Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm: genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm
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| Main Author: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Book |
| Language: | Bulgarian |
| Published: |
Sofija
Tip-Top Pres
2015
|
| Edition: | 1. izd. |
| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Item Description: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Bulgarian transition from socialism to capitalism |
| Physical Description: | 535 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789547231504 |
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532
Проф. д.ф.н. МИ
Съдържание
Увод 1
Глава първа
Смяната на държавната с частна собственост (приватизацията) -
„основата на основите“ на прехода от социализъм към капитализъм
(на постсоциалистическата реставрация на капитализма) 31
1. Приватизацията като крупномащабно (узаконено) ограбване
на народа 31
2. Приватизационно, реприватизационно и следприватизационно
данъчно ограбване на народа 56
3. Приватизация и деприватизация (национализация и конфискация) 66
4. Неолибералният мит за „свещената и неприкосновена“ частна
собственост и „абсолютната“ необходимост (и неизбежност)
на приватизацията! 77
5. Приватизацията и взаимната зависимост на икономическата
ефективност и социалната справедливост 94
Глава втора
Пазарен социализъм „с китайска специфика“ и постсоциалистически
еврокапитализъм (сравнителен анализ) 123
1. Капиталистическа или социалистическа смесена пазарна
икономика 123
2. „Държавен капитализъм“ или „държавен социализъм“.
Китайските комунисти като строители на социализма
или на „ капитализма“!? 139 3
3. Китайски и „американски“ социализъм.
От приватизация към „социализация на печалбите“
152
БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ ПРЕХОД ОТ СОЦИАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ КАПИТАЛИЗЪМ 533
4. Китайски „пазарен социализъм“
и руски „олигархически капитализъм“ 166
5. Идейно-политически механизми за предотвратяване
реставрацията на капитализма и развитието на пазарния социализъм 183
Глава трета
Гибелта на „реалния социализъм“ (съветски и европейски)
и реставрацията на капитализма.
Причини, механизми и последици 199
1. СССР губи „студената война“ не толкова на икономическия,
колкото на идеологическия терен 199
2. Идеологическата диверсия и ерозията на ценностите -
решаващ фактор за гибелта на „реалния социализъм“.
Развитие на класовата борба при социализма 221
3. Вътрешният „гробокопач“ на социализма.
Превръщане на „номенклатурата“ в „компрадорска“ буржоазия 234
4. Историческата отговорност на късните съветско-руски
поколения за гибелта на европейския социализъм.
Активната роля на родената от социализма интелигенция
в реставрацията на олигархическия капитализъм 258
Глава четвърта
Революция или (постсоциалистическа) реставрация
на капитализма. „Нежни“ и „цветни“ революции 274
1. Превръщането на революцията от „оръжие на народа“
в „оръжие против народа“. Истински и „манипулативни“
(„цветни“) революции 274
2. Изчерпаният „лимит от революции“ и опасността от „гражданска
война“. Или как комунистите „предават без бой“ социализма! 285 3
3. Ролята на „социалдемократизираните“ комунисти
в трансформирането на „реалния социализъм“
в „олигархически капитализъм“ 299
534
Проф. д.ф.н. МИТРЮ ЯНКОВ
4. Украинските „цветните революции“ и новата „информационно-
психологическа и финансово-икономическа война“ срещу Русия 310
5. Геостратегическите („украински“) цели на Запада
и „сатанизирането“ на Русия и Путин 327
Глава пета
Социално-класови и идейно-политически трансформации
в постсоциалистическия капитализъм 357
1. Възникване, структуриране и развитие
на постсоциалистическата буржоазия.
„Червено-розовото ядро“ на новата компрадорска буржоазия 357
2. Постсоциалистическата буржоазия и вътрешнопартийният
„дуализъм“ на новата социалдемокрация: лява членска маса
и десен (неолиберално социално-икономически ориентиран)
ръководен елит 375
3. Компрадорската буржоазия и „средната класа“
в постсоциалистическия капитализъм 393
4. „Средната класа“ и неразличимостта на постсоциалистическия
„ляв“ и „десен“ политически център 413
Глава шеста
Нов етап в развитието на перманентната криза
на постсоциалистическия капитализъм.
Продължаване на идеологическата и политическа конфронтация 425
1. Изостряне на борбата между различните кланове
на „олигарсите“ и „бунтът“ на софийската „средна класа“ 425
2. Манипулативно-идеологическо объркване на „лявото“
с „дясното“ като адекватен политически израз на интересите
на едрата (и средна) компрадорска буржоазия 446 3
3. „Политическият диалог“ в социално поляризирано общество.
Когато „идеологическите богове“ (на финансовата олигархия)
говорят, „фактите трябва да мълчат“! 467
БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ ПРЕХОД ОТ СОЦИАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ КАПИТАЛИЗЪМ
535
4. Ние „получихме“ тъкмо такъв капитализъм, какъвто
заслужаваме. Приносът на „десните“ и „левите“ 478
5. „Национално единство“ в дълбоко класово разделено общество 493
Заключителни размисли
Опасността от национално демографска катастрофа 501
Литература 505
Резюме 516
Summary
524
524
rjpo j). d.tfi.H.MMTPIO miKOB
Bulgarian Transition from Socialism
to Capitalism
Genesis and Distinctive Traits
of the Post-socialist Capitalism
Summary
This book contains profound analysis from philosophically-methodolog-
ical, political-economic, socio-political, and ideological perspective of the Bul-
garian transition from socialism to capitalism, including of the genesis, its dis-
tinctive traits and the development stages of the post-socialistic comprador-oli-
garchic capitalism. The anti-industrializational and anti-social consequences
of the industry’s destruction through privatization and the embezzlement of its
remaining bits for despicably low price from the elite’s privileged groups and
its Western auspices is illustrated through comparative analysis. On one hand,
the simple, reoccurring and uncompromising ‘recipes’ of the IMF and the WB
(and later, of the EU and the ECB) for a liberalization with a shocking ef-
fect, deregulation and privatization in Russia and other Eastern-European and
Post-Soviet states, is being compared to the continuous, gradual and socio-ori-
ented market reforms in socialist China. The study depicts the full ultra-liberal
socio-economic and socio-political movement towards the old Latin-American
oligarchic model of the capitalism, which few of these countries have already
started to overcome.
The analysis start with the ‘basics of the basics’ of the transition from
socialism to capitalism and the restoration of the post-socialist capitalism -
the privatization as a change of the state (community)-owned property with
the private (capitalistic)-owned property. The privatization is considered as
an essential substantial core, the economic basis of the neo-liberal transition
from socialism to capitalism. Regardless of how paradoxical it may sound, it
must be stated that our (European and Soviet) socialism was liquidated while
the capitalism was restored based on Marxists ‘recipes’, but by anti-Marxists
producers! The change in property is the ‘key’ in the radical change of any so-
cio-economic system, including the transformation of socialism to capitalism.
БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ ПРЕХОД ОТ СОЦИАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ КАПИТАЛИЗЪМ
525
Without a formally legalized change of the state (community) property with the
private property it would not be possible to ‘legitimize’ the capitalist principle
of distribution - another fundamental element of the economic basis for the
post-socialist system’s formation.
In fact, privatization has been imposed as absolutely necessary not due
to the ‘absolute’ economic effectiveness of the private property and the inef-
fectiveness of the state property (as the fundamental neo-liberal dogma states),
but due to the capitalist way of stripping maximum profit (high income and
enormous wealth) from a few sizable private owners and top managers. Thus,
in practice, it is driven not so much by economic reasons, but by social class
reasons, both ideological and political. Although privatization is actually the
result of values’ continuous ideological erosion and is being nurtured with a
surpassing political shift of power (named as ‘soft’ or ‘color’ revolutionary
instead of contra-revolutionary), which is enacted as a powerful administrative
regulatory act of redistribution of wealth and resources in favor of the elite
and its Western masters, the privatization ensures to a large extent an objec-
tively-economic basis for an inevitable restoration and affirmation of the sys-
tem - a post-socialist and comprador-oligarchic capitalism. The privatization
is prepared, outstripped, accompanied, and mainly enacted as a gigantically
ideological, legal and political, administratively-governing, and socio-psycho-
logical system of operations. The results of it, without being economically de-
termined, are predefining to a great extent the objectively-economic basis of its
transition’s inevitable character from socialism to capitalism.
The first chapter discusses the following and other related fundamental
questions, such as: Why the rapid and total privatization is being inevitably
enacted under the real market value of the state (communal and corporative)
assets and in its essence it is a colossal ‘legalized’ theft of the nation, which
has never been seen in the course of history? Why the corruption and criminal
embezzlements during the transition (directly linked to the privatization) con-
stitute an incomparable to its size robbery? Why the privatization’s speediness
and comprehensiveness, which were driven solely by social class, political and
ideological reasons and were aimed at the immediate and inevitable change
of the system, have as a consequence an unforeseeable economic destruction
and state deindustrialization? Why privatization, together with liberalization
and deregulation, puts all property and wealth in the hands of a tiny minority
of local ‘oligarchs’, mainly Western capitalists, and immediately subjects the
remaining majority of the society (which has been expropriated from its prop-
erty and wealth) to severe exploitation and social misery (massive levels of un-
526
Tlpo(p. d.tp.H.MHTPIOJIHKOB
employment and economic immigration; educational, social and demographic
degradation)? Why is it normal for Western countries to have 20-30% or even
higher percentage of state-owned property while in Bulgaria (as well as in Rus-
sia and other Post-Soviet states) it is strongly insisted for 100% privatization?
Why in the US and other developed capitalist states a massive deprivatization
was made (at least in times of crises, such as the one in 2008-2009) while in
Bulgaria the sole mentioning of it immediately caused an ‘allergic reaction’
amongst the elite and its Western mentors?
In the second and third chapters of the book the Bulgarian transition is
put in the context of comparative analysis with the Chinese and Post-Soviet
(Russian) model of market reforms. The main questions discussed in the anal-
ysis are linked to the intrinsically different socio-economic and social class
results of these two models for market reforms. The Chinese model shows a
steady rapid technological and socio-economic development, unfamiliar and
never observed in history, with an average annual GDP increase of 9-10% for
more than 35 years. The result is that by the end of 2014 and the beginning
of 2015 China reached and even surpassed the US in terms of GDP based on
purchasing power. When it comes to the Russian and Bulgarian market models,
instead of development, one easily observes an unknown to history decline
with decades due to privatizationally wrecking deindustrialization and initial
GDP contraction of 40-50%. The enormous social and demographical losses
and victims, which are conveniently proclaimed (with the help of ideological
manipulation) for unavoidable in any market transition by our Eastern-Europe-
an and Russian neo-liberals, also have to be considered. In the case of China,
the reforms lead to preservation and development of the ‘market socialism with
Chinese specifics’ while in the second case — the reforms lead to a compra-
dor-oligarchic capitalism.
It is true that the right-wing and also, quite often, the left-wing critics
(especially the left-central critics) consider that the Chinese market model is
capitalist or state-capitalist model because of the significand and broad private
sector’s presence, sizable capitalist property, and the presence of millionaires
and billionaires. Due to this and other similar speculations, the book analyses
the compelling differences between market-socialist mixed economy and mar-
ket-capitalist mixed economy as well as the corresponding social class strati-
fications. The market-socialist mixed economy is dominated by the state and
community property in strategical sectors and by the planned governing of the
market. As a result of that, any significant and deep crises are being avoid-
ed and the dominance of the socialist principle of re-distribution amongst the
БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ ПРЕХОД ОТ СОЦИАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ КАПИТАЛИЗЪМ
527
whole society over the capitalist principle is being ensured. In this way the gen-
eral social level of all classes is increasing while the number of impoverished
population is rapidly depreciating (during the last ten-fifteen years in China the
number of poor has decreased by 250-300 millions). Under these circumstanc-
es, the Chinese millionaires and billionaires, who play an important role in the
financial-economic and information-technological relations, cannot transform
into a dominant political and ideological social class, unlike the Russian and
Bulgarian ‘oligarchs’. In the socio-economic and social class aspect the Chi-
nese model of market reforms, although significantly adapted to fit the present
conditions, is a specific version of NEP (the so-called ‘New Economic Poli-
cy’), which was created by the ‘father’ of the ‘Soviet Socialism’ V. I. Lenin.
In the light of the successful market reformation and the development of
Chinese socialism, the analysis continue with a discussion of the reasons for
the Soviet (Bulgarian and European) socialism’s destruction and the transition
to post-socialist oligarchic capitalism. The dominating opinion for the fatal,
unavoidable, economically pre-determined doom of the Soviet socialism is be-
ing unconditionally denied by the author. This theory, having in mind that the
socialist character of China is not being acknowledged, would mean accepting
a pre-determined end of the socialism in general. In reality, the successful mar-
ket reformation and the development of Chinese socialism (the same applies
also to Vietnamese, Belarusian, Cubin and Laos socialism) is a clear evidence
of the opposite. The Soviet (Bulgarian and Eastern-European) socialism could
have been also reformed during the last century (end of the 80ths and the be-
ginning of the 90ths) through market reforms without the restoration of capi-
talism. This is significant evidence that not all market reforms inevitably lead
to the doom of socialism and the restoration of capitalism.
The main thesis of the author is the following: the Soviet socialism (in-
cluding the Bulgarian and the Eastern-European socialism to the extent that
after the fall of the Soviet Union our faith primarily depends on the West)
was defeated not ‘economically’, but ideologically and politically. The Soviet
Union lost the ‘Cold War’ ideologically and also in terms of internal politics.
Prior and after the Second World War, the Soviet Union had developed without
any major crisis and even with a slightly higher pace than the current Chinese
one. From the 50s to the middle 80s of the 20th century, the pace of the Soviet
Union’s development exceeds few times the economic increase of the US. Even
in some fields (such as galaxy/launch missiles) the Americans had already been
surpassed back in the 60s-70s of the 20th century. It is with no doubt that the
Soviet Union would have surpassed economically the US at the first decade
528
nPo(p. d.rp.H.MHTPK) HHKOB
of the 21st century if there had not been devastating ideological and political
internal deformations (erosion of the elite’s socialist values and other broader
social groups; transformation of the nomenclatures from a potential into real
internal political ‘tomb-digger’ of the socialism) and if the Chinese market-so-
cialist model of reforms had been used. In essence, it is this real economic and
social threat (and not military threat) that forces the West and its political elite
to enforce with all possible measures the ‘Cold War’ in favor of any internal
ideological and political factors that could contribute to the Soviet Union’s de-
struction. Consequently, the question for the possible preservation (including
any development through market reforms) and the demolition of the Soviet
Union and the European socialism is imminently and primarily a political and
an ideological one.
Further to that, the ‘powerful’ economic and technological Western cap-
italism is being periodically saved in times of deep economic crisis (for ex-
ample, during the Great Depression in 1929-1933 and the Global Financial
Crisis in 2008-2009) with the help of politically taken decisions for massive
nationalization and significant state regulations. Especially during the Glob-
al Financial Crisis in 2008-2009, the bankruptcy of several leading Ameri-
can banks and transnational corporations, significantly endangering the whole
system, was avoided by political decisions for their temporary d-privatization
and radical state regulation. In order to achieve that, the governments of the
developed capitalistic states spent more than 2 billion dollars from tax returns.
These actions clearly illustrate the large economic power of the state property
and state regulations in comparison to the private property and a maximally de-
regulated market. It remains incomprehensible how, firstly, the ‘all-powerful’
private property and the ‘invisible hand’ cause regularly profound economic
crises, endangering the sole existence of the capitalist system, and, secondly,
how they cannot handle alone the crises and need the decisive help of the ‘bad’
state, which comes in the form of nationalization and state regulation.
Unfortunately, unlike the Western capitalism, our socialism does not
analogically form any effective, political and ideological mechanisms for its
preservation and further development. At first glance such statement would
contradict the Marxists materialistic conception of history. However, it must
not be forgotten that, according to Marx, all ideas materialize once they em-
power the masses. The neo-liberal dogmas for the ‘sacred and inviolable pri-
vate property’, the ‘market machine’, and the ‘bad’ state (state property and
state planning) are all being transformed in a material power for the socialism’s
destruction and the capitalism’s restoration by prevailing over (with the help of
БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ ПРЕХОД ОТ СОЦИАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ КАПИТАЛИЗЪМ
529
ideological manipulations) the elite and other important social groups (work-
ers, peasants, and intelligence). This phenomenon took place in Bulgaria, in
Russia, and in other Eastern-European and Post-Soviet states at the end of the
80s and the beginning of the 90s of the 20th century.
The book further analyses the socio-economical, socio-political, ideo-
logical, socio- valuable, and other aspects that are coming into play when a
subject of state and community’s governance (coming from particular groups
and representatives of the Soviet elite, especially from its highest branches) is
being transformed. The subject would firstly turn into a potential ‘tomb-dig-
ger’ (at the end of the 70s and the first half of the 80s), following by its trans-
formation in a real) internal ‘tomb-digger’ of the socialism and titular of the
private property and wealth (at the end of 80s and the beginning of 90s. In es-
sence, the transformation is from subject of governance with limited and more
informal privileges into titular (private owner) of the privatized state-owned
property with all ‘legitimized’ rights steaming out of this function, such as em-
bezzlement of maximum profits and high income. Under the decisive external
Western support and the neo-liberal substitution of values for important social
groups, the political elite transforms from a potential to a real tomb-digger of
the socialism. It translates into a ‘red-pink nucleus’ of the post-socialist com-
prador (dependent on the large foreign capital) bourgeoisie. Additionally to
this post-socialist nomenclature - the ‘red-pink nucleus’, there are two other
relatively distinctive groups in this new post-socialist comprador bourgeoisie.
The first one is formed from privatizationally-restituted reawakened heirs and
reconstructed bits of the pre-socialist bourgeoisie while the second group con-
sists of criminal and semi-criminal ‘oligarchic’ elements, which are either in
direct violation of privatization and other laws or are borderlining such viola-
tions.
A major role in this process is played by the ideologically-political trans-
formation of the ex-governing party into social democratic party with neo-lib-
eral and right-focused governing elite. In essence, what happens in countries
like ours is the sole split of the ex-governing party and its elite into social dem-
ocratic left party and new ‘authentic’ right party. The right party is focused on
common neo-liberal economic policies, mainly in the interest of relatively dif-
ferent branches of the new post-socialist comprador bourgeoisie and the large
Western capital. As in the case of BSP (Bulgarian Socialist Party), the social
democratic formation, which resulted from this type of transformation, is es-
sentially a ‘dualistic hybrid’ from neo-liberal (socio-economic) right (pro-capi-
talistic) oriented governing elite and left oriented membership mass - to a large
530
ripocp. d.tp.H. MH
extent, the mass is united by their intrinsically intuitive anti-capitalist feelings.
However, the mass has started to disappear with a fast pace and currently, af-
ter half a century, it is reaching an endangering for its existence minimum of
members. Despite that, the long-lasting patience of this diminishing left an-
ti-capitalist oriented membership mass towards the right-oriented, social dem-
ocratic, neo-liberal and pro-capitalist governance of BSP, is definitely unusual
and quite surprising.
If we set aside some exceptions, such as the well-preserved modern
Marxists-communist formations (in the Czech Republic and Russia), which are
well adapted to the new conditions, it is extremely stunning to note the absolute
social-democratization into right neo-liberal socio-economic formations of al-
most all other ex-governing parties from the post-socialist and Eastern-Euro-
pean territories. At first glance, it looks baffling why the communists, who had
protected their ideass with persistence, determination, and even some fanati-
cism; who had defended their ideas through long-lasting and massive battles
during revolutions, civil uprisings and the World War at the beginning and the
middle of the 20th century and had sacrificed numerous victims, ended up giv-
ing up communism so easily and without a fight at the end of the same century.
In fact, to a large extent, they all have transformed themselves into right-ori-
ented social democratic pro-capitalist formations and have reconciled with the
restoration of the capitalism in its outrageous oligarchical nature, which makes
it a system that is not to be applied even in Third World Countries. The change
in generations, the social and political candidness, the inexperience and im-
maturity of the ex-exploited and poor classes that have suddenly ended up in
power for the first time in history after the October Revolution and the Second
World War as well as their (the classes’ heirs and representatives) socio-eco-
nomic and ideologically-political susceptibility to the manners of the ‘bour-
geoisie’ could explain to a large extent, but not entirely, this colossal and rapid
‘socio-masochistic’ turn. The traditionally wealthy, who are usually formed
by inheritance and own large resources and property, are having a significant
historical experience and high socio-political culture. They would not give up
their well-privileged monopolistic financial-economic positions in the society
without a fight. At least, until now the history has not seen such an example.
The analysis further touch upon other questions related to the demise
of the European (and Soviet) socialism and the strengthening of positions and
development of the post-socialist capitalism, such as: the transformation of the
revolution from a historical immanent ‘weapon of the nation’ for protection
of its strategic interests to ‘weapon against the nation’; relations between the
БЪЛГАРСКИЯТ ПРЕХОД ОТ СОЦИАЛИЗЪМ КЪМ КАПИТАЛИЗЪМ
531
real national revolutions and the ‘manipulative’ revolutions (such as ‘soft’ and
‘color’ revolutions). Special attention is being given to the newest ‘color rev-
olutions’, like the Ukrainian ‘orange-color’ revolution in 2013-2014 and the
current information-psychological and financial-economic ‘war’ between the
West and Russia. A concrete inquiry is being made into the newest intensifica-
tion stages of the post-socialist capitalism and its permanent crisis; of the fact
that we all - Bulgarians, Russians, and others - ‘received’ the capitalism that
we all deserved. Questions, related to the deepening of negative anti-social oli-
garchic-capitalist developments, are almost inevitable in small countries like
Bulgaria since such deepening causes a real danger of devastating ultra-liberal
socio-economic politics, of national-demographic catastrophe, and others. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Jankov, Mitrju 1935- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)172167078 |
| author_facet | Jankov, Mitrju 1935- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Jankov, Mitrju 1935- |
| author_variant | m j mj |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV042736038 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)919472630 (DE-599)BVBBV042736038 |
| edition | 1. izd. |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Bulgarien |
| id | DE-604.BV042736038 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:11:20Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789547231504 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-028166999 |
| oclc_num | 919472630 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 535 S. |
| publishDate | 2015 |
| publishDateSearch | 2015 |
| publishDateSort | 2015 |
| publisher | Tip-Top Pres |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Jankov, Mitrju 1935- Verfasser (DE-588)172167078 aut Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm Mitrju Jankov 1. izd. Sofija Tip-Top Pres 2015 535 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Bulgarian transition from socialism to capitalism Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd rswk-swf Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd rswk-swf Postkommunismus (DE-588)4998161-4 gnd rswk-swf Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd rswk-swf Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 gnd rswk-swf Bulgarien (DE-588)4008866-2 g Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 s Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 s Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 s Postkommunismus (DE-588)4998161-4 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028166999&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028166999&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Jankov, Mitrju 1935- Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd Postkommunismus (DE-588)4998161-4 gnd Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4060633-8 (DE-588)4117663-7 (DE-588)4998161-4 (DE-588)4046584-6 (DE-588)4008866-2 |
| title | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm |
| title_auth | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm |
| title_exact_search | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm |
| title_full | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm Mitrju Jankov |
| title_fullStr | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm Mitrju Jankov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm Mitrju Jankov |
| title_short | Bălgarskijat prechod ot socializăm kăm kapitalizăm |
| title_sort | balgarskijat prechod ot socializam kam kapitalizam genezis i charakterni certi na postsocialisticeski kapitalizam |
| title_sub | genezis i charakterni čerti na postsocialističeski kapitalizăm |
| topic | Systemtransformation (DE-588)4060633-8 gnd Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd Postkommunismus (DE-588)4998161-4 gnd Politisches System (DE-588)4046584-6 gnd |
| topic_facet | Systemtransformation Wirtschaftssystem Postkommunismus Politisches System Bulgarien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028166999&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=028166999&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT jankovmitrju balgarskijatprechodotsocializamkamkapitalizamgenezisicharakternicertinapostsocialisticeskikapitalizam |