Sentence and discourse:
Gespeichert in:
| Weitere Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | English |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Oxford
Oxford University Press
2015
|
| Ausgabe: | First edition |
| Schriftenreihe: | Oxford studies in theoretical linguistics
60 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | xix, 310 Seiten |
| ISBN: | 9780198739425 9780198739418 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | CONTENTS
GENERAL PREFACE XIII
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS XIV
ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS XVII
1 INTRODUCTION I
JACQUELINE GUERON
1.1 PRESENTATION OF THE VOLUME X
1.1.1 SENTENCE GRAMMAR AND DISCOURSE RELATIONS 3
1.1.2 THE SPEAKER AND THE SUBJECT 8
1.1.3 SENTENCE, DISCOURSE, AND TIME 9
1.2 CONTENTS OF THE VOLUME 11
1.2.1 FROM SENTENCE GRAMMAR TO DISCOURSE 11
1.2.2 FROM DISCOURSE TO SENTENCE GRAMMAR 15
PART I. FROM SENTENCE TO DISCOURSE
2 ON THE TEMPORAL ORIENTATION OF INTENSIONAL SUBJUNCTIVES IN SPANISH 23
BRENDA LACA
2.1 INTENSIONAL VERSUS POLARITY SUBJUNCTIVES 23
2.2 THE TEMPORAL ORIENTATION OF MATRIX VERBS SELECTING INTENSIONAL
SUBJUNCTIVES 25
2.3 THE SEMANTICS OF VOLITIONALS 32
2.3.1 VOLITIONALS AS ATTITUDES OF PREFERENCE 32
2.3.2 VOLITIONALS AS DISPOSITIONS TO ACT 35
2.4 VOLITIONALS, EVALUATIVE-FACTIVES, AND COUNTERFACTUAL MORPHOLOGY 38
2.5 CONCLUSION AND OUTLOOK 41
3 RUSSIAN ASPECT IN FINITE AND NON-FINITE MODES: FROM SYNTAX TO
INFORMATION STRUCTURE 45
ERIC CONE
3.1 TRADITIONAL ACCOUNTS OF THE ASPECTUAL OPPOSITION 47
3.1.1 SITUATION ASPECT AND VIEWPOINT ASPECT 47
3.1.2 CONVENTIONS OF USE OR PARTICULAR SENSES 48
3-2 VA IS NEUTRAL, SA IS GRAMMATICIZED 50
3.2.1 PREFIXES ARE QUANTITY MARKERS 50
3.2.2 WHAT IS TELICITY? 52
3.2.3 SA IS GRAMMATICIZED, VA IS NEUTRAL 54
VIII CONTENTS
3.3 FROM SYNTAX TO DISCOURSE: THE CASE OF INFINITIVES 56
3.3.1 CORPUS RESULTS 57
3.3.2 COMMENTARY 61
3.3.3 SYNTACTIC STRUCTURE AND DISCOURSE INTERACTION 63
3.4 CONCLUSION 66
4 {A/A}SPECT/DISCOURSE INTERACTIONS 67
LILIANE TASMOWSKI
4.1 THE IMPARFAIT/PASSE SIMPLE (IMPF/PS) TENSES AND (EXTERNAL)
TEMPORAL ASPECT 68
4.1.1 THE ROLE OF THE OPPOSITION IMPF/PS IN THE IDENTIFICATION OF
MODES OF DISCOURSE 68
4.1.2 THE PS/IMPF OPPOSITION 70
4.2 MODES OF ACTION AND THE REPRESENTATION OF AKTIONSART 70
4.2.1 THE ROLE OF AKTIONSART IN THE GRAMMAR 70
4.2.2 THE EXPRESSION OF TELICITY IN ROMANCE AND GERMANIC LANGUAGES 72
4.2.3 TELICITY IN SLAVIC LANGUAGES 73
4.3 EXAMINATION OF A CORPUS 75
4.4 TOWARDS A SOLUTION 81
4.4.1 DISCOURSE REFERENTS 81
4.4.2 ARTICLED DEFINITE N
P[
VERSUS UNARTICLED BARE INDEFINITE 0 N
PL
85
4.4.3 THE DEFINITE ARTICLE, A CHOICE BY DEFAULT? 87
4.4.4 THE DEFINITE ARTICLE, A CONDITIONED CHOICE BY DEFAULT 89
4.5 CONCLUSION 91
5 TIME TALK IN NARRATIVE DISCOURSE: EVIDENCE FROM CHILD AND ADULT
LANGUAGE ACQUISITION 92
MAYA HICKMANN AND HENRIETTE HENDRIKS
5.1 INTRODUCTION 92
5.1.1 TEMPORALITY ACROSS LANGUAGES 93
5.1.2 TEMPORALITY IN CHILD LANGUAGE 96
5.2 TEMPORAL-ASPECTUAL MARKINGS IN CHILDREN S NARRATIVES 100
5.2.1 METHOD 100
5.2.2 RESULTS 102
5.2.3 SUMMARY OF CHILD DATA 110
5.3 COMPARATIVE DATA FROM ADULTS LEARNING A SECOND LANGUAGE 111
5.3.1 METHOD 111
5.3.2 SYNTHESIS OF RESULTS 112
5.4 DISCUSSION 113
5.4.1 SUMMARY OF RESULTS 113
5.4.2 GENERAL COGNITIVE DETERMINANTS 115
CONTENTS IX
5.4.3 LANGUAGE-SPECIFIC DETERMINANTS 115
544 LEVELS OF LINGUISTIC ORGANIZATION: FUNCTIONAL DETERMINANTS 117
5.5 CONCLUDING REMARKS 118
APPENDIX: PICTURE SEQUENCES USED AS STIMULI 119
6 ON THE SYNTAX OF MODALITY AND THE ACTUALITY ENTAILMENT 121
JACQUELINE GUERON
6.1 INTRODUCTION: THE ACTUALITY ENTAILMENT 121
6.2 ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE SYNTACTIC HYPOTHESIS 123
6.2.1 THE DATA ARE NOT SOLID 123
6.2.2 THE AE IS NOT LIMITED TO MODAL AUXILIARIES IN ENGLISH 124
6.2.3 NO NEED FOR TWO MODAL POSITIONS 125
6.2.4 AE WITHOUT MODALS 126
6.2.5 THE ASPECT PROJECTION 128
6.2.6 AGENTIVITY 130
6.3 TOWARDS AN ALTERNATIVE HYPOTHESIS 131
6.3.1 TENSE AND ASPECT AS FORMAL FEATURES 131
6.3.2 OPERATORS VERSUS VERBS 132
6.3.3 VERBAL SCENARIOS 133
6.3.4 THE AGENTIVE PARADOX 135
6.3.5 ASPECT 137
6.3.6 MODALITY AND DISCOURS 137
6.4 CONCLUSION 138
PART II. FROM DISCOURSE TO SENTENCE
7 IMPLICATURES AND GRAMMAR 143
NICHOLAS ASHER
7.1 INTRODUCTION 143
7.2 PRELIMINARIES 144
7.3 MOVING TO STRATEGIC CONVERSATION 149
7.4 THE MODEL 154
7.5 BACK TO IMPLICATURES 159
7.6 CONCLUSIONS 161
8 PERFECT PUZZLES IN DISCOURSE 162
NICHOLAS ASHER AND JACQUELINE GUERON
8.1 INTRODUCTION 162
8.2 PANCHEVA AND VON STECHOW S EXPLANATION 162
8.3 SOME ASSUMPTIONS ABOUT ASPECT IN ENGLISH VERSUS GERMAN AND FRENCH
163
8.3.1 THE SECOND PUZZLE: PERFECT WITH THE PAST TENSE 164
CONTENTS
8.4 MOVING TO DISCOURSE 167
8.4.1 PERFECTS WITH DISCOURSE STRUCTURE 170
8.5 CONCLUSIONS 177
9 THE PASSE COMPOST IN OLD FRENCH AND MODERN FRENCH: EVOLUTION
OR REVOLUTION? 178
PATRICK CAUDAL
9.1 INTRODUCTION 178
9.2 ASSESSING THE LATE PERFECTIVIZATION HYPOTHESIS: BASIC TENETS
AND EVIDENCE 181
9.2.1 THE LATE PERFECTIVIZATION HYPOTHESIS: THE OF PC AS AN INTERMEDIATE
FORM BETWEEN A RESULTATIVE PRESENT AND A FULL PERFECT 181
9.2.2 ARGUMENTS FOR THE LATE PERFECTIVIZATION HYPOTHESIS 183
9.3 RE-ASSESSING THE PERFECTIVIZATION OF THE PC IN OF: NEW DATA
AND ANALYSIS 187
9.3.1 THE PRESENT COMPONENT OF THE PC IN NARRATIVE USES:
IMPERFECTIVE OR PERFECTIVE VIEWPOINT? 187
9.3.2 SOE USES OF THE OF PC: WEAK (INCHOATIVE) OR STRONG
PERFECTIVE USES? 188
9.3.3 WHY THE STANDARD LATE PERFECTIVIZATION HYPOTHESIS IS NOT FULLY
SATISFYING 193
9.4 COMBINING AN INNOVATIVE PRAGMATICS WITH A CONSERVATIVE SEMANTICS
TO ACCOUNT FOR THE PERFECTIVE USES OF THE PC IN OF 196
9.4.1 OUTLINING A NOVEL, COMPOSITE ACCOUNT 196
9.4.2 THE DYNAMIC HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ISSUE: AGENTIVITY VERSUS
SOE CONTEXTS 198
9.5 CONCLUSION: AN EVOLUTION RATHER THAN A REVOLUTION 199
APPENDIX I: CORPUS ANALYSIS 201
APPENDIX II: FORMAL IMPLEMENTATION 203
10 POLYPHONIC UTTERANCES: ALTERNATION OF PRESENT AND PAST IN REPORTED
SPEECH AND THOUGHTS IN RUSSIAN 206
SVETLANA VOGELEER
10.1 AIMS 206
10.2 DIFFERENT APPROACHES TO PRONOUNS AND TENSES IN ID AND FID 207
10.3 TENSES IN FRENCH AND RUSSIAN REPORTED SPEECH 210
10.3.1 THE FRENCH SOT 210
10.3.2 THE RUSSIAN NON-SOT 211
10.4 DE RE, DE DICTO, AND DE SE READINGS OF PRONOUNS 212
10.5 TENSES IN ID UNDER SAYING PREDICATES 214
CONTENTS XI
10.5.1 DE RE READING OF TENSES 215
10.5.2 IMPARFAIT VERSUS PRESENT IN FRENCH 216
10.5.3 DE DICTO AND DE RE PRESENT IN RUSSIAN 217
10.5.4 OVERLAPPING IMPERF-PST UNDER SAYING PREDICATES 220
10.5.5 SHORT CONCLUSION 222
10.6 PRESENT AND PAST UNDER COGNITIVE FACTIVE PREDICATES 222
10.7 FROM ID TO (QUASI-)FID 226
10.7.1 COLON AND PRIMACY OF DIRECT DISCOURSE 226
10.7.2 BIVOCAL (QUASI-)FID 228
10.8 CONCLUSION 230
11 FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE AND THE SYNTAX OF THE LEFT PERIPHERY 232
ALESSANDRA GIORGI
11.1 INTRODUCTION 232
11.2 FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE: THE PROPERTIES 233
11.3 THE SYNTAX OF THE SPEAKER S TEMPORAL COORDINATE 234
11.4 FID AND THE C-SPEAKER PROJECTION 238
11.4.1 TEMPORAL LOCUTIONS AND THE ROLE OF THE SPEAKER 238
11.4.2 TENSES 242
11.4.3 SOME GENERALIZATIONS 245
11.5 TOWARDS A SYNTAX OF FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE 245
11.5.1 THE SYNTAX OF TENSE IN FID SENTENCES 245
11.5.2 ON THE SYNTAX OF THE INTRODUCING PREDICATE 249
11.6 CONCLUSIONS 255
12 SUBJECTIVITY AND FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE 256
JACQUELINE GUERON
12.1 SUBJECTIVITY 256
12.2 LITERATURE 257
12.2.1 THE POWER OF LITERATURE 257
12.2.2 UNSPEAKABLE SENTENCES 258
12.2.3 ICONIC EFFECTS: THE INTERACTION OF THE ORDINARY AND THE
LITERARY GRAMMARS 259
12.2.4 WHAT THE LITERARY TEXT LACKS 263
12.3 SUBJECT OF CONSCIOUSNESS VERSUS POINT OF VIEW 263
12.4 FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE 265
12.4.1 THE PROPERTIES OF FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE 265
12.4.2 THE GRAMMAR OF FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE 267
12.4.3 THE SYNTACTIC STRUCTURES OF DIRECT SPEECH, INDIRECT SPEECH,
AND FREE INDIRECT SPEECH (FID/RST) 270
XII CONTENTS
12.4.4 THE GRAMMATICAL STATUS OF THE FID TEXT 279
12.4.5 FREE INDIRECT DISCOURSE IN SITU 280
12.5 CONCLUSION 281
APPENDIX: FID IS NOT AN ATTITUDE REPORT 282
REFERENCES 287
INDEX 307
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