES ABOUT SCYTHIANS IN THRACE
The legendary records about Scythians in Thrace are not credible from historian
point of view because they relate to times preceding the Scythians advent in Europe.
However, these may be compared to known facts from later periods that might have
been added by mythographers to earlier versions of Greek myths or stories developed as
in poets and play writers works. When myths recording and dramas creation began the
Scythians were already living on the Black Sea coast and the Greeks considered them
as old local, if not indigenous, population, interacting for centuries with their neighbors.
II. 1. Amazons and Scythians raids in Thrace
In the Bronze Age myths the women-warriors, called by the Greeks Amazons,
are mentioned in relation with a variety of events. In Históriáé Philippicae Gnaeus
Pompeius Trogus / Justin it is narrated that Amazons origins are among the widows of
Scythian youngsters who went to a campaign in Cappadocia but were massacred there
(Just. Epit, II, 4. 1—11, 27). Jordanes writes that the Scythians were husbands of the
Amazons (Jord. Get., 44). Thus the origin of Amazons is directly related to Scythians.
However, the initially inhabited by them region is not mentioned. Various locations
are pointed - around Thermodont (present day Terme Çayı) river in Pontus (north Asia
Minor), northeast Black Sea coast and Lybia (Apoll. Rhod. Argon., II, 373-374; 386,
960-965, 970-984,994-1000; Just. Epit., II, 4. 1-11). The last region where they settled
after losing a war against the Greek is the land south of Tanais River. The region is
settled in historic time by the Sauromatae / Sarmatians. Herodotus reports that they
were descendants from Amazons and Scythians. Although they disappear as a group, the
Amazons left living memories with many reflections in Sarmadan customs (Hdt. Hist.,
IV, 110-117; Hippocr. Aer., 24; Mela. De chorographia, III, 4, 34-35).
Amazons and Scythians campaigns in Europe, and in particular in Thrace are
narrated by Lycophron (Lycophr. Alex., 1333-1338) and Diodorus Siculus (Diód. Bibi.
hist., II, 46. 2; IV, 28. 1-3). Isocrates (Isocr. Paneg., 68) mentions the participation of
Scythes as allies to Amazons in their war against the Greek, while Gnaeus Pompeius
Trogus / Justin / Paulus Orosius writes that the Scythes who joined the Amazons were
sent by the king Sagylus. Their lord war his son Panasagor (Just. Epit., II, 4. 27-28).
Possibly the Scythian migration northward the Tanais river along the Black Sea
373
shore toward Thrace, which took place during the 7th century BC served as historic
background for the Greek mythographers narrative about the Amazon campaign from
Thrace to Greece.
II.2. Thracians campaign with Sipylus the Scythian against the Amazons
Still in Diodorus Siculus there is a narrative about a war between Amazons and
Thracians on Amazons lands. The Thracians lord is Mopsus who left Thrace expelled
by the king Lycurgus. Sypilus the Scythian fought on the side of Thracians (Diod. Bibl.
hist., Ill, 55. 10-11).
The conditional dating of this anti-Amazon war may be based on the names of
the Thracian king Lycurgus and the Amazon queen Myrine.
Lycurgus is mythical ruler, son of Dryas, and is known for his conflict with
Dionysus. According to Aeschylus he was king of the Thracian tribe Edonoi (Aeschyl.
Fr. 71,76).
According a different, much later, version of the myth, narrated by Diodorus,
Lycurgus is king of Thrace, which borders the Hellespont. It is there that Dionysus tries
to cross from Asia to Europe, but his entourage is attacked by the supposedly friendly
Lycurgus. In the following battle Dionysus defeats and captures the Thracian king. He
blinds him, tortures and crucifies and gives the kingdom to Haropsus — the man who
prevented him for Lygurgus plans. Haropsus was father of Oiagrus and grandfather of
Orpheus. (Diod. Bibl. hist., Ill, 65. 4-6). The geological line specified points out that
the compaign against the Amazons of the exiled by Lycurgus Mopsus is two generations
before the Argonauts voyage to Colchis, as it is well known that Orpheus is one of the
Argo crew. (Apoll. Rhod. Argon., I, 23-34).
This dating is compatible to a certain point with the calim of Homer in Iliad that
in front of Troy gates stood the grave of a queen called by the Gods the mound of Myrine
the Fast (Horn. II., II. 811-814).
Mopsus and Sypilus the Scythian are well known characters from different myths.
One Moposipus is also known (Strabo. Geog., IX, 1, 18). The name Mopsus is given to
two seers and diviners. The first Mopsus is from the tribe of Lapiths (Thessalyans), son
of Ampyx or Apollo and the nymph Chloris (Apoll. Rhod. Argon., I, 22-34, 935-1077;
IV, 1518-1536). The second Mopsus is son of Rhacius, king of Caria or Cretes, of
Alkmeon or Apollo and Manto, daughter of the blind seer and diviner Teiresias (Pausan.
Descrip., VII, 3, 2; Diod. Bibl. hist., IV, 66; Apollod. Bibl., I, 9, 16; E, 1, 22; E, 6, 3—4,
19; Strabo. Geog., IX, 5, 22; XIV, 1, 27; XIV, 5, 16).
Mopsus of Thrace is a third person and cannot be identified with any of the
previous two. Tracing the chronology of the events involving the three Mopus, it turns
out that Mopsus from Thrace must have lived at least two generations before Mopsus
the Lapith and Mopsus from Caria. Unlike his namesakes, who were seers, diviners, and
heroes, the Thracian has different destiny. He is a warrior in exile who defeats several
times the Amazons and in one of the battles perishes theirs queen. For actions as these
Mopsus of Thrace is holding a place much closer to Heracles who slew Amazon queen
Hippollyta near the Thermodont river (Apollod. Bibl., II, 5, 9), and to Achilles, who
374
killed under the walls of Troy the Amazon queen Penthesilea (Apollod. Bibi., E, 5, 1).
During historic time a Thracian dynast from southeast Thrace has a name
derivative from Mopsus. His name is Mopsyestis and is the first listed Sadalas ancestor
in a Messambrian decree dated end of 4th or beginning of 3rd century BC (IGBulg I2, No
307). His name is rather a hapax legomenon derivative from the name of mythical Mopsus
the Thracian in Diodorus. It is not clear when did he live, but it is said that the earliest of
listed Sadalas ancestors lived somertime during the 5th century BC. The absence of other
people with the name Mopsus or Mopsyestis in Thracian nation environment indicates
that this is not a typical Thracian name but rather an imported one and further did not
enjoy popularity neither among Thracian aristocracy nor among ordinary Thracians.
Because in east Cilicia there is a town called Mopsuestia (Strabo. Geog., XIV,
5, 19), probably dedicated to Mopsus, the son of Manto, there is a suggestion that the
name (or the nickname) of the Thracian dynast from Mesambria area might have been
borrowed from the Cilician city. According that hypothesis a Thracian who took part in
Alexander III the Great (336-323 BC) campaign in Persia, received that as nickname,
and later, after his return to Thrace used it as personal name. The same assumption, but
for an earlier date may be adopted for a Thracian who was mercenary in the army of
Clearchus engaged by Cyrus the Young (Xen. Anab., I, 2. 9; I, 2. 21—4. 4; I, 5. 13).
The Messambria decree documents about the Thracian dynast Mopsyestis only
that he is one of Sadalas ancestors. It would be fetched to think that he is the prototype
of Mopsus the Thracian in the Diodorus narrative but such a possibility should not
be ignored based on some perceptible analogies. Such are the similarities in names,
the same geographic area where the mythical warlord and the real dynast belong, and
even time concurrence when the text is compiled (Classic or Hellenistic era), later
used by Diodorus, and the time when Mopsyestis lived. One may add to the analogies
Mopsus campaign in Asia Minor against the Amazons and the supposed participation of
Mopsyestis in the campaign of Alexander III or of Clearchus in Persia.
The last mentioned by name person in Diodorus narrative about the wart between
Thracians and Amazons is Sipylus the Scythian.
Sipylus is the name of a mountain in Antiquity situated on the frontier between
Phrygia and Lydia (Manisa dagi or Spil dagi in east Asia Minor, Turkey) (Horn. II.,
XXIV. 610). Within these mountains is located the city Tantalida, capital of Meonia.
It is also called Sipylos. The Greek mythology notes that in Tantalida / Sipylos lived
Tantalus, the son of Zeus (Pausan. Descrip., II, 22, 3; V, 13, 7). One of Tantalus grand-
sons is called Sipylos, too (Apollod. Bibl., III, 5, 6).
These examples point out that the name Sipylos was well known to Greek
mythographers, historians and geographers. It was neither borrowed from Scythian
onomastics nor has been used to name geographical sites in Scythia. It is not known
for any real person mentioned in written sources or archeological findings, with such
or similar name, who lived in Scythia. This is the reason why Sipylos the Scythian of
Diodorus narrative may either be no Scythian or not have the name of Sipylos. Both
options are equally acceptable because in Diodorus narrative there are many other actors
declared to be Scythians without any specific reasons for such claims.
375
In our understanding the initial version of the narrative did not define Sipylos
as Scythian. His ethnic origin remains unknown. It is much more possible that he was
a Meon from the Sipylos mountains in Asia Minor or Greek from southwest Balkan
peninsula.
This moment of legendary interaction between Thracians and Scythians must be
reviewed with the presumption that even if Mopsus and Sipylos do have been in Thrace
and do have waged war against Amazons in Asia Minor, their joint efforts are hardly an
example of early contact between Thracians and Scythians. Rather the opposite ֊ the
Thracians and Scythians relationships known to Greeks in 5th century BC have caused
in a Greek myth to emerge definitions of ethnic identity for the protagonists who until
then were just mentioned by name and without ethnic affiliation.
II.3. Scythians and Amazons within the Istrus river area
The scholion to stanza 26 of Pindar Olympic ode (Schol. in Pind. Olymp. 3.26)
contains information about Scythians and Amazons in the Istrus river downstream area.
This is a mixture of geographic, religious, and ethnic data from various ages and even
possibly for various geographic areas.
The explanation that for Istrus lands one should understand Scythian lands may
be borrowed from Herodotus who states that Istrus is one of the rivers that flow through
Scythia (Hdt. Hist., IV, 47-51) by Strabo who knows about Scythia Minor south of
Istrus river (Strabo. Geog., VII, 5, 12) or by Ovid, who during his exile in Tomis writes
that he is in Scythia and calls the Istrus / Danube river Scythian (Ov. Trist., I, 3. 61; Ep.,
II, 1. 3; Trist., V, 1.21). The name of the easternmost geographical area through which
runs and flows Istrus river (Strabo. Geog., VII, 3, 13; Cl. Ptol. Geog., Ill, 10. 1) has
become known to Greek geographers and logographers in relation with the founding of
the Miletus colony Histria not far away from the so-called River Sacred Mouth in 7th
century BC. During that period the Greeks may still have had the ideas that the steppes
southward of lower Danube river may still have been Scythian lands and therefore the
Istrian lands are called Scythian.
The scholion second paragraph mentions Artemis of Istrium. Such cult is not
mentioned in other sources and therefore it is not sure if it has existed at all among the
Danube population in Antiquity. The connection between Artemis and Istrus river is made
by the scholiast and not by Pindar. The text of the ode does not mention anything about
Artemis of Istrus, but about the lands of Istrus river where Heracles met Orthosie (Artemis)
(Pind. Olymp., 25-30). If however one agrees with the explanation in the scholion first
paragraph that Istrium lands should be understood as Scythian lands, then Artemis of Istrus
may well be Artemis the Scythian. Now one may understand the connection between the
Artemis of Istrus with the Amazons and the Tauri as the cult for Artemis of Taurica was in
fact much venerated among the tribes of the Crimean peninsula.
Another indication by the scholiast which does not find confirmation in any
other source of ancient mythological tradition is the statement that near Istrus river live
Amazons. It is most probably effected by his understanding that they have worshiped
Artemis of Istrus.
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The last part of the scholion second paragraph where it says that the Tauri are
Scythian tribe living near Istrus river is most possibly taken from Ovid. He reports of
one public conversation with an old man bom in Taurica, which starts with a story of
Artemis worship (Ep., Ill, 2. 39-48).
II.4. The Scythian wife of Fineas the Thracian
The Argonauts expedition to Colchis is one of the most popular epic stories.
Several versions of Jason and his companions voyage from Iolcos to Colchis and back are
preserved. Two of these are compiled during Hellenistic period by Apollonios of Rhodes
and Diodorus Siculus. However, despite the same storyline and similar developments in
the two stories there are significant differences. Such is the case with the episode where
the heroes meet Phineas.
According to Apollonios of Rhodes Phinneas is an old man seer and diviner.
Because of his exact predictions he is punished by Zeus with blindness. Still by Zeus
will he is plagued by hunger as his table is under constant attack by the Harpies. Boreas
sons — Zetes and Kalais who are in the Argo crew deliver him of the Harpies and the
grateful Phineas tells the Argonauts how to sail along the Symplegades (Hitting rocks)
in Pontus mouth and describes them the places along which they shall sail until they
reach the mouth of Phasis river in Colchis (Apoll. Rhod. Argon., II, 178-489).
Diodorus reports about Phineas something quite different. In his version Phineas
is a Thracian king with second marriage to Idaia, daughter of the Scythian king Dardanus.
Because the Argonauts mingled with his family affairs he enters in battle with tehm and
is killed by Heracles (Diod. Bibl. hist., IV, 43. 3-44. 4).
One scholion to Apollonios of Rhodes text also mentions that Phineas second
wife might have been Scythian (Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. Argon. B, 140).
Diodoms narrative about Phineas in many ways covers the content of the scholion
to stanza 966 of Sophocles Antigone (Schol. 966 in Soph. Antig.). The story of Phineas is
described in detail in the Bibliotheca attributed to Apollodoros (Apollod. Bibl., Ill, 15, 3).
Both texts do not mention anything neither about the Scythian origin of Dardanus
and Idaia, nor that Heracles slew Phineas. What Diodoms reports deviates in details
from all other versions that have reached us describing the encounter between Phineas
and the Argonauts. It may be a local version of the myth, popular among the Greeks
on the southeast Thrace coast, where the kingdom of Phineas is situated. To such
assumption directs the leading participation of Heracles in the clash between Argonauts
and Thracians and his direct support for the Phineas sons from the Athenian Cleopatra,
i.e. for the Greeks in the conquest of their patrimonial Thracian kingdom. Heracles role
as a di8vine sharacter is seen through in the episode as he imposes the invaders Greek
will over their barbarian neighbors during the Greek colonization.
For this specific case it is interesting to speculate when did the Scythian elements
appear in the Argonauts story. It is hard to believe that they are present in the initial
version because according the Greek mythological tradition Heracles takes part in the
Argo voyage immediately after completing his fourth feat - the capture of Erymanthian
Boar (Apollod. Bibl., II, 5, 4), but fathered Scythes, the ancestor of the Scythians, when
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returning from his tenth feat ֊ kidnapping the cattle of Geryon (Apollod. Bibl., Ill, 5,
10; Hdt. Hist., IV, 8-10).
The same is true for Dardanus claim of being king of Scythians. Still according
the Greek mythology Dardanus, who is son of Zeus and Electra founded in the foot of
Mount Ida the city Dardanus, later called Troy (Diod. Bibl. hist., V, 48. 2—3; Strabo.
Geog., VII, fr. 49; Apollod. Bibl., Ill, 12, 1; Arr. Bith., fir. 32 [Eust. Comm. II., XX 214];
Ps.-Scym. Perieg., 687-689; Sail. Hist., fr. 61), thus becoming the ancestor of the Trojan
rulung dynasty, and not of the Scythians. The name of his daughter Idaia is derived from
the name of the mountain range Ida in Troad.
It is presumed that the mythological stries in Diodorus Bibliotheca are borrowed
from Dionysius Skytobrachion of Mytilene and from a non-preserved mythological
reference. It is known for Dionysius Skytobrachion that he made efforts to unite different
little-known myths or less popular myths versions in one general cycle. Two of his
mythography novels are Argonautica and Troyca so it is possible that these contained
the information reported by Diodorus.
In Diororus (Dionysius Skytobrachion?) narrative about the clash between
Phineas and the Argonauts there may be some historic truth, which, just like in Iliad,
dating from the period of Greek diaspora on the Thracian seacoast (8th - 6th centuries BC)
or short time afterward. It is also possible that the version for the Argonauts encounter
with Phineas, which resulted the death of the latter and the reign of his sons from the
Athenian Cleopatra, is a retelling of an epic story in which are interpolated historic facts
of a battle between Athenians and Odrysae from the 5th - 4th century BC.
CHAPTER III. SCYTHIANS POLITICAL AND MILITARY HISTORY IN
THRACE (end of 6th century BC - beginning of 1st century AD)
III.l. Scythians settlement in Cimmeria and their earliest supposed presences
in Thrace
The reports of Herodotus, Diodorus, and Pliny (Hdt. Hist., I, 15-16, 103; VI,
1; Diod. Bibl. hist., II, 43. 2-4; Plin. NH, VI, 22; VI, 50; VI, 88) about the Scythian
campaigns in Asia and Europe may serve as a transition from legendary to proper history.
This information is confirmed by numerous archeological findings from southwest Asia
and north Caucasus, as well as in written sources about the history of Assyria, Urartu,
Media, Lydia, and other local kingdoms.
According to Herodotus the Scythians came from Asia into onetime Cimmeria.
Under their pressure the Cimmerians left their lands in the north Black Sea (Hdt. Hist.,
IV, 11-12). Diodorus reports that the nomads, called Scythians conquered the vast
region between Tanais river and Thrace at least four generations after the birth of their
eponymous king (Diod. Bibl. hist., II, 43. 1-4). Plutarch indicates the Scythians as a
possible cause of Cimmerians migration in Asia (Plut. Mar., XI).
On the occasion of Cimmerians flight from Scythians Herodotus and Pseudo-
Scymnus mention the Greek colonies Sinope (Hdt. Hist., IV, 12) and Histria (Ps.-Scym.
Perieg., 768-772). The founding of Sinope is dated 632-629BC, and that of Histria in
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657/56 BC (Euseb. Chron. can., 95b Helm) or between 640-625 BC. If the founding
year for Histria indicated by Eusebius is correct, then the Scythian invasion in Cimmeria
took place sometime by the end of the second quarter of 7th century BC.
The nomad migrations from the north Black Sea into Thrace during the first half
/ mid-7th century BC are confirmed by archeological findings, it may turn out that part
of the Cimmerians passed through Thrace on their road to Asia Minor. Such supposition
is particularly viable for those who according to Herodotus lived in the region of Tyras
river. The Scythians earliest presence on the middle Dniester river is dated c. 650 BC and
if the Cimmerians have fled their lands because of Scythian threat they must have done it
before that time. So the question arises if the Scythians, who invaded Cimmerian lands did
not appear south of Danube river during the second quarter of the 7th century BC.
Legendary report for some earlier Scythian raid through Thrace provides
Hesychius of Myletus who flourished in the 6th century BC. He has recorded a legend
according which the Scythian king Odrysus crossed Istrus river and tried to conquer
Byzantiun, but retreated because women from the town led by Phidalia, wife of Byzas,
the city founder, threw snakes against the assailants (Hesych. Mil. Pair. Const. 17-19).
Albeit with much later date the narrative may reflect an actual event in Byzantiun earliest
history. The participation of oikistes wife as protagonist dates the supposed Scythian
attack against the city not much after its foundation in 660/659 BC.
The Scythians military campaign against the Cimmerians, which is simultaneous
with their migration southward on the Black Sea coast began c. 670 BC. Sometime
between 670 and 664/663 BC they cross Tanais river and penetrate into Cimmeria. The
Cimmerians left their lands along the east and west banks of the Black sea and headed
to Asia Minor.
The Scythians of king Medes reach Media c. 640 BC. They succeeded to destroy
finally the Trerians (Cimmerians) and established themselves as haegemon in southwest
Asia. The period of 28 years Scythian hegemony, culminating with their invasion of
Egypt, starts c. 630 BC.
By the end of 7th century BC the Scythians return from Media to Scythia. It is
generally accepted that their retreat from Asia took place through Caucasus, but it is
possible that some groups may have passed through Thrace. In any case by the end of 7*
century BC or the beginning of 6th century BC in Dobrudja have settled some Scythians
and their presence is documented with archeological findings.
III.2. Scythians military and diplomatic activity in Thrace and Ancient
Greece (end of 6th - first half of 5th century BC)
III.2.1. Darius I (522-486 BC) campaign against the European Scythians
Ath the end of 6th century BC the Persian Empire directs its expansion policy
to Europe, more specifically to Scythia. Ctesias the Cnidian reports that the Persian
campaign is preceded by the Cappadocia satrap Ariaramnes intelligence expedition
in the north Black Sea. With 30 ships he reaches Scythia and takes captives. Among
the captives is listed Marsagetes, brother of the Scythian king Skytharbes (Ctes. Pers.,
XII-XIII, ft. 13. 20).
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The ancient authors point out various causes for Darius I to wage a war against
the Scythes - their hegemony in Asia which ended some hundred years before (Hdt.
Hist., IV, 1; VII, 20), refused marriage (Just. Epit., II, 5. 8-10; Jord. Get., 64) or abusive
correspondence after the capture of king Skytharbes brother (Ctes. Pers., XII-XIII,
ft. 13. 20-21).
Two ancient sources refer indirectly the year of Darius I European campaign
against the Scythians. The earlier is a late Babylonian dynastic prophecy form the time
of Seleucus I (311-281BC). In the preserved fragments are mentioned ten Persian kings.
The seventh, whose name is not given, is an usurper. Following the fifth year of his reign
he wages war with the people from the land Hana (Europe).
The main problem for dating Darius I campaign against the Scythians according
this source is when exactly began the first year of Darius I reign. Depending of whether
the first year of his reign is from September 29, 522 BC or April 14, 521 BC, the fifth
year of his reign has terminated either at the end of September 517 BC or in March 516
BC. It means that his campaign took place after one of those two dates.
The second source is the so-called Tabula Capitolina dated 15 AD. Lines 22—26
of this inscription-chronicle report that from the time when Harmodios and Aristogeiton
slew th tyrant Hipparchos and Darius built a bridge against the Scythians through the
Cimmerian Bosphorus have passed 528 years. The murder of Hipparchos, the Athenian
tyrant is dated in 514 BC and therefore the campaign dates the same year.
When we accept that the report in the late Babylanian dynastic prophesy
concerns the war that Darius I waged against the nations in Europe in 515 BC, and
that the Capitolian inscription correctly indicates that Darius I campaign against the
Scythians and the murder of Hipparchos happened the same year and it is 514 BC, one
may correctly conclude that the Persona-Scythian war is waged in 515/514 BC.
However it is not identified whether during the movement of Darius I troops
through Thrace there is any Scythian activity south of Danube river. Herodotus does
not mention anything like though some parts of his narrative suggest that the Scytians
followed the Persian army movement (Hdt. Hist., IV, 118).
North of the Istrus river the Scythians recurred to diverse tactics to exhaust
their enemy. Darius I realized that he shall not be able to defeat them and retreated. In
southeast Thrace he left the commander Megabazus with eight thousand troops which
began to conquer seaside towns and subjugate tribes in the hinterland (Hdt. Hist., IV,
143-144; V, 1-2).
III.2.2. The Scythians campaign to Thracian Chersonese and the
Scythian king Ariapeithes marriage with the daughter of the Odrysae king
Teres I (c. 515 - c. 470? BC)
The first documented in history Scythian intrusion in Thrace took place after
Darius I campaign into Scythia. It is reported by Herodotus in his narrative abouth the
misfortunes of the Chersonese tyrant Miltiades the Young at the end of the Ionian poleis
revolt (499^193 BC) (Hdt. Hist.,VI, 40).
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Ktesias and Strabo report as well the Scythian campaign. Ktesias is aware that
Skytharbes, the king of Scythians, massacred the 80 000 Persians left in Europe (Ctes.
Pers., XII-XIII, ff. 13.21), while Strabo — that the Scythians plans to cross the Hellespont
induced Darius I to order the burning of coastal towns in the Thracian coastal region and
of Abydus (Strabo. Geog., XIII, 1, 22).
Because of the chronological contradictions in Herodotus reports on this matter
and in other sections dealing with Miltiades the Young life, there are two dates of the
Scythian campaign - earlier and later. Some historians even doubt whether the campaign
really took place.
The proponents of earlier dating consider that the Scythians either pursued Darius
I during his retreat through Thrace, or they went to the possession of Miltiades the Young
three years after his return to Persia.
However, historians who do accept the later dating stick with Herodotus
statement that Miltiades the Young flew from the Scythians three years before leaving
Thracian Chersonese during the suppression of the Ionian poleis revolt in 493 BC, i.e.
the Scythians moved to southeast Thrace c. 496 BC.
The Scythian campaign to Chersonese and the planned Scythian landing, which
induced Darius I to order the burning of the cities on the Propontis Sea coast, most
probably form a completed and incomplete stage of the same campaign against Persia.
The burning mentioned by Strabo may be identical with the pillage by the Phoenician
fleet in the same region during the spring of493 BC (Hdt. Hist., VI, 31-33).
The timing of Scythian invasion in Thrace and the place where their movement
was planned match the activities of the Ionian fleet in Hellespont and Propontis Sea at
the peak of the Ionian poleis revolt (499-493 BC). In 496 BC the Ionians carry out a sea
expedition to Propontis Sea and affiliated Byzantiun and other poleis to the anti-Persian
coalition. It is hardly a coincidence that Ionians and Scythians focus simultaneously
their military activity on the same region of Persia. Although it is not mentioned in any
known source, it is very much likely that with the assistance of settlers in one of their
northwest Black Sea apoikiai Miletus convinced the Scythians to invade Asia through
Bosphorus or Hellespont. Once the Ionians took the control over the straits for about
three years, the Scythians were able to cross from one continent to the other on their
ships.
Herodotus reports that the Scythians reached Thracian Chersonese and then
retreated. For such movement they inevitably crossed twice the southeastern part of the
Odrysian kingdom. There is no information for their contact with the Odrysae during
that campaign but such contact must have surely taken place. Maybe one such outcome
is the marriage between the Scythian king Ariapeithes and the daughter of Odrissae king
Teres I (Hdt. Hist., IV, 80).
The chronological association between the Scythian campaign to Thracian
Chersonese and the dynastic marriage provides for two justifications for its contracting.
The first is that before heading to the peninsula the Scythians have negotiates with
the Odrissae safe passage through their territory. The second is that the marriage is
contracted as peace warrant after a war or a battle between Odrissae and Scythians south
of Istrus river.
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The drama Rhesos (Eur. Rhes., 424-438), controversial both for authorship and
dating, provides the only indirect information about an eventual war between Thracians
and Scythians in 5th century BC. Historians who have studied the historic aspects of this
drama conclude that the passage in question narrates about an actual conflict between
Scythians and Thracians in 5th or 4th century BC. As far as Herodotus reports that in
the beginning of his reign the Scythian king Oktamasades launched a campaign to
Thrace and was intercepted near Istrus river by the Thracians under the command of the
Odrissae king (?) Sitalkes, some historians do consider that the drama retells that event.
Other historian consider that the accession of some Thracians in Darius I army during
his campaign in Scythia has made the Scythians hostile. According these scholars the
Scythian — Thracian war in Rhesos is a consequence of the pro-Persian stand of Thracian
and date it before the emergence of the Odrisian kingdom.
The Thracian (Odrissae?) victory explains why the Scythian campaign ended
abruptly in southeast Thrace despite having as possible goal Asia Minor. The marriage
contracted after that war (?) between the daughter of Teres I and Ariapeithes empowered
the Odrissae to establish or enforce their policies in northeast Thrace. Thus by the
beginning of the 5th century BC the Odrissae might have had an access to Istrus river and
the river to be a natural border between them and the Scythians without the two tribes
having the chance to contact within its hinterland.
III.2.3. Scythian embassy to Sparta
Obviously the anti-Persian dispositions among the Scythians were deeply rooted
as they did not end seeking revenge for Darius I campaign into Scythia with the invasion
in southeast Thrace. Their next move was much larger and if completed the Greco-
Persian wars from the beginning of 5th century BC would not take place in Europe but
in Asia. The Scythian plan is retold by Herodotus as part of the anecdotal story for the
cause of death of the Spartan king Cleomenes I (c. 520^490 BC) (Hdt. Hist., VI, 84).
The section is the only source of information for the Scythian attempt to involve Sparta
in the war against Persia. As to its authenticity most historians are skeptic or just indicate
it as general information.
Looking for an ally in the European part of Greece presupposes that these lands
were already subject to Persian aggression and the selection of Sparta refers to a time
when the Spartans were in conflict with Persia. During the 6th century between the Greeks
in present day continental Greece and Persia there is no confrontation in a scale to wage
a potential war. Such opposition emerges only in the beginning of 5th century BC for
the support provided by Athens and Eretria to the Ionian poleis in revolt. Therefore the
Scythian embassy must have visited Sparta after 493 BC, when the Persians have already
waged war against the Greeks on the Balkan peninsula. When dating their mission in
491/490 BC one should not forget that in addition to Sparta only Athens opposed Darius
I. Perhaps the Scythians were aware of that fact and it may even be assumed that the
embassy is planned carefully so if the Spartans agree to the anti-Persian coalition then
may be sought the Athenian participation. It is even possible that the Athenians have
been the masterminds of the Scythian embassy to Sparta.
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ni.2.4. Contacts between the Scythian and Odryssae rulers c. mid-5th century BC
The written records about Scythians and Thracians in the first half of 5th century
BC are scarce and do not provide any information about their relationships following
the Ariapeithes marriage with king Teres I daughter. However, indirect evidence makes
it clear that the attention of both kings is focused far from their conditional border on
Istrus river.
During his reign Ariapeithes gains control over most of the northwest Black Sea
coast, including the Greek poleis. An interesting, though unclear as dating, causes, and
consequences episode is his marriage to a woman in Histria ֊ the mother of the fixture
king Scyles (Hdt. Hist., IV, 78). It is interpreted as a proof that the Scythians controlled the
lands south of the Danube delta and were neighbors with the Histriani. Later, when Scyles
became king, they lost control and access to this polis because he settles in Borysthenes
(Olbia?) and lived in Greek manner there, rather than in his mother native polis.
The Ariapeithes marriage with the Histrian woman is certainly not a sure
indication that in the beginning of 5th century the Scythians have penetrated in Thrace,
and even less that they have been there since 6th century BC. It is rather a demonstration
of open relations between the Histriani aristocracy and the Scythian king. The intercourse
between Scythians and Histriani which resulted this marriage may well have been not in
Histria, but in Scythia. Such assumption would admit that not the Scythians have gained
control over Dobrudja, but the Histriani initiated trade routes and penetrated in Scythia,
thus using the marriage as a warranty of their economic interests.
Following Ariapeithes murder by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsoi, his son
Scyles inherits the power over Scythians. The new king mother is Greek from Histria.
She has strong influence on his education and opinions. Scyles Greek devotion is so
strong that he is initiated in Dionysus mysteries and takes part in the celebrations of the
deity in Borysthenes. Once the Scythians became aware of that they rebelled, as it was
unacceptable for a Scythian, especially a king, to carry out foreign rituals, and elected
his half-brother Oktamasades, bom of the Odryssae king Teres I daughter, for their king.
Scyles flew in Thrace to seek asylum with Sitalkes. Oktamasades found out about his
brother whereabouts and headed with an army to Istms river. There he was intercepted
by Sitalkes who offered instead of war to exchange Skyles for one of his brothers who
was Scythian captive. Following the exchange Oktamasades decapitated Scyles (Hdt.
Hist., IV, 78-80).
Herodotus probably heard the story of Scyles, Oktamasades and Sitalkes during
his stay in Scythia. It is not known exactly when and how much times he visited the
country. His voyages began in 455 BC and continued to until 447-445/444 BC. Therefore
the reign of Scyles must have been between c. 453 and c. 448 BC.
The crucial episode from the point of view of the relationships between Scythians
and Thracians is Scyles flight to Thrace. His visit to Sitalkes cannot be explain with the
search of support for regaining the Scythian crown. He was certainly aware that he was
not dethroned because of intrigues, but because he worshiped Greek gods.
It is supposed that Sitalkes favor for Scyles was in fact a gesture for Athens. Such
hypothesis would hardly stand to verification necause of lacking evidence for political
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connections between Scyles and Athens or between Sitalkes and Athens in the middle
of the 5th century BC, but nevertheless suggest the reason why Scyles flew to Sitalkes.
The Odrissian king ruling a kingdom in permanent interaction with Athens accepted the
Greek devotions among the Thracian aristocracy.
Probably the Scythian campaign was dictated by psychological rather than
political motives. Maybe Oktamasades wanted to test Scythian loyalty in a military
action without defined enemy and no desire fo conquest of territories and subjugation
of people.
Sitalkes most probably was not aware of the intentions of his nephew and his
escaping brother. He may even have considered both as potential contenders for the
Odryssae throne. The proposal for fugitives exchange tested not only the grounds how
to avoid the battle, but as well the true reason for Oktamasades campaign to the banks
of Istrus river, who could just send an embassy to ask for the return of Scyles in Scythia.
The agreement which satisfied Oktamasades reassured Sitalkes that the Scythian king
did not seek power and territories in Thrace.
III.3. The Scythians in Thrace during the 4th century BC
Almost a century elapses between the Scythian - Thracian stand on the banks
of Istrus river in the beginning of Oktamasades reign and the wars the Scythian king
Atheas (7—339/338 BC) waged in Thrace. It is not known what happened during that
century, but it seems that sometime the Oddryssae kings lost control over north Thrace.
Following Kotys I (c. 383-360/359 BC) death the Odrysian kingdom broke up, its
territory shrank and it was temporarily subjugated to Macedonia. Probably during that
period the Scythians dominated in the Istrus - Pontus region because Clearchus of Soli
(mid. 4th - beginning of 3rd century BC) reports that they possessed large resources and
had extremely negative attitude toward their Thracian neighbors. In addition he reports
that the Scythian women tortured and disgraced the Thracian women who were their
western and northern neighbors by tattooing them (Athen. Deipnosoph., XII 524 c-f).
The text refers to the Classical or early Hellenistic era. During that period the Thracians
may have been Scythians northern and western neighbors only if the latter were settled
in Thrace.
II.3.1. The wars and diplomacy of the Scythian king Atheas
The idea about Scythians in Thrace during the 4th century BC is usually associated
with king Atheas. Its reign has a certain terminus ante quem in 339 BC when he is killed
in a battle against Philip II near Istus river. At this time Atheas was over 90 years old
(Luc. Samos. Longaev., 10).
In his narrative about the war between Macedonians and Scythians Trogus
Pompeius / Justin writes that Atheus ruled in Scythia. From the report that king Atheus
did not grant free passage to Philip II to the mouth of Istrus river through Scythian
territory (Just. Epit., IX, 2. 12) it becomes clear that northeast Dobrudja was under
his rule. This is confirmed by minting of his coins in Kallatis. The fact that coins were
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minted with the image of a Scythian ruler in Dionysopolis c. mid/second half of the 4th
century BC may ascertain that the rule of Atheas stretched south to Zyras river (present
day Batova) and today Franga plateau.
In addition to that region, which by the end of his life king Atheus defended in
two consecutive wars, modem scholars add to his realm different in range territories
situated north of Danube river to Azov Sea and south to the Balkan. In order to draw
the borders of supposed hypothetic extent of Atheas realm use is made of various short
references in the writings of Strabo and Clement of Alexandria.
Strabo assertion that Atheas seemingly ruled over most of the barbarians up to
Borysthenes river and the mouth of Maeotian marshes (Strabo. Geog., VII, 3, 18) raises
discussions mostly among Russian and Ukrainian historians. The reason is that the
combination of Strabo and Trogus Pompeius / Justin reports points out that the entire
Scythia is rules by Atheas who united all Scythians in one kingdom. This notion has both
supporters and opponents. Most contemporary historians adhere to the version that he
is Scythian king in Dobrudja. It is quite possible that he has ruled over a territory north
of Danube river, but he is definitely not that historically important figure for the entire
Scythia. Perhaps the view that during the 5th century BC there is no single Scythian state
but just several large nomadic hordes which inhabited various regions in the Black Sea
steppes is still valid for the 4th century BC.
However, the option that Strabo reports correctly information from a more ancient
source and that this source reflects a specific stage of Atheas life and reign preceding his
presence in Dobrudja should not be precluded.
So the question arises whether Atheas Scythians are indigene population inhabiting
northeast Thrace for generations or they are invaders. Written sources provide sufficient
grounds to defend one or the other situation.
Despite the claims of some modem historians that the Scythians of Atheas have
undertaken a robbery raid in Thrace or have invaded and temporarily settled in north
Dobmdja, ancient authors do never describe them as aggressor. Contrary to the generally
accepted opinion today the three known wars waged against Triballi, Histriani, and
Macedonians were rather defensive. Atheas age by 339 BC suggests that he might have
been bom c. 430 BC. If he was bom in Scythia most probably his origin is among the
Scythians for whom Thucydides was aware that they were neighbors to the Getae living
between Haemus mountain and Istrus river (Thuc. Hist., II, 96. 1).
On the other hand Strabo reports a significant migration of people from Scythia
Minor between Borysthenes river and Maeotian marshes through the rivers Tyras and
Istrus in Thrace as result of which part of Thrace came to be called Scythia Minor
(Strabo. Geog., VII, 4, 5). Such a migration is not dated but given that fact that during
Atheas life Scythia meant as well part of Thrace, including the Danube delta, then there
is no wonder that he may have led the migrants. With such assumption in mind Atheas
might have been first ruler in the lands between Dnieper river and the Azov Sea, and
then in Dobmdja.
The second controversial reference about the size of the territory under Atheas
rule is a short message reported by Clement of Alexandria. This is a threat by the king
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on Byzantiun demos not to impair his incomes or otherwise his mares shall drink their
water (Clem. Alexandr. Strom. V, 5, 31.3).
The discussions about Atheas message to Byzantiun demos concern mainly
the polis geographical remoteness from Scythia. Should one accept that the warning
message had any actual cause then it should be a consequence of some economic
measure undertaken by the Byzantiun demos against the Greek poleis neighboring
Atheas kingdom or rather concerning the entire trade traffic through Bosporus and not
the Scythians in particular.
In order to have grounds the Atheas threat would require some preconditions as
Byzantiun being out of the Second Athenian Empire (i.e. after 364 BC); the Odrysian
kingdom should have lost its role of hegemon in Thrace (i.e. after Kotys I death in
360/359 BC), and Atheas must have already been settled in Dobrudja. The combination
of these preconditions date the conflict between the Scythian king and Byzantiun after
360 BC and before 340 BC.
There is a hypothesis that during some of the copies in the original message has
been made a scriptoria mistake in writing the ethnonym Byzantiun demos. The message
was sent not to the Byzantiun demos, by to the Bizone, i.e. the citizen of Bizone. The
likelihood is very real as far as Bizone is situated very close if not within the king realm.
If the residents of Bizone were the subject of threat then the reason may well be some
unpaid rent or tribute to Scythians, as such sums were usually paid by farmers to nomads
on whose territory the farmland is located (Strabo. Geog., VII, 4, 6).
The reports of ancient authors concerning the wars Atheas waged against the
Triballi, Histrians, and Macedonians are in straight connection with the problématique
of defining the approximate borders of his kingdom.
Of the three wars the one with the Triballi is with most uncertain dating and place
of the decisive battle. The war is reported in strategia by Frontinus and Polyaenus (Jul.
Front. Strategem., II, 4, 20; Polyaen. Strategem., VII, 44, 1). Both strategia borrow from
the same source but some details impede the consistent interpretation about the battle
cause and its location. Frontinus reports that Atheas fought against greater Triballi army,
which suggest that he was in the defensive. On his turn Polyaeneus reports the Scythians
were preparing to attack the Triballi.
Because at the end of his life Atheas was close to the Greek poleis on Dobrudja
seaside and near the Danube delta most historians consider that the Triballi moved northeast
to the lower course of Istrus river and the Black Sea coast. Somewhere in that area they
fought the Scythes. With such interpretation and with the presumption that the Scythians
are invaders one concludes that the migration of both Triballi and Scythians took place
after the weakening of the Odrissae kingdom maybe after Kotys I death (359 BC).
There is another possible battlefield between Triballi and Scythians. It is quite
plausible that they clashed before king Atheas penetrated into Thrace. Triballi, just like
Scythians, occupied both banks of Istrus river. Strabo (Strabo. Geog., VII 3, 13) reports
their presence north of the river and their wars with Scythians as far as they occupied
the same lands.
The second testified war of king Atheas is with the king of Histrians. The only
source for these events is Trogus Pompeius / Justin / Paul Orosius (Just. Epit, IX, 2.
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1—2; Oros. Hist. lib. sept. adv. pag., Ill, 13, 5). Because it precedes immediately the
war between Scythians and :acedonians dated 339 BC, its time is c. 340/339 BC. King
Atheas was already in Dobrudja.
The question about Histrians ethnicity, the demos agaist which Atheas waged
war, as far has no generally accepted solution. It is suggested that these were residents
of the polis Histria; Triballi; Histrians from Illyria who came together with Triballi to
the mouth of Istrus river; Getae who settled in Istrus river region, and even some Celtic
tribe. Each of these versions has been reasonably objected and refuted.
However, to the listed suggestions about Hisrians ethnicity one may add one
more. Pomponius Mela reports that people named Histrians inhabited the steppe and the
seaside between the lower courses of the rivers Tyras and Istrus (Mela, De chorographia,
II, 1, 7-8). An important explanation in Mela text is that Istrus river separates the
Scythians from the other tribes. Indirectly it determines the Histrians as Scythian tribe.
However, if Histrians are Scythians then their war with Atheas reveals as the next
in the row conflict within the Scythian tribal confederation and therefore should not be
considered as some kind of confrontation between Thracians or Greeks, and Scythians,
where the first are victimized as subject of the second aggressive policy.
It is likely that the cause of war between Histrian and king Atheas Scythians is an
attempt of Histrians king to dethrone Atheas and impose his authority on the tribe and
territory under Atheas rule. Such assumption explains why king Atheas at the age of over
ninety years proposes to Philip II in return to military support to declare the Macedonian
king his successor in Scythia. This is unmatched among contemporary political and
military alliances and it was probably inspired by the Histrian - Scythian war.
The sudden death of the Histrians king ended king Atheas concerns but the fact that
he failed to honor the conditions for Phlip II support caused him war with Macedonians.
Plip II besieged Byzantiun but as the siege dragged on he was forced to finance it with
a variety of pillage initiatives. The first coup was the capture of hundred and seventy
merchant ships and their cargo sold. Then Philip II, his son Alexander, and the most
effective Macedonian warriors headed to Thracian Hersonese and began to assault and
plunder local polises. Simultaneously some mercenaries were sent to help Atheas in the
war he waged against Histrians. The last initiative however proved futile and did not
bring the expected revenues. Philip II failed in his attempt to collect cash from king
Atheas. Then he marched against the Scythians defeated them and took many prisoners
and herds of cattle. On his way back he was intercepted by the Triballi who wanted part
of the loot. In the ensuing battle Philip II was seriously wounded. Thinking that he was
killed the Macedonians left quickly the battlefield leaving behind all possessions from
Scythia. Trogus Pompeius / Justin / Paul Orosius report in detail the events during the
Macedonian ֊ Scythians war and its causes and consequences (Just. Epit., prologus ad
IX; IX, 1-3. 1-3; Oros. Hist. lib. sept. adv. pag., Ill, 13, 1-8).
The narrative makes it clear that within a few months the Macedonians waged
two campaigns to Scythia (northeast Thrace). During the first campaign they came as
allies to the Scythians of ling Atheas, whereas during the second were their enemies.
Between the first and the second campaign Philip II sent two embassies to
king Atheas. Some moments of these encounters exist as anecdotes in Plutarch (Plut.
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Reg. et imper. apophtheg., 174 E). It is generally accepted that in the embassies as
representative of Philip II took place the musician from Thebes Ismenias (Plut. Reg. et
imper. apophtheg., 174 F; Plut. De fort. Alex., 334 B). He was probably his mediator ֊
musician as the king was aware from experience that the barbarians sent their envoys for
negotiations with flutes and lyres.
The first embassy sought to settle the financial issues concerning Macedonian
support for Scythians. King Atheas reluctance to pay the amount requested and his
depreciatingly attitude induced Philip II to wage against his potential ally and source of
income.
The next embassy was sent just before or during the second Macedonian campaign
to Scythia. Although presented as ruse disguising the real cause for the movement of
Macedonian army to the Danube river delta, it seems as well being the last attempt for
peaceful settlement of the dispute.
Although the Macedonian king led a large and efficient army he probably realized
that a war against the Scythians is largely different of the campaigns he waged against
poleis and tribes. Until that conflict he did not fought with nomads and in addition on
their territory, so the confrontation outcome was uncertain.
Trogus Pompeius / Justin / Paul Orosius reports that the Scythians were
outnumbering the Macedonians and were more courageous than the invaders but Philip
defeated them with ruse. The battle itself is described briefly in a Frontinus stratagem. It
reports that the Macedonians held the Scythain attack because the most faithful cavalry
regiments in Philip II army stood behind the Macedonian lines and did not allow his
troops to turn their backs and run away from the battlefield (Jul. Front. Strategem., II,
8, 14). It is certainly a successful tactic for keeping the morale and discipline in the
army but it was not the decisive trump to win the battle. The Scythian tradition required
that the king stands in the middle of the army. Although his advanced age it seems the
Atheas followed the tradition and was on the battlefield for his last stand (Luc. Samos.
Longaev., 10). His murder is the most likely reason for Scythian defeat.
It seems that soon after the only battle with the Scythians the Macedonians left
northeast Thrace. The itinerary of Philip II from Scythia (Minor) is not indicated by the
ancient authors. It is generally accepted that he headed to Macedonia. He sent there the
prize mares, but kept with him the captured women, children and herds of cattle. He did
not need the captives but for selling them as slaves. In search of suitable markets, as the
ones in the Greek poleis, Philip II probably turned to Thrace coastal regions.
Trogus Pompeius reports that with the Scythian loot the Macedonian king
intended to cover the cost of one war with the profits of another. His purpose was not to
recover entirely or partially the amounts he had before the beginning of the campaign
against Byzantiun but rather to raise the amounts necessary to resume the polis siege.
As this is expressly stated in the paragraph preceding the description of the Macedonian
- Scythian war it was not completed just because he narrowly escaped death by the
Triballi during the conflict on their territory. This is the reason why I consider that Philip
II met the Triballi not on his way back to Macedonia but rather to Byzantiun where he
was returning to resume the siege. If the Triballi had intercepted Philip II in southwest
Dobrudja periphery then after the battle most probably the Macedonians headed to
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Kabyle. From there following the valleys of Tonzus and Hebros rivers reached Enos and
returned to Macedonia.
An interesting fact in the Trogus Pompeius / Justin / Paul Orosius narrative is
Alexander participation in the 339 BC campaign. As Philip II intended to teach him
the arts of war most probably father and son were constantly together. It means that
Alexander participated personally in the battles with Scythians and Triballi and has
personal observations on the itinerary the Macedonian army followed back. Maybe this
experience was decisive in determining the Triballi, who almost killed his father, as his
main enemy in Thrace.
In his second speech for the fate and valor of Alexander III Plutarch mentions
that his war against Illyrians and Triballi led him to the borders of Scythia on the Istrus
river (Plut. De fort. Alex., 342 C-D). This short note is good reference for the 335
BC Macedonian campaign itinerary in Thrace. The road that followed Alexander III in
Thrace crosses the Haemus mountain and issues on the Istrus river near Pevka island
and most likely followed the itinerary of Philip II army four years ago in its return from
Scythia.
It is unknown what happened to the Scythians on Danube river after the retreat
of Philip II. The loot taken away by Macedonians indicates that they suffered heavy
casualties and losses of livestock, but it is not clear whether they remain in northeast
Thrace. They are indirectly mentioned among the tribes with which Alexander exchanged
allegiance vows while on the Istrus river in 335 BC (Arr. Anab., I, 3. 1-2), but it may
be a later interpolation due to the name of Scythia Minor, which was the name of the
marshy river delta region. The absence of specific information causes different versions
to emerge. It is assumed that they remained in Dobrudja and during the next centuries
gave the name Scythia Minor to part of its territory; another assumption is that they were
conquered by the Getae or have retreated north of river Istrus and even north of Tyras
river. In any case there is no evidence that after their defeat from Macedonians they were
attacked by Thracians who conquered, assimilated or expelled them.
III.3.2. Scythian participation in northwest Black Sea coast Greek poleis
wars against Macedonian warlords during the second half of the 4th century BC
III.3.2.1. Zopyrion campaign against the Scythians
Philip II and Alexander III successful campaigns in northeast Thrace were
followed by a hapless Macedonian march into Scythia. His initiator was Zopyrion.
Trogus Pompeius / Justin / Paul Orosius, Curtius Rufus, and Macrobius (Just. Epit.,
prologus ad XII; II, 3. 1-4; XII, 1. 1֊5; XII, 2. 16-17; XXXVII, 3. 2; Ores. Hist. lib.
sept. adv. pag., Ill, 18, 4; Curt. Hist. Alex. Mag., X, 1. 43-45; Macrob. Sat., I, 11. 33)
mention vaguely about the venture.
For the origin and career of Zopyrion before his arrival in Thrace it is not known
anything. According Trogus Pompeius / Justin Alexander III named him prefect of
Pontus, while Curtius Rufus mentions him as praepositor of Thrace.
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Despite the fact that written sources provide sufficient data to date relatively
exactly the Zopyrion kill, the description of the events provided as chronological
references by Trogus Pompeius and Curtius Rufus show a gap of 5-6 years. According
to Trogus Pompeius Antipater told Alexander III for the defeat in Scythia while the
king was in Parthia in 330 BC (Just. Epit., XII, 1. 1-5). On his hand, Curtius Rufus
reports that Ken sent that message to Alexander III when the latter was trying to
conquer India (Curt. Hist. Alex. Mag., X, 1. 43-45), i.e. after the spring of 327 BC
and before mid 325 BC.
A third intermediate dating refers the Zopyrion campaign to 329/328 BC. At
this time Pharasmanus, king of Khorezm, visited Alexander III and told him that if he
envisions a campaign against the Colchis, Amazons and the remaining tribes around
the Pontus Euxinus, he may start preparations for such war (Arr. Anab., IV, 15, 4).
According the hypothesis the Zopyrion campaign was result of this proposition.
Trogus Pompeius / Justin / Paul Orosius reports that Zopyrion waged the war
against Scythians with his own means. His army consisted of thirty thousand (Just.
Epit., XII, 2. 16-17; Oros. Hist. lib. sept. adv. pag., Ill, 18, 4). That impressive numbers
raises suspicions among modem historians and they consider that these are significantly
exaggerated. That would be tme if the army was of regular Macedonian soldiers but
the sources mention that these were troops called for the specific campaign. During the
entire Antiquity Thrace is famous for its dense population eager to take part in military
campaigns, especially such where looting and pay are expected. It is no surprise that
Zopyrion was able to raise a great number of troops for short time. The participation
of Thracians explains both the numbers and the stumpy military efficiency of Zopyrion
army. Its non-Macedonian composition is indirectly confirmed by Alexander III reaction
to the news that it was annihilated in Scythia. He was not aggrieved at all given the fact
that most of the killed were Thracians.
A significant issue is where the war with Scythians began from. The status of
Getae and northwest Pontus Greek poleis toward Alexander III is unknown. There are
two possibilities. The poleis and the tribes were independent allies to Macedonians, or
that they had no engagement with them. If the fist assumption is tme then Zopyrion
passed through Dobmdja without entering in conflict with local population, transferred
his troops to the Istrus river north bank and began the war with Scythians in the present
day Budjak steppes. If, however, the tribes in Dobmdja were not engaged with Macedonia
it may reasonably be supposed that Zopyrion considered them as enemies. By mid-4th
century BC part of northeast Thrace was already called Scythia and it is quite possible
that Zopyrion campaign began south of Istms river.
There is an alternative version for the Zopyrion campaign purpose. According to
that version the attacked Borysthenae are not Olbia residents but the tribe Borysthenae
known to Herodotus. The demos of Olbia did not take direct part in the war and
cooperated with Zopyrion.
Ancient authors provide five geographical references indicating the initial and
final point of the military campaign and the place where Zopyrion suffered defeat
or perished in a natural disaster. These references are the Pontus, Thrace, Scythia,
Borysthenae, and the Getae lands. The march was directed against the Scythians and
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taking into account the siege / attack by the Borysthenae the army of the Macedonian
warlord had reached mid Scythia Pontica. It seems that Zopyrion took the route along
the seacoast both in his advance and in his retreat (?) because the victims of his march
were the victims were the seaside poleis while the Scythians are mentioned to have
defeated the invaders on the Pontus. The statement by Curtius Rufus that the Zopyrion
army was annihilated by a sudden storm may be explained with a violent sea storm
(Curt. Hist. Alex. Mag., X, 1. 43^45).
When we combine the information provided for the death of Zopyrion in Trogus
Pompeius and Curtius Rufus it appears that the Scythians have defeated Zopytion in a
battle on land which had forced him to withdraw the remaining froops by sea but a storm
annihilated the ships.
The site of the decisive battle is unknown. The only information provided locates
it in Scythia. Because of Curtius Rufus report that Zopyrion perished in Getae lands or
in a campaign against the Getae, many historians agree that the battlefield is located in
the steppe between Tyras and Istrus rivers. That territory was part of Scythin in the 4th
century BC but since the 3rd century BC it is called Getae steppe or desert.
However the remaining two possible battlefields ֊ near Olbia and somewhere in
Dobrudja, should not be barred.
The absence of information that Zopyrion terminated the siege of Olbia (if
there was any siege at all) and directed himself back to Thrace, may indicate that the
alliance of Borysthenae / Olbia residents and Scythians, or Borysthenae / Scythians have
intercepted and annihilated his army near the polis.
Some indirect arguments may support the hypothesis that the battlefield is
located somewhere in Dobrudja. Trogus Pompeius points out the Pontus as the site
where Scythians killed Zopyrion and Dromichaetes captured Lysimachus (Just. Epit.,
prologus ad XII; prologus ad XVI). In his narrative Pontus is not only the name of the
sea, but as well the region of which Zopyrion was prefect. It must have been in Thrace
and probably included east Dobrudja. The geographical vicinity between the battlefield
and Thrace is inferred by the quick notification of Seuthes about the defeat and death of
Zopyrion. He started the revolt of Odryssae (Curt. Hist. Alex. Mag., X, 1. 44-45) before
Antipater was able to send in their lands a substitute to Zopyrion. If the primary source
to Curfus Rufius for the Zopyrion campaign is an author from the 4th century BC it may
be reasonable that for the land of Getae should be accounted Dobrudja because at this
time they were the only tribe on the seaside and the eventual route of Zopyrion march.
III.3.2.2. The Scythians in alliance with the west Pontius poleis against
Lysimachus
Alexander III death on June 10,323 BC advanced on the political scene his closest
companions. The enormous territory conquered by force between 336 and 323 BC was
inherited by his half-brother Arrhideus (Philip III) and the unborn still son of Alexander
III and Roxane with regent Perdiccas. The real government of the regions was in the
hands of Alexander generals Antipater, Craterus, Lysimachus, Leonates, Antigonus,
Eumenes, Piton, Ptolemy, and Seleucus.
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Lysimachus ruled initially on part of Thrace. Over the time he evolved in the most
powerful monarch in northeast Mediterranean though until the end of the first decades of
3rd century BC was in permanent conflict with the Thracian tribes and some of the Greek
poleis. In at least one of his numerous conflicts the diadoch fought with Scythians.
This is reported for 313/312 BC. This year the Greeks from the west Ponius poleis
north of Haemus expelled the Lysimachus garrisons and together with the surrounding
Thracian tribes and Scythians organized an alliance against the diadoch. He marched
against the revolted poleis and for a short time subdued again the demos of Odessos
and Histria. While he was prepared to besiege Kallatis appeared the armies of Scythians
and Thracians. Lysimachus frightened the Thracians and they switched on his side. The
Scythians were defeated and chased (Diod. Bibl. hist., XIX, 73. 1֊10).
The presence of Lysimachus garrisons in the poleis points out that during the
decade following Alexander III death Lysimachus was able to establish firmly his grip
on Black Sea coast Thrace. It must have been accompanied with some sort of repression
because the Greek poleis lost their political freedom and were forced to let within the
city walls unwanted military personnel.
From his possession in southeast Thrace and Thracian Chersonese Lysimachus
was able to reach the west Pontius poleis following the same route as Darius I and
Philip II armies in their marches against the Scythians. Thus the Scythians, although
not included in his plans for conquest came in direct or indirect contact with him. It is
unknown how did he proceed with them during his first campaign to Istrus river. As far
as Diodorus reports that after their defeat in 313 BC they were chased outside some
borders it may be supposed at this time there were some territorial arrangements. Some
historians consider that the Scythians were chased north of Istrus river, i.e. outside the
Thrace borders, while others point out that Diodorus primary source meant the borders
of the west Pontius poleis. According the first version the Scythian army is considered
as intruder in Thrace, while according the second it is a formation of people settled in
the vicinity of Kallatis and Tomis.
The Thracians and Scythians had arrangement with the Greek poleis and it is
possible that they participated in the conflict as mercenaries. Such an assumption explains
the behavior of Thracians who were the first to clash with Lysimachus and switched on
his side. Diodorus reports that he frightened them and subsequently induced, i.e. the
demonstration of power was followed by some sorts of promises. However it is not
clear whether the Thracians took part in the defeat of their recent allies or kept neutral.
It is quite possible that their treason was decisive for the outcome of the battle between
Scythians and Macedonians.
The political status quo in Thrace of the period before the revolt was restored
in 313/312 BC and confirmed with the signing of the peace of summer / autumn 311
BC between Antigonus on one side and Lysimachus, Cassander, and Ptolemy, on the
other. The northeast trend in Lysimachus Thracian policy remains relevant during the
following decades. The breakthrough happened in the beginning of the 3rd century
BC. The last march of Lysimachus north of Istrus river turned into his last military
action against the Getae. It was a disaster and ended with the capture of Lysimachus.
The subsequent agreement between the victors and the defeated finally excluded the
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territories of Getae from the plans for conquest of the Macedón general (Diód. Bibi.
hist., XXI, 11-12).
III.4. The Scythians in Thrace during 3rd - 2nd centuries BC
During the 3rd century BC in hinterland Scythia happened some process that
caused sudden and swift demographic collapse. Around mid and second half of the 3rd
century BC Scythians remained only in the area between the lower course of Borysthenes
river and Crimea, as well as on the Crimean peninsula itself. This significantly shrank
Scythian territory is known as Scythia Minor.
It is unknown whether the political and demographic changes in the steppes north
of Istrus river caused some shockwaves among the tribes in Dobrudja. From the written
sources that have reached our days about 3rd - 2nd centuries BC, Scythians south of
Istrus river are mentioned only in Applonios of Rhodes Argonauts (Apoll. Rhod. Argon.,
IV 309-320) and in the Pseudo-Scymus paraphrase of a passage from Demetrius of
Kallatis work (Ps.-Scym. Perieg., 751-757, 765). Although the information provided
has geographical and not historical content, it is important because unambiguously
describes them as sedentary indigenous population.
III.4.1. The epitaph of the Scythain ruler Argotas from Neapolis
Neapolis Scythian (present day Simferopol, Crimea) is founded as capital for the
Crimean Scythia Minor by the king Scylurus (c. 135/130-114/113 BC). Archeológiái
excavations have been undertaken and the ruins of many private and public buildings and
of a royal residence are studied. At the royal residence southwestern edge is excavated
a destroyed tomb-mausoleum and fragments of a stone slab with epitaph for the king
Argotas. It is generally accepted that king Argotas is the predecessor of king Scylurus.
The interest for this monuments arises not only of its content, where king Argotas
is named as ruler of Scythia, but as well of the possibility that he is the same Argotas
who married the widow of Perisad III (c. 185-180 BC) Bosporan queen Kamasaria
(IOSPE, II, № 19 = KBH, № 75). This dynastic marriage, dated between 170 and 150
BC or between 180 and 178/7 BC, supposes a temporary political union between the
Scythian and Bosporan kingdoms. Most probably it lasted until c. 155 BC when the
Bosporan throne was taken by Perisad IV Philometor (c. 155—125 BC). Because Perisad
IV was not enthroned immediately after coming out of age (he was bom before 180 BC)
it is generally accepted that Argotas headed the Scythian - Bosporan alliance and only
after his death (not later than 154 BC) the two kingdoms separated and were headed by
the representatives of the corresponding dynasties.
Taking into account such historical reconstruction king Argotas has died c. 155
BC while two decades earlier he was already Scythian ruler.
The biographical details are important for the history of Thrace because the
inscription sixth line indicates that Argotas had some sorts of contacts, most probably
military, with Thratians and Maeotoi.
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In the 3rd- 2nd centuries BC the Maeotoi did not have common border with
Scythia. Between them and the Scythians were located the Bosporan kingdom and the
Sarmatians. This may be a cause for wr between them and Argothas during his marriage
with Kamasaria. As the marriage may have been concluded at earliest in 178/7 BC, then
his war with the Maeotoi must be dated between 178/7 and 155 BC.
The narrative lists the Thracians before the Maeotoi and maybe the war (?) with
them preceded the war (?) with the Maeotoi. If this is true then the conflict between
Thracians and Scythians happened during the first quarter of the 2nd century BC.
The Argotas epitaph mentions the Thracians. It is indicative both for their ethnic
identity and for their geographical area. During the Hellenistic period as well as during
earlier periods, Thracians were called all indigenous populations in regions as Thrace
and Asia Minor. Therefore the Thracians with whom had waged war (?) Argotas must
have been from the Balkans.
The inscription is maybe an epigraphic confirmation and chronological reference
for the war mentioned by Stephanus of Byzantiun (according Kallistratos) between
Scythians and Thracians (Steph. Byz. Ethn. s.v. 642,81) and the great Scythian migration
from Crimea-Dnieper Scythia Miunor into Thrace mentioned in Strabo (Strabo. Geog.,
VII, 4, 5).
The Scythian migration into Dobrudja would hardly be organized and carried
out should on the road to Thrace stood a powerful enemy. By the end of the 3rd century
BC on the north bank of the Lower Danube river and on some of the islands in the river
appear the Bastamae. They are permanently present in the region at least until the end of
4th century AD. Ancient authors mention the Bastamae as numerous and very belligerent
nation (Plut. Aem. Paul. 12; Liv. XL, 58. 8; XLIV, 26.1-13; XLIV, 27. 1-7). The absence
of any information about wars or alliances beteen them and the Scythians indicates that
when the Scythians crossed through the present day Budjak steppe the Bastamaes were
not in the area. Therefore we would rather admit that the Scythians came in Thrace
before the Bastamae have occupied the banks of Danube river, i.e. during the last quarter
of 3rd century BC, and if they did it at a later period, for some reason or another the
Bastamae were unable to obstruct their migration.
Until present it has been discussed only the option that the Scythians have
undertaken a migration or a massive scale military campaign sometime in the 3rd century
BC. If correct this version excludes the leadership and participation of king Argotas.
During the first half of 2nd century BC Argotas became king of the Scythians and
waged successful war (?) with a tribe or tribes from Thrace or in Thrace. Notwithsandint
which hypothesis shall be accepted - victory over Thracins invaders, or over Thracians
defending their territory south of Istrius river, the Bastamae present in the area between
the riivers Danube - Pmt - Dniester were not involved in the conflict.
The only momentum in the beginning of the 2nd century BC when an important
Thracian group (army) might have been marching north of Istrus river or when
Scythians might have invaded territories south of the river without taking into account
the presence of Bastamae was in 179 BC. Then the Bastamae with all their families
left in an organized and initially peaceful manner their settlements and headed through
Thrace to Macedonia. The migration was part of Philip V (221-179 BC) policy. He
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intended with their assistance to destroy the Dardanae and to settle them in Dardania
(Liv. Ab urbe condita, XL, 57).
Hypothetically I accept that the depopulation of regions inhabited by Bastamae
in present day Bessarabia has been the cause of the Scythian migration south of Tyras
river. Following the steps of the Bastamae who headed to Thrace the Scythians crossed
Istrus river. Their arrival in the Danubian region was not part of the agreement between
Philip V and the Thracians. Thus was initiated the long-term armed conflict between
local Thracians and newly arrived Scythains described in the third book of Kallistratos
(in Stephanus of Byzantiun). The inscription of Argotas makes not clear whether the
Thracians were subjugated or expelled. They had to cede lands to Scythians, which
according Strabo was called Scythia Minor.
If my assumption of identical Scythian - Thracian wars in the king Argotas
inscription, the Kallistratos / Stephanus text, and Strabo narrative is correct, then it
should be accepted that Argotas is the leader of the Scythians who arrived in Thrace
from the region around Dnieper river and Crimea and founded their kingdom here.
Among the known Scythian kings who reigned in Dobmdja the contemporary of Philip
V and Perseus (179-168 BC) is Sariakes. There are no data confirming his kinship with
Argotas. If we accept the presence of some blood relationship between them, then the
Scythian kings who ruled south of Istrus river during the 2nd century BC might well have
inherited their status from an anonymous Scythian king who was a direct predecessor of
both Argotas and Sariakes.
III.4.2. King Sariakes dedicated inscription from Tirizis (IGBulg V, No. 5003)
During underwater surveys in Kaliakra bay is found the upper part of an altar with
three lines inscription - dedication to king Sariakes from the Macedonian Antigonus,
son of Heraclitus from Stybera.
This Antigonus might have been from the entourage of the Macedonian king
Philip V. Titus Livius reports for missions of a person with the same name to the
Bastamae. By order of Philip V Antigonus together with the Bastam Koton convinced
and led the Bastamae in the beginning of their migration to Macedonia and from there
to Dardania. When the Bastamae crossed Istms river and entered into Thrace, the two
envoys hurried to inform the king for their arrival, by approaching to Amphipolis they
learned that the king is dead. His death changed radically the relationships between the
Bastamae crossing the territories and the local Thracians. The agreements of Philip V
with the Thracian chiefs were not observed and clashes began (Liv. Ab urbe condita,
XL, 57-58). These events are dated 179 BC.
Antigonus had more than one diplomatic mission north of Istms river and possibly
took part in the process of convincing with present the Thracian aristocracy to let the
Bastamae free passage to Macedonia. Therefore if the Antigonus of Stybera is the same
Antigonus who between 182—179 BC incited and then led the Bastamae, it is very likely
that the altar with the dedication to king Sariakes has been raised during his negotiations
with the Scythians, preceding the Bastamae coming into Thrace.
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If, however, the Scythian kingdom known as Scythia Minor south of Istrus
river is established by Scythians emigrants who followed the Bastanae migrating the
Macedonia, then there is no possibility that Sariakes has been king of the Scythians in
east Dobrudja before 179 BC. In such case one should accept that he is a local Scythian
ruler after 179 BC and that Antigonus of Stybera visited him after this year.
During the Third Macedonian war (171—168 BC) Perseus (179—168 BC) was
looking for allies among the tribes settled on the Balkan peninsula and tried to lure the
Scythians. They either did not agree, as did not the Illyrian king Gentius, the Gauls /
Bastamae, and maybe the Getae, or they have negotiated until the battle of Pydna and
the conquest of Macedonia. If this hypothesis is correct then the reign of Sariakes must
be referred to a period after 179 BC and certainly c. 168 BC.
III.4.3. Proxeny decree for the Antiochian Hermeios, son of Asclepiodorus,
from Odessos (CIG, II, No. 2056 = IGBulg. I2, No. 41)
The decree for the Antiochian Hermeios is dated between the mid-3rd century BC
to the last quarter of the 2nd century BC. The text contains three essential sources serving
as grounds for the advanced here hypothesis for political and economic connections
between the Scythians, Hermeios, and Odessos.
The first note is about Kanites. He is indicated as Scythian king. These Scythes
are not localized in territory, but the king coins are concentrated in east Dobrudja.
The second note concerns contacts between Odessos and the Scythians. The
nature of these contacts is not mentioned but since being resident in Kanites court
Hermeios was able to assists various persons in their personal matters, it is clear that the
interacting party were either Scythians or settlers in Scythian territory. As a demos the
population of Odessos did not ask for assistance the Antiochian and he was not sent to
Kanites by the polis. Odessos residents simply benefited of his presence at king court. In
no case should these be significant affairs because otherwise these should be mentioned
in the decree.
The third information concerns Hermeios, son of Asclepiodorus of Antioch. His
social or political status is not indicated and it is not known in what capacity did he reside
in king Kanites court. Because his origin is from Antioch, his residence in the entourage
of the Scythian king cannot be explained simply through the contacts of the west Pontius
poleis and their neighboring tribes. Judging by the inscription content, he was awarded
with citizenship after he had spent certain time with the Scythians or even after he has
completed his sojourn with them. This is the reason why some historians consider the
Antiochian as the same person who resided with Kanites with a mission from Antiochus
II Theos (261—246 BC), Seleucus II Kallinikos (246—226 BC) or Antiochus III the Great
(223-187 BC).
The view that Hermeios has been close associate to the Seleucids is holding
grounds just because he was from Antioch. In this specific case the name of the city is
misleading to a point because it is an indication that it has been either founded or renamed
while still within the border of the Seleucid state but not that at the time of meeting
between Hermaios and Kanites it is still part of it. This remark is very important because
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two out of sixteen Antiochs - Antioch in Maeander in Karia and Antioch in Pisidia
during the second and third quarter of the 2nd century BC are within the territory of the
kingdom of Pergamum. Eumenes II Soteros (197-160 BC), Attalus II (160-139 BC) and
Attalus III (139-133 BC), like the Seleucids had their own Thracian policy and when
enforcing it sometime used the Thracians themselves. Therefore when trying to date the
Odessos decree for the Antiochian Hermaios one should study as well the opportunity
that he may have been envoy to the Scythians by one of the kings of Pergamum.
Apart from the alleged participation of Hermaios into a diplomatic mission there
are two more hypotheses concerning his status and activity with the Scythians. The first
is that he was courtier-advisor to the Scythian king, and the second - that he was either
a big merchant or someone trade agent in Scythia Minor.
His classification as advisor in the Kanites court shows him in a totally different
light. He was not involved to associate the Scythians with the plans of one of the
Mediterranean monarchs, but on the contrary - because of his origin he was useful for
the contacts of Scythians with Greek poleis and greater states.
The simplest hypothesis for the Hermaios sojourn with the Scythians is that he
was a big merchant. It is very plausible that his leading activity was trade because the
main source of income for the Scythian kings were the sale of slaves, cattle, and grain.
If Hermaios had commercial deals in Scythia Minor it is very plausible that he
was agent of island Rhodes. Because during the period 188-167 BC the Rhodes state was
rich and prosperous it was an attractive place for establishment of many people. Many
epigraphic monuments found in Rhodos indicate the origin of foreigners including some
from Antioch in Daphne (Antioch in Orontus) in Syria and from Antioch in Maeander in
Karia. Therefore the appearance of the Antiochian Hermaios in the court of the Scythian
king Kanites may be explained with the strong trade presence of Rhodes on the west
Black Sea coast.
The most prominent activity of Rhodes merchants in the north and west Black
Sea is dated to the period 198-161 BC. It is particularly significant for Odessos during
the second half of 2nd century BC. The connection of Hermaios sojourn in the court of
Kanites through Odessos dates the rule of the Scytian king between 198 and 161 BC or
circa and after 145 BC.
III.4.4. The coins of the Scythian kings Sariakes, Kanites, Tanousas
(Tanousakes), Aelis, and Akrosas (Akrosakes) as source of history
In addition to their epigraphic monuments the Scythian kings Sariakes and
Kanites are known with several coins with different nominal value. From stylistic
and onomastic point of view with these are associated the coins of four more kings -
Tanousas (Tanousakes), Aelis, Haraspes and Akrosas (Akrosakes). This group of kings
represents the most diverse in typology and nominal values royal coins minting in
Hellenistic Thrace. It is pointed as main evidence for the existence of a local statehood
called Scythian kingdom.
The places where the coins are most frequently found and their subjects suggest
that they were ruling in the region of the west Pontius poleis north of Haemus. Some
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separate emissions are minted in the mint of Tomis, Kallatis, Dionysopolis, and
Odessos, possibly even in Histria. The most irrefutable proof for the connection between
the Scythian kings emissions and the poleis mints is the demotikon OAHC(S)ITQN
engraved on the obverse of a coin of Sariakes. The inscription indicates that it has been
minted in Odessos.
However the application of numismatic data in a historical study for Scythia Minor
is not effective because there is no biographical information for the kings themselves.
Because of the same abbreviations of the names of magistrates - BAK on the
coins of Kanites and Tanousas (Tanousakes) and ME on the coins of Haraspes and Aelis
it is generally accepted that these kings ruled either in succession or simultaneously.
However there is no information pointing out who succeeded whom or in case of
simultaneous rule who was the leader, if any.
The chronological order of the kings is unknown. Kanites is indicated as the first
among them, but some historians propose as well Haraspes, Tanousas (Tanousakes),
Aelis, and Sariakes. In most lists with kings names Sariakes is listed last, but in my
opinion he is the first ruler to legitimize the Scythian kingdom in Dobrudja by mining
his own coins.
The summary of epigraphic and numismatic information outlines as the most
acceptable the opinion that those Hellenistic Scythian kings with known names in the
region of west Pontus have reigned during the second and third quarter of the 2nd century
BC. The countermarking of big quantity of Scythian coins indicates that these have not
been withdrawn from circulation after the end of their mint. However, the absence of
new rulers emissions does not mean that the Scythian kingdom has been liquidated. It
rather continued to exist but for some reason no coins were issued with the names of
subsequent kings.
III.4.5. Honorary decree for Agathocles, son of Antifilos from Histria (ISMGL
I, No 15)
Between 96 and 90 BC Mithridates VI waged a war in the north-west Black Sea
coast with Sarmatians and Bastamae. The Scythians are not mentioned as party in the
conflict. It may mean that either Mithridates VI generals did not cross Istrus river or
that the Scythian kingdom has been destroyed. Grounds for the second assumption are
provided in the text of a Histria decree in honor of Agathocles, son of Antifilos.
The Scythian problématique with the decree is limited to one only sentence. It says
that when the Thracians of Zoltes came closer to Scythia and the Greek poleis subjected to
king Rhemaxos, Agathocles visited Zoltec and reached some kind of agreement with him.
Because the decree is dated 2nd century BC, while by the end of 3rd century BC
the ethnic picture in the Budjak steppe has changed so much that it has been renamed
from Scythian to Getae desert, and therefore Scythia to which approached Zoltes and his
people is rather south of Istrus river. It is plausible that Scythia included in the minds of
contemporaries the territory in Dobrudja without taking into account whether it existed
or not.
The Scythian participation in the Thracian — Histrians relationships may be
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looked for in accordance with some ethnic Scythian affiliations of the barbarians who
for sake of security came to Histria, and the king Rhemaxos, his son Frad. (the text
preserves only the first four letters of the name) and their subjects.
Three hypotheses are advanced for the tribal affiliation of Rhemaxos and Frad.
- that they are Getae, Galatae (Bastamae, Britolagae), or Scythians. The main argement
for each of these hypotheses is the claim that Rhemaxos ruled over the territory north
of Istrus, which depending of the supposed period of time is populated with Getae,
Scythians, or Bastamae.
However, both Getae and Scythian origins of Rhemaxos, Frad. and their fellow
tribesmen are very dubious. Most likely they originate from some Bastamae tribe, maybe
of the Peucinoi who lived close to the lower course of Istrus river and on the islands of
its delta (Strabo. Geog., VII, 3, 15; Cl. Ptol. Geog., Ill, 10. 4; III, 10. 7; Amm. Marc. Rer.
gest., XXII, 8. 43).
Rhemaxos collected tribute from the west Pontus Hellenistic polises bordering
with Scythia. This is a very important information because it indicates lack of connections
between the poleis and the Scythian kings during the 2nd century BC. It appears that at
that time Histria was not within the sphere of their influence. The reasons for such
situation may be two - either the Scythes did not control the most northeastern part of
Dobrudja or when Zoltes attacked Bizone and threatened Histria, they, although being
there have not been obstacle to his activity.
The hypothesis that Rhemaxos is Bastamae with influence in the Hellenistic
polises in Scythia may indicate that during the last quarter or at the very end of the 2nd
century BC the Bastamae have destroyed the Scythian kingdom in Dobrudja.
Because of the toponym Scythia, used by ancient historians to describe part of
Dobrudja and my assumption that the Scythian migration mentioned by Strabo took
place in 179 BC I do consider that the decree was issued not in the beginning, but by
the end of the 2nd century BC. This source is chronological reference for the end of the
short-lived state period of the Scythians presence in Thrace.
III.5. The Scythians in Thrace during the between 1st century BC - beginning
of 1st century AD
III.5.1. Participation of the west Pontius Scythes in the wars between
Mitridathes VI Eupator (121/120-63 BC) and the Roman Republic
The kingdom of Pontus saw its heyday and its total destruction during the sixty
years reign of Mithridathes VI Eupator. It is unknown when the west Pontus Greek
poleis became his allies. It is assumed that it happened c. 104-103 BC or sometime
during the nineties of the 1st century BC. The earliest epigraphic confirmation for Pontus
presence in the region is a decree from Histria for the Mithridates strategos for the polis
Diogenes, son of Diogenes from Am[astris] or Am[isos] dated 90/89 BC.
The imposition of Mithridates VI power in Thrace Black sea coast reflected
on the relationships between the Greeks and local rulers. However, in the absence of
written sources it is not possible to state the nature of these relationships and whether
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the changes had positive or negative impact. As far as Scythians are concerned there
are two conflicting hypotheses - that their kingdom was subdues / liquidated and that it
experienced unprecedented growth. It is quite possible that the Scythian kingdom was
subdue by a stratēģos of Mithridates and later he turned back the conquered territory to
the local Scythian king (or kings) and to have restored his kingship. The assumption is
based on an information in Memnon that the Roman Senate ordered the king of Pontus
to return to the Scythian kings their ancestral lands (Memn. Her., Fr. XXX. 2).
As far as it is known the west Pontus Scythians were not a threat for the Greeks.
Therefore it may be assumed that the alliance between the Greeks and the kingdom of
Pontus is rather more useful for them especially when taking into account that their
neighboring tribes in the north Black Sea from enemies turned into fervent supporters
of Mithridates VI.
Appian Foreign Wars provides the most detailed information about the Pontus
allied Scythians. Most data refers to the north Pontus Scythians but there are some
references from whose context one may consider that reference is made to Scythians in
Thrace.
The Scythians participation in the First Mithridatic war (89-84 BC) is mentioned
only for the battle of Chaeronea in 86 BC (App. Mithr., 41. 156-159). Appian failed to
indicate from which Scythians Mithridates VI sent warriors to his general Archelaus. It
is documents as well that in the same battle participated Thracians from the Pontus. The
largest numbers of them were led by Dromichaetes. The ethnic composition of his army
is unknown, but maybe it included people from various tribes settled north of Haemus
mountains. If Dromichaetes led mercenaries recruited with silver and gold coins minted
in the west Pontus poleis, probably most welcomed were the immediate neighbors of the
poleis. For Tmis, Kallatis, and Dionysopolis such neighbors were not only the Thracians
/ Getae but as well the Scythians.
During the Third Mithridatic war (74-63 BC) Mithridates was in constant contact
with Scythians from the Pontus and Maeotian seaside. While he was preparing himself
for the decisive clash with Rome the king attracted as allies several tribes including
Scythians.
At the end of the short exposition by Rufius Festus, repeated by Jordanes, for the
campaign of Marcus Terentius Varro Lucullus against the Mithridates allies in Thrace in
72/71 BC is said the he “showed the Roman weapons to the Scythians” (Fest. Brev., IX,
2-3, Jord. Rom., 221-222).
The Scythians reported in Festus have been settled in the territories south of
Danube river and if the report is taken literally it says that in the beginning of the second
quarter of the 1st century BC they had some contact with Marcus Lucullus troops. The
small settlement Parthenopolis is a possible interception point for the Romans and the
west Pontus Scythians. It is expressly described by Pliny the Elder as a settlement of
Scythians-plowmen and according Euthropius (Eutrop. Brev., VI, 10) and Festus is is
among the Black Sea towns seized by the Romans.
During the spring and summer of 65 BC Mithridates VI circled the Maeotian
seaside and succeeded to negotiate support for his further activities from the chiefs of
local tribes. During the years 65—63 BC he planned to invade Italy through the Alps. His
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initial start point was Thrace, from there his troops sould march through Macedonia and
Paeonia and then along the Istrus river flow (App. Mithr., 101. 467-468-102. 469^174,
109; Flor. Epit., I. 40. 25; Plut. Pomp. 41; Dio Cass. Hist. Rom., XXXVII, 11. 1-4).
Although not mentioned specifically the implementation of the first plan attributed
some role of the tribes settled in Thrace. Every movement in direction to western Balkan
peninsula from the north Black Sea coast supposes crossing of Dobrudja and in one or
another way would affect local population. Therefore Appian report about the Scythians
allies who lived on the seaside from Maeotian marshes in direction the Bosphorus,
including the Scythians in Thrace (App. Mithr., 119. 584) maybe refers to 65/64 BC.
Despite the fact that there was no march from southeastern Europe to Italy, the
Romans did not underestimate the threat and took measures against those tribes in Thrace
who did maintain contacts with Mithridates VI until the end. Such measure is the march
of Gaius Antonius Hybrida in 62/61 BC whch ended without any results near the Istrus
river delta (Dio Cass. Hist. Rom., XXXVIII 10. 1-3; LI, 26. 4-5).
There is a hypothesis that during the summer of 61 BC Gneus Pompeus or one of
his generals headed a second Roman campaign against the Bastamae and defeated them.
It is based on Pliny the Elder report for two days Gneus Pompeus triumph in Rome at
the end of September 61 BC. Among the defeated by the warlord tribes, kingdoms, and
kings were the Scythians and Bastamae (Plin. NH, VII, 26. 98).
III.5.2. Arrian narrative for a conflict between Scythians and Thracians and
its eventual connection with Burebista policies in Thrace in mid 1st century BC
In mid-1st century BC the Getae established a big tribal union led by Burebista
adn them in its base. Strabo and Jordanes report that with his personal example and
the impact of the priest Dekeneus Burebista was able to inspire his subjects respect for
the law and obedience. His external policy initially consisted of a series of successful
wars with neighboring tribes and subsequently in looting raids. The Getae and Dacians
crossed the Istrus river plundered Thrace then went southwest to Macedonia nd Illyria
thus threatening the Roman dominions on the Balkan peninsula (IGBulg I2, No. 13;
Strabo. Geog., VII, 3, 5; VII, 3, 11-12; XVI, 2, 39; Jord. Get., 67-72).
The same bleak fate suffered almost all Greekpoleis from Olbia to Apollonia (Dio
Chrysost. Or. XXXVI, 4-5). The Getae capture of Olbia and conquest of other poleis
is dated c. 55 BC. Only Dionysopolis escaped the barbarian invasion. His residents
enjoyed peace because of the friendship between Burebista and Akomion.
The Scythians being neighbors of the Greek poleis were affected inasmuch or
even more gravely by Burebista actions. Although Dionysopolis and its hinterland were
not plundered, the Scythian settlements near Tomis, Kallatis, and Odessos certainly
were not missed. Given the fact that the poleis were left when uncertain, the smaller
fortified settlements and unfortified villages in northeastern Thrace most probably were
left by their residents too. Maybe during this period occurs a far-reaching change in the
lifestyle of local Scythes which returned them to the way of living of their ancestors.
Arrian reports in Bithyniaca that due to the aggressive stands of Thracians the Scythians
turned from plowmen living within the city walls into nomads who wandered in Scythia
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(Eust. ad Dion. Per. 549; 669 (Arr. Bith. Fr. 54)). The passage does not mention when
the Thracians expelled the Sythians from the city walls and there as to the Istrus river
Scythia was situated but there are sufficient references that it happened in the 1st century
BC in Thrace.
III.5.3. The Scythes on the lower Danube and the Roman conquest of Thrace
(29 BC ֊ 45 AD)
One of the strategic objectives of the Early Principate was to make the Istrus river
border of the Roman Republic. The reason was to secure the province of Macedonia
against barbarian incursions. In order to protect the Balkan provinces and their allies,
the Macedonian legates undertook several military campaigns. By the end of the 1st
century AD the wars against the tribes north of Danube were fought in north Thrace.
The local population suffered both from the invaders and the activities of the Roman
legions. Sometime large groups of people were forced to pass on one or the other bank
of the Istrus river.
Marcus Licinius Crassus is responsible for the largest campaign between Haemus
mountain and Istrus river. In 30 BC he was appointed proconsul in the province of
Macedonia. In this capacity he waged war against the Bastamae and the Thracians in
29 and 28 BC on both sides of Haemus. During his second campaign he is said to have
reached Istrus river delta and Scythia Minor.
Dio Cassius Cocceianus reports the events in Thrace during that period in his
Roman Hisotry (Dio Cass. Hist. Rom., LI, 23-27). The ethnonym Scythains appears
three times in his narrative (Dio Cass. Hist. Rom., LI, 23. 2-3; LI, 24. 1-2; LI, 26. 4-6).
The first two references for Scythians is specified as being Bastamae. The third refers to
a specific ethnic group different of the Dacians, the Bastamae, and the Getae. It says that
when Marcus Crassus besieged the castle Genucla the dynast Zyrax was not in because
he went to the Scythians with money to contract an alliance with them.
Zyrax was looking for support from tribes that were either great in numbers or
were settled in short distance in order to provide sufficient ant timely assistance. During
the third quarter of the 1st century BC compact groups of Scythians were present only
in Crimea and maybe in northeast Thrace. Because Genucla was close to the Istms river
delta his potential allies must have been settled in that area.
The Scythians were not among Marcus Crassus main opponents in 28 BC.
However, it possible that when he was in Dobmdja to have engaged in some sort of
armed collision with them. The assumption is based on a Horace stanza in the third of
his Carmen (Hor. Carm., Ill, 8. 23-24) published in 23 BC. The text states that before
that year the Romans fought with some Scythians and had partial success in the war.
During the reign of Octavian August the Roman legions did not invaded the
steppes north of Istms river. The fore the Scythians who according Horace were planning
to leave the fields should have been living in Thrace. Perhaps these were the same
Scythians from whom Zyrax sought support. If they have attacked the Romans but have
been repelled makes it clear why the poet considers them as enemies. His statement
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makes it clear that they were not subdued and kept control on their lands.
It is unknown how the relationships between Rome and the tribes in Dobrudja
evolved during the decade after the march of Marcus Crassus. Perhaps this part of Thrace
was entrusted to friendly rulers as the Getae Rholes and the south Thracian kings Kotys
and Rhoemetalces I.
After Kotys death the united Thracian kingdom became arena of internal fights.
The Romans had to help their loyal ally Rhoemetalces I to subdue the Bessi. Short time
after the Romans and Sarmathians clashed in Thrace (Dio Cass. Hist. Rom., LIV, 20. 3).
Then Gaius Lucius (Lucius Tarisu Rufus) expelled them north of Istrus river.
Most probably the Roman war with Sarmathian took place in Dobrudja because
in the beginning of the 1st century BC on its Danubian seaside lived Arheates and in the
hinterland of the Greek poleis on the Black seacoast from time to time appeared Yaziges.
This tribe is mentioned in a Dionysopolis decree dated from Rhoemetalces I reign as
common enemy for Thracians and Greeks from north of Istruc river territories.
In order to expel the Sarmatians beyond the Istrus river Gaius Lucius (Lucius
Tarisu Rufus) must have been crossed entire Thrace. It is not known where his route
passed exactly but once in Dobrudja he was able to begin systematic cleansing of the
land from all intercepted nomads. If he has moved close to the west Pontus poleis it is
very much likely that he has waged war not against the newly appearing Sarmatians but
with the local Scythians who were nomads or semi-nomads during that specific period of
time. Therefore the expulsion of Sarmatians from Thrace might have been accompanied
with expelling of the Scythians. It is significant that in Strabo opus Georgaphy compiled
by the end of year 17 or beginning of year 18 AD, book VII mentions Scythians living
north of Istrus river. In the territory between the rivers Dniester, Prut, and Danube the
Scythians disappear since the 2nd century BC and their reappearance in the same lands
at the end of 1st century BC or the beginning of 1st century AD may only be attributed to
some migration.
If during the campaign of 18/17 BC together with the Sarmatians from Dobrudja
have been expelled the Scythians too, it is much likely that the consequences of the Gaius
Lucius (Lucius Tarisu Rufus) march have found reflection in the Carmen Saeculare and
in one of the Odes in Horace fourth book (Hor. Carm. Saecul., 53; Hor. Carm., IV, 14.
41-44) as well as in passages of the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (Aug. Res Ges., 31). Out
these reports or from any other official documents Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus and
Annaeus Floras have learned about the Scythians and Sarmatians efforts to befriending
the Roman people (Suet. Aug., 21. 3; Flor. Epit., II. 34).
The Roman conquest of northeast Thrace provided for the nickname Scythica
to a legion which was on permanent camp in Macedonia during the reign of Octavian
August. The legion was instituted at this period and this is the reason why historians
consider that the old legio llllSorana is renamed to legio IIIIScythica. The name change
is illuminated by the legion successes against tribes in Dobrudja during Marcus Crassus
campaign in 28 BC, However it is possible that the same legion under the command of
Gaius Lucius (Lucius Tarisu Rufus) has defeated the Sarmatians (and the Scythians?) in
18/17 or 16 BC and then called Scythica. This assumption provides additional arguments
403
that in addition with the Sarmatians the Romans fought with Scythians or in Scythia.
The few uncertain data about the Scythians in Thrace during the last decades of
the 1st century BC are completed with two emissions of coins of king type minted in
Odessos between 44 and 21 BC. On the coins obverse there is the head of a man with
big beard and soft hat, while on the reverse - a rider with hand raised for greeting or
slashing with spear. The portrait has no resemblances with the images of the Thracian
kings Kotys and Rhoemetalces I on their coins, but is similar with the images of the
Scythian kings Kanites, Scylurus, and Palak. This fact makes me think that the Odessos
coins represent images of a Scythian king (or kings) whose subjects inhabited areas
close to Odessos.
The available information about the history of the Thracian kingdom under
Rhoemetalces I and his successors indicate that Dobrudja was part of the administrative
territory of a united Thracian state. It has been separated to strategias on tribal grounds.
The steppe between Lower Danube and the Black Sea was part of the strategia Daotike
named on the Daoi ethnonym. Although the ancient authors do not mention the presence
of Daoi in Thrace, it seems that this tribe defined the ethnic identity of Scythia Minor
population during the period when the strategia was instituted or not long before that
time. The European Daoi were known at the end of 1st century BC because Strabo
considers them as Dacians (Strabo. Geog., VII, 3, 12).
The Daoi who are identified as Scythians lived in western Asia and maybe
around the Azov Sea. This fact raises the question whether the Daoi in Scythia Minor
are Scythians too. Despite Strabo conviction that they are Dacians, there is no known
evidence that may identify them as such. It is just an opinion based only on the geographic
vicinity between Dacians and Daoi in Europe. It is possible that part of the Scythians in
northeast Thrace have kept the memory that their ancestors came from Huyrcania or the
Maeotian marshes and to have identified themselves as Daoi.
It seems that sometime during the second decade of the 1st century AD between
the Thracians and their northern neighbors there were some clashes because the last
mention of Scythians in Thrace presents them as enemies. Howver the nature of the
conflict between Bastarnae and Scythes on one side, and king Rhescuporis on the other,
is unknown. Tacitus reports for a waged war that caused king Rhescuporis to increase
the numbers of his troops (Tac. Annal. II, 65. 5). This war might have been either unrest
among non-Thracian tribes within the borders of the Thracian kingdom or an external
invasion.
The Scythians are not mentioned anymore in reporting events from Thrace. With
the transformation of the Thracian kingdom in Roman province in 45 or 46 AD took end
the political history for the local population of this ethnic group.
About Scythians in the Roman province of Moesia where the Istrus river flows
into the Pontus reports Pliny the Elder (Plin. NH, III, 26. 149; IV, 11.41). However both
passages do not allow to understand whether during the 1st century AD they are still
present in Dobrudja or are just mentioned in the region as a reference copied from older
authors.
404
CONCLUSION
The significant numbers of new studies for the Scythians in southeastern Europe
with references and interpretations of passages from written sources, archeological
artefacts, epigraphic monuments, and coins change slowly many of the modem and
contemporary ideas about the Scythians in Thrace. If every distinct evidence is studied
separately the impression is that they appear in the region from time to time and
disappear quickly. However, the comprehensive review of available data provides quite
different view about their presence. Despite the existence of some hiatuses due rather to
the lack of sufficient information, it may be stated that the Scythians inhabited Thrace
for centuries. They had their own kings, their own policy to their Greeks and Thracians
neighbors, as well as with some important Mediterranean kingdoms. Their history was
different and only occasionally related to the history of Scythians in Scythia. In many
ways it is the Ariadne thread to track the events in northeast Thrace during the Archaic,
Classical, and Hellenistic eras.
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
München
405
СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
ПРЕДГОВОР.7
ГЛАВА I. ГРАНИЦИ И ТЕРИТОРИАЛЕН ОБХВАТ НА СКИТИЯ И
ТРАКИЯ (VII В. ПР. Н. E.-I В. от н. е.). ГЕОГРАФСКО РАЙОНИРАНЕ НА
СКИТИТЕ В ТРАКИЯ .11
1.1. Граници и териториален обхват на Скития
(VII в. пр. н. е.֊1 в. от н. е.). Динамика на промените.11
1.2. Граници и териториален обхват на Тракия
(VII в. пр. н. е.-1 в. от н. е.). Динамика на промените .23
1.3. Скития на юг от река Дунав .26
1.4. Скити около елинските полней и скитски градове по
западния бряг на Черно море.31
ГЛАВА И. ЛЕГЕНДАРНИ РАЗКАЗИ ЗА СКИТИ В ТРАКИЯ .43
II. 1. Походи на амазонки и скити в Тракия.43
11.2. Поход на траки срещу амазонки, в който участвал
скитът Сипил.45
11.3. Скити и амазонки около река Истър.50
11.4. Скитската съпруга на тракиеца Финей .51
ГЛАВА III. ПОЛИТИЧЕСКА И ВОЕННА ИСТОРИЯ НА СКИТИТЕ
В ТРАКИЯ (КРАЯ НА VI В. ПР. Н. Е.-НАЧАЛОТО НА I В. от н. е.).57
III. 1. Заселване на скитите в Кимерия и най-ранните им
предполагаеми появи в Тракия .57
111.2. Военни и дипломатически действия на скитите в Тракия и
Елада (края на VI—първата половина на V в. пр. н. е.) .63
Ш.2.1. Походът на Дарий I (522-486 г. пр. н. е.) срещу
европейските скити.63
Ш.2.2. Скитският поход до Тракийски Херсонес и бракът на скитския
цар Ариапейт с дъщерята на одриския цар Терес I (-515-470/460? г. пр. н. е.). 75
Ш.2.3. Скитското пратеничество в Спарта.89
Ш.2.4. Скито-одриски владетелски контакти около средата
на V в. пр. н. е.93
111.3. Скитите в Тракия през IV в. пр. н. е.112
111.3.1. Войните и дипломацията на скитския цар Атей.115
111.3.2. Участието на скити във войните на елинските полней в
Северозападното Черноморие срещу македонски пълководци през
втората половина на IV в. пр. н. е.149
Ш.3.2.1. Походът на Зопирион срещу скитите.150
5
Ш.3.2.2. Скитите в съюз със западнопонтийските градове
срещу Лизимах.159
111.4. Скитите в Тракия през Ш-П в. пр. н. е.168
Ш.4Л. Епитафия на скитския владетел Аргот от Неапол .170
Ш.4.2. Посветителен надпис за цар Сариак от Тиризис
(IGBulg V, No. 5003).178
Ш.4.3. Проксениен декрет за антиохиеца Хермей, син на Асклепиодор,
от Одесос (CIG, И, No. 2056 = IGBulg. I2, No. 41).184
Ш.4.4. Монетите на скитските царе Сариак, Канит, Тануза (Танусак),
Айлис, Харасп и Акроза (Акросак) като исторически извор.192
Ш.4.5. Почетен декрет за Агатокъл, син на Антифил, от Истрия
(ISMGL I, No. 15).196
111.5. Скитите в Тракия през I в. пр. н. е.-началото на I в. от н. е.204
III.5.1. Участието на западнопонтийските скити във войните между
Митридат VI Евпатор (121/120-63 г. пр. н. е.) и Римската република.204
Ш.5.2. Разказът на Ариан за конфликт между скити и траки и
възможната му връзка с политиката на Буребиста в Тракия около средата
на I в. пр. н. е.218
Ш.5.3. Долнодунавските скити и римското завоюване на Тракия
(29 г. пр. н. е.^45 г. от н. е.).224
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ.241
ЛИТЕРАТУРА.247
СЪКРАЩЕНИЯ.296
ПРИЛОЖЕНИЕ I:
ЦИТИРАНИ ИЛИ УПОМЕНАТИ В ТЕКСТА АНТИЧНИ И
СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИ АВТОРИ.298
ПРИЛОЖЕНИЕ II:
ПОДБРАНИ ПИСМЕНИ ИЗВОРИ.301
ПОКАЗАЛЕЦ НА ЛИЧНИ, ГЕОГРАФСКИ И НАРОДНОСТНИ
ИМЕНА.335
THE SCYTHIANS IN THRACE (7th century BC — 1st century AD).
PART I. WRITTEN SOURCES FOR SCYTHIANS IN THRACE.369
6 |
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| building | Verbundindex |
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| era | Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-100 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-100 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Thrakien (DE-588)4078277-3 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Thrakien |
| id | DE-604.BV043320516 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-03T18:01:03Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9786197079692 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028740963 |
| oclc_num | 954252674 |
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| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 406 Seiten Illustgrationen, Karten |
| publishDate | 2015 |
| publishDateSearch | 2015 |
| publishDateSort | 2015 |
| publisher | Ongăl |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Lazarenko, Igor 1972- Verfasser (DE-588)1036382389 aut Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace 1 Čast Pismeni izvori za skitite v Trakija Igor Lazarenko Varna Ongăl 2015 406 Seiten Illustgrationen, Karten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Text bulgarisch Kyrillische Schrift Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-100 gnd rswk-swf Inschrift (DE-588)4027107-9 gnd rswk-swf Skythen (DE-588)4055278-0 gnd rswk-swf Thrakien (DE-588)4078277-3 gnd rswk-swf Thrakien (DE-588)4078277-3 g Skythen (DE-588)4055278-0 s Inschrift (DE-588)4027107-9 s Geschichte 700 v. Chr.-100 z DE-604 (DE-604)BV043320482 1 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028740963&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028740963&sequence=000002&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Lazarenko, Igor 1972- Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace Inschrift (DE-588)4027107-9 gnd Skythen (DE-588)4055278-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4027107-9 (DE-588)4055278-0 (DE-588)4078277-3 |
| title | Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace |
| title_auth | Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace |
| title_exact_search | Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace |
| title_full | Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace 1 Čast Pismeni izvori za skitite v Trakija Igor Lazarenko |
| title_fullStr | Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace 1 Čast Pismeni izvori za skitite v Trakija Igor Lazarenko |
| title_full_unstemmed | Skitite v Trakija (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) = Written sources for Scythians in Thrace 1 Čast Pismeni izvori za skitite v Trakija Igor Lazarenko |
| title_short | Skitite v Trakija |
| title_sort | skitite v trakija vii v pr n e i v ot n e written sources for scythians in thrace cast pismeni izvori za skitite v trakija |
| title_sub | (VII v. pr. n. e.-I v. ot n. e.) |
| topic | Inschrift (DE-588)4027107-9 gnd Skythen (DE-588)4055278-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Inschrift Skythen Thrakien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028740963&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028740963&sequence=000002&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV043320482 |
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