Pomaci, učešća, učinci: privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990.
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1. Verfasser: | |
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Format: | Buch |
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Beograd
Službeni glasnik
2013
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Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Posebna izdanja
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Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Shifts, Shares, Effects: economies of Yugoslavia, her republics and provinces 1952 - 1990 |
Beschreibung: | 485 S. graph. Darst. |
ISBN: | 9788651917595 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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adam_text |
SHIFTS, SHARES, EFFECTS:
ECONOMIES OF YUGOSLAVIA, HER REPUBLICS AND PROVINCES
1952-1990
Summary
The first decades of the second Yugoslavia were marked by strong modernization
efforts via industrialization. The economy was becoming increasingly complex, but
its structure was still incomplete and the changes in it were not always articulate.
Abrupt, almost dramatic, changes were symbols of the rapid economic growth and
flexibility of the Yugoslav planned-market socialism, but they also symbolized a
deficiency in management on the macro level, proving the existence of system built-
in hazards.
The dynamics of such a developing economy (with structural disequilibria)
are fundamentally different and more complex than those that characterize
poverty trapped economies or ("mature") system under either full employment or
generalized unemployment. In literature this is referred to as "the case of constrained
development".
The regional problem in the second Yugoslavia
(1945-1990)
was never a
question of economic disparities only: it was interrelated with the national question
and the question of the state organization. It also reflected various historical
influences and the resultant mixture of different cultural patterns.
In Yugoslavia, official definition of the magnitude of the regional problem
resulted from the interaction of the regional power configuration, economic
interests, political will and the ruling ideological postulates. Thus the status of
underdevelopment and the volume of transfers were determined by (unlimited)
aspirations, on the one hand, and (limited) possibilities, on the other.
„Official" proportions of the regional problem in Yugoslavia (in terms of the
under-development status received by some republics and provinces) did not reflect
the real situation since the boundaries of underdevelopment did not coincide with
the boundaries of the republics and the provinces. Nevertheless, Yugoslav regional
policy stubbornly persisted with the simplified dichotomy of economically developed
and underdeveloped republics and provinces (which was never based on reality).
The consequence was that the share of the Yugoslav population living in the regions
which almost throughout the postwar period were classified as underdeveloped
(Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro and Kosovo-Metohia) grew from
30.57%
in
1948,
to
33.84%
in
1965,
to
40.23%
in
1990.
469
Judging from these facts only, Yugoslav regional policy
-
which disregarding
the interdependent development of all regions (particularly after
1965)
was confined
to one specific aspect of regional development, to the development of less developed
regions
-
was unsuccessful because it did not help decrease the number of people
living in the conditions of underdevelopment but led to its increase.
Yugoslav regional policy was basically characterized by a twofold reductionism:
(a) by its primary (and since
1965
exclusive) focusing on republics and provinces (as
Yugoslav „regions"), and (b) by its orientation towards less developed Yugoslav regions.
The institutional framework for the resolution of the regional problem
underwent some changes: two basic stages of regional development may be
distinguished
-
up to
1965
and after
1965.
A third stage, deeply rooted in the past,
can also be identified but it became manifest only after the last year
(1990)
of the
research period covered by our study. At that stage the survival of Yugoslavia was
placed at the top of the agenda.
The concepts of Yugoslavia's development after World War II were strongly
inspired by ideology. For the concepts of regional development the most important
were the implications of the principle of egalitarianism, with its policy manifestations
in the form of
redistributive
measures. However, in practice, the real power of
regions played a greater role in the implementation of regional policy objectives than
the ideologically founded pronouncements suggested. For, not only thus „ideology
has the power to transform social reality only between certain limits and. when we
ignore those limits we produce the contrary of what was desired" (Louis Dumont),
but it was also used to justify the regional (elites) interests that hid behind it.
Interest-based regional configurations under a highly formalized decision-
making procedure (such as unanimity rule) inevitably resulted in the perpetuation
of decisions and the compounding of existing problems, particularly if the initial
outcome of interest coordination and harmonization was based on a bad political
compromise. The over-politicization of regional questions prevented the resolution
of the actual problems of Yugoslavia's regional development. Not only did it maintain
the status quo in interregional relations but it also contributed to the rigidification
of regional policy (by rendering its instruments anachronic and inefficient) and to
its reductionist interpretation as a policy of the region.
The multi-ethnic composition of the country, the federal state system and
considerable differences in the degree and structure of economic development
both between and within regions made equality the fundamental strategic goal
of Yugoslavia's regional development during the whole period after
1945.
Equal
regional development was considered not only as conducive, in the long run, to
the optimum development of the entire Yugoslav economy but also as an essential
condition for the achievement of social equality („providing working people and
citizens with equal opportunities for work and living") and national equality.
The last forty or so years have seen a considerable change in views about the basic
determinants of the strategic goals of regional development: amended or redefined by
470
new constitutions (cooperative) federalism was combined with elements of (conflict-
causing) con-federalism, national equality was gradually identified with the equality
of republics and provinces. There were also major shifts in the emphases of the
components of general development (social
-
national, political
-
economic etc.), while
in the economic sphere both the concept of development was in certain phases realized
in different ways, i.e. in a different (social, political, economic, etc.) environment.
In economic terms, until
1965
the basic objective of the policy of regional
development
-
the rapid development of all accompanied by a faster development
of underdeveloped regions
-
had been pursued within a mainly sectoraly defined
global optimum, where the development objectives of a region were set according
to the development objectives of the country as whole. After
1965,
this territorially
coordinated goal system was gradually replaced by a territorially uncoordinated
goal system. The latter allowed republics
-
as sovereign agents in the Yugoslav
economic space
-
to pursue separate development objectives which may have (but
most often have not) corresponded to the images of the global objective.
*
In this book in focus are regional growth and sectoral structure relations. The
study of the regional growth
/
sectoral structure relation involved various techniques
of shift-share analysis. In the standard shift-share analysis, regional (economic)
growth (in terms of various indicators such as: GNP, employment, fixed assets) was
broken down into three parts: proportional hypothetical growth, structural shift
and differential (regional) shift.
The results of the shift-share analysis regarding employment, classified
according to a modified Boudeville typology, were interpreted from a purely
economic point of view, i.e. on the basis of an assumption of an economic logic at
work, which labor as a variable factor that accurately reflects both business trends
and qualitative and quantitative changes in economic efficiency. According to
this assumption employment can be considered as a general indicator of growth,
structural changes, success or failure of the economy (whether national, regional or
sectoral). Employment, however, is not an economic indicator only: it also reflects
social, historical and political aspects of growth. Therefore, the results of an analysis
of the components of regional changes in employment cannot be interpreted purely
in classical economic terms. Underdevelopment and a relatively abundant supply of
labor exerted a strong pressure on employment. Because of the rising expectations
of the latently unemployed rural population, growth of employment is often
accompanied by an increasing rate of (registered) unemployment. The number
of people employed was constantly rising (with the exception of
Vojvodina in
the
1965-1970
sub-period) thanks to formal and informal channels of job procurement
(corruption nepotism, clannism, even tribalism.). A high correlation between
non-productive employment and development levels suggests that a considerable
471
number of workers were not employed for production purposes. The political idea
of creating a working class (by means of industrialization and urbanization) as the
social base for new (Communist Party) elites undoubtedly affected the magnitude
and the sectoral and regional dynamics of employment in the social sector. Under
soft budget constraints, which characterized the business environment, the social
function of employment prevailed over the function of an efficient economy.
Thus, for example, according to the modified Boudeville typology of regions,
Montenegro, Kosovo-Metohia and Macedonia, respectively, were the most successful.
The least successful were Slovenia and Croatia, with above average growth of
employment in only one sub-period. However, this does not mean that Montenegro
was economically more successful than Slovenia, but only that employment in the
former grew more rapidly than in the latter. If, by chance, both of these regions had
applied exclusively of predominantly economic criteria of employment, such a result
could have indicated that Montenegro grew at a higher rate than Slovenia. Then it
would have followed that one of the basic goals of Yugoslav regions policy (rapid
development of all accompanied by faster development of underdeveloped regions
had been achieved. By formal standards, it was achieved in terms of employment,
the growth of which was indeed more rapid in underdeveloped regions than in
the developed ones. However, since employment was strongly affected by non-
economic factors, it does not mean that the development of these regions was in
fact more rapid.
By pointing to non-economic determinants of employment we by no means
devalue the results of shift-share analysis: they do provide accurate information
about actual changes in employment. These other, non-economic factors
undoubtedly produced economic effects. The analysis identifies the components of
regional changes in employment and the interpretation of its results should take
into account both the
non
-economic and the economic context of change.
Similarly, the results obtained by shift-share analysis of fixed assets have to be
interpreted in economic terms but without losing sight of the social and political
contexts. In terms of economic theory the change in fixed assets value is equivalent
to the gross investment during the defined sub-periods. Increased investment, if
efficient, makes an economy successful. Under the conditions that prevailed in
Yugoslavia, however, the very problem lay in the efficiency of fixed assets. First, the
Yugoslav economy displayed all the characteristics of a relatively underdeveloped
economy (e.g. a relative abundance of labor and a relative shortage of capital) and,
second, it was a socialist economy: labor was intended as the pivot around which
the system revolves, just as capitalism revolves around capital. In the Yugoslav case,
the price of capital was below the price suggested by its relative availability, which
under soft budget constraints inevitably resulted in inefficient investment. Thus,
more investment did not mean a more successful economy.
When the results are reviewed in this specifically Yugoslav context, it becomes
clear why the relatively least developed regions were by Boudevilles typology
472
classified as the most successful ones: the value of their fixed assets grew at the
highest rate. Thus, just as with employment, Montenegro, Kosovo-Metohia, and
Macedonia were the most successful regions, while the least successful were Croatia
and Slovenia. It should be stressed here as well that, despite the apparent paradox,
the results of the shift-share analysis precisely describe the actual changes. They
only show the effects of a regional policy reduced to mere transfers of money to
underdeveloped regions: such a policy may (and did) secure an increase in the book
value of fixed capital. Since a status of underdevelopment automatically guaranteed
a steady and abundant inflow of cheap capital (through the Federal Fund for
Financing the Accelerated Development of the Underdeveloped Republics and the
Autonomous Province of Kosovo), there was a negative correlation between the size
of inflow and the efficiency of capital use. Inefficient investment does not support
economic development, but prevents it.
Assuming a spontaneous ("organic") growth, i.e. the domination of the market
as the main factor of economic activity coordination, GNP can be considered as
the general indicator of growth, of structural changes, the success of failure of
an economy (whether national, regional, or sectoral). When market forces are
suppressed by various forms of non-market coordination, and free enterprise by
normative
dirigisme
and by standardized agreement among economic "agents",
there is no organic growth. Consequently, the growth rate of the GNP cannot be
taken as a definite indicator of the economic success of Yugoslav regions.
In general, results of the shift-share analysis of employment, fixed assets and
GNP, and, in particular, the results of a modified Boudeville typology of regions
clearly suggest the following conclusions: a) there is a negative correlation between
the degree of development of a region and its success (performance); b) crucial to
a regions success is a differential shift, i.e. regional particularities are the key to the
differences in their success; c) the structure of regions is not a significant factor
of the difference in their success, from which it may be concluded that regional
structures do not significantly differ, i.e. that these differences are not so great as to
significantly influence the differences in regional success.
In order to make these conclusions more distinct, the regions were ranked
according to their success measured by the modified Boudeville typology of
regions with respect to all three indicators: employment, fixed assets and GNP.
The criterion for ranking was the number of successful or unsuccessful sub-
periods. The results of the ranking show that the observed interdependence is the
most striking in employment, a bit less marked in fixed assets, and least in the
case of GNP. Additionally, the difference between the most successful region and
the least successful region are the most striking in regard to employment (the top
regions have no unsuccessful sub-periods, whereas the lowest ranking regions
are successful in only one sub-period). The ranking of regions according to their
performance in terms of employment growth resulted in the largest number of
groups
-
six. Regional differences are narrower both in terms of fixed assets (there
473
are four groups) and success (top regions have only one unsuccessful sub-period
each, whereas the lowest ranking regions have two unsuccessful sub-periods
each). The smallest interregional differences were observed in regard to the GNP:
there are three groups only, the top group consisting of two regions with two
unsuccessful sub-periods each and the lowest group consisting of four regions with
three unsuccessful sub-periods each.
A rather strong connection between the success of a region and its level of
development in the case of employment and fixed assets (the less developed a
region, the greater the increase of the two indicators) suggests that regional policy
had a strong impact on the growth of production factors in underdeveloped regions,
but also that it was primarily directed toward them. If we consider how important
employment is for keeping the social peace, which is one of the major objectives
of regional elites, it is obvious why this connection is the most striking in the case
employment. With respect to the growth of the GNP as an indicator of success, this
connection is less noticeable. On the one hand, Kosovo-Metohia and Macedonia,
the least developed regions, rank among the most successful ones, and Slovenia
and Croatia, the most developed regions, among the least successful ones, still, on
the other hand, the least successful regions also include Bosnia-Herzegovina and
Montenegro, while central Serbia ranks among the more successful regions. This
only shows that GNP growth is not merely dependent on the factors of production
growth but that it is determined to a large degree by their usage upon which, in
turn, the federal regional policy since
1965
had no influence whatsoever.
Similarly, results of the shift-share analysis of labor productivity and the
output-capital ratio show that: a) there is a strong connection between a regions level
of development and its success (measured by the difference between the regional
and the average efficiency), here in terms of a positive correlation between the two;
b) the differential shift has a decisive effect on the success of regions, and its effect is
positive with developed regions and negative with the underdeveloped ones; and c)
differences in the sectoral structure of regions have no significant influence on the
differences in their success.
The developed regions fell into the most successful or predominantly
successful regions, while the underdeveloped regions fell into the predominantly
unsuccessful category. The differences between the most successful and the least
successful regions are wide: in no year was the efficiency of successful regions below
the Yugoslav average, while the efficiency of the least successful regions in no year
exceeded the Yugoslav average.
In terms of labor productivity regions are grouped as follows: successful
regions (Croatia and Slovenia), occasionally (unsuccessful
(Vojvodina,
central
Serbia and Montenegro), and unsuccessful ones (Macedonia, Kosovo-Metohia and
Bosnia-Herzegovina).
In terms of fixed assets efficiency regions are grouped into successful ones
(Slovenia, central Serbia and
Vojvodina),
occasionally
(un)
successful (Croatia and
474
Macedonia), and unsuccessful ones (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo-Metohia and
Montenegro).
Relatively minor differences in the sectoral structure of regional economies,
i.e. the small influence of these structural differences on the differences in regional
efficiency can be explained by an ambition of
macroeconomic
decision-makers of
almost all regions to obtain, if at all possible, everything that Yugoslavia already
possessed so that "one day" regions could function as sovereign independent states.
Moreover, the completion of regional economic structures was carried out according
to the overall Yugoslav model of socialist industrialization. The desire to achieve self-
sufficiency, in the absence of either strong economic incentives or coercion which could
induce radical structural changes, led, among other things, to the self-reproduction of
the "original" economic structure of regions ("a little bit more of the same"). According
to the law of inertia, in an environment dominated by semi-natural, technological and
"agreement-based" (arbitrary) investment criteria, with a lack of innovation and a
strong aversion to risk, necessary structural adjustments fail to occur. Where there are
no structural changes, there are no qualitative changes either. The absence of dynamism
in institutional arrangements affected the structure of regional economies: a rigid
system resulted in a rigid structure which, in turn, had a minimal effect on efficiency.
A comparison between the results obtained by ranking regions according to
their efficiency and those obtained by ranking regions according to the achieved
growth of production factors (employment and fixed assets) and GNP growth clearly
indicates that there was a rapid growth of production factors in underdeveloped
regions. This growth was made possible by an abundant inflow of capital. However,
the way in which capital flowed into regions (automatically and without any control
by the donors over its use or investments efficiency) and the environment in
which it was used (soft budget constraint, socialization of investment risks, zero
or minimum price of capital, institutional and non-institutional pressure from
the unemployed population, etc.) inevitably led to non-productive employment,
i.e. inefficient investment. In other words, rapid growth of production factors in
year
t
did not provide the basis for self-increase in year t+1 but, instead, created a
need for increased external capital in year t+1 in order, first, to preserve the existing
(inefficient) economy and, second, to ensure new (inefficient) growth.
Key words
shift-share analysis, Yugoslavia, her republics and provinces,
1952-1990,
regional disparities, structural changes, regional growth,
GNP, employment, fixed assets,
structural shift, differential shift, pure (net) differential shift, allocation effect,
Boudeville's typology of regions,
efficiency, labor productivity, output/capital ratio
475
САДРЖАЈ
Списак шабела
.10
Скраћенице
.18
Први део
ЗАПОСЛЕНОСТ, ОСНОВНА СРЕДСТВА, ДРУШТВЕНИ ПРОИЗВОД:
ДЕКОМПОЗИЦИЈА
РЕГИОНАЛНИХ
СТРУКТУРНИХ
ПРОМЕНА
А Анализа компонената регионалних
промена
-
АКРЕП
.21
Б Компоненте
регионалних
секторских промена запослености
.28
Босна и Херцеговина
.29
ЦрнаГора
.36
Хрватска
.43
Македонија
.50
Словенија
.57
Србија
.64
Централна
Србија
.71
Косово
иМетохија
.77
Војводина
.84
В Компоненте промена укупне запослености региона
.91
Г Запосленост: модификована Будвилова
типологија
региона
.98
Д Компоненте регионалних секторских промена
основних
средстава
. 102
Босна и Херцеговина
.102
ЦрнаГора
.107
Хрватска
.112
Македонија
.118
Словенија.
123
Србија
.128
Централна
Србиј
а
.133
Косово и
Метохија
.138
Војводина.
143
Ђ
Компоненте промена укупне вредности
основних
средстава региона
149
E
Основна
средства: модификована Будвилова
типологија
региона
.156
Ж Компоненте регионалних секторских промена
друштвеног произвола
.159
Босна и Херцеговина
.159
Црна Гора
.164
Хрватска
.170
Македонија
.175
Словенија.
180
Србија
.185
Централна
Србија
.190
Косово и
Метохија
.195
Војводина
.201
3
Компоненте промена укупног друштвеног производа региона
.206
И Друштвени производ: модификована Будвилова
типологија
региона
213
J
Први део: закључци
.215
Други део
РЕГИОНАЛНЕ РАЗЛИКЕ
У ЕФИКАСНОСТИ
К
Регионално и
секторско разлагање чинилаца
ефикасност:
АКРЕП модификован
.221
Л Просечна и
секторска
продуктивност
рада
региона
.228
Босна и Херцеговина
.229
Црна Гора
.242
Хрватска
.256
Македонија
.268
Словенија.
280
Србија
.292
Централна
Србија
.305
Косово и
Метохија
.317
Војводина
.329
Љ Просечне
и екстремне вредности
продуктивности
рада порегионима
.343
M
Продуктивност
рада:
модификована Будвилова
типологија региона.345
8
H
Просечни секторски
производни
коефицијенти
региона
.348
Босна и Херцеговина
.348
ЦрнаГора
.359
Хрватска
.371
Македонија
.383
Словенија.
394
Србија
.406
Централна
Србија
.417
Косово и
Метохија
.428
Војводина
.439
Њ Просечне
и екстремне вредности производног
коефицијента
порегионима
.451
О
Производни
коефицијент:
модификована Будвилова типологија
региона
.453
Π
Други
део: закључци
.456
Трећи
део
ОКВИРИ,
PACT,
СТРУКТУРНЕ
ПРОМЕНЕ,
ЕФИКАСНОСТ:
ПРИБРЕДЕ
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ,
РЕПУБЛИКА И
ПОКРАЈИНА
1952-1990.
Shifts, Shares, Effects: Economies of Yugoslavia,
her Republics and Provinces,
1952-1990
(Summary)
.469
Литература
.477
Индекс аутора
.481
Предметни индекс
.483
Оаутору
.485
9 |
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Ocić, Časlav 1945- |
author_GND | (DE-588)170083330 |
author_facet | Ocić, Časlav 1945- |
author_role | aut |
author_sort | Ocić, Časlav 1945- |
author_variant | č o čo |
building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV042528187 |
ctrlnum | (OCoLC)910107462 (DE-599)BVBBV042528187 |
era | Geschichte 1952-1990 gnd |
era_facet | Geschichte 1952-1990 |
format | Book |
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geographic | Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd |
geographic_facet | Jugoslawien |
id | DE-604.BV042528187 |
illustrated | Illustrated |
indexdate | 2025-01-22T15:01:22Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9788651917595 |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027962469 |
oclc_num | 910107462 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 |
owner_facet | DE-12 |
physical | 485 S. graph. Darst. |
publishDate | 2013 |
publishDateSearch | 2013 |
publishDateSort | 2013 |
publisher | Službeni glasnik |
record_format | marc |
series2 | Biblioteka Posebna izdanja |
spelling | Ocić, Časlav 1945- Verfasser (DE-588)170083330 aut Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. Časlav Ocić Beograd Službeni glasnik 2013 485 S. graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Posebna izdanja In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Shifts, Shares, Effects: economies of Yugoslavia, her republics and provinces 1952 - 1990 Geschichte 1952-1990 gnd rswk-swf Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd rswk-swf Wirtschaft (DE-588)4066399-1 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Wirtschaft (DE-588)4066399-1 s Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 s Geschichte 1952-1990 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027962469&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027962469&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Ocić, Časlav 1945- Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd Wirtschaft (DE-588)4066399-1 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4117663-7 (DE-588)4066399-1 (DE-588)4028966-7 |
title | Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. |
title_auth | Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. |
title_exact_search | Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. |
title_full | Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. Časlav Ocić |
title_fullStr | Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. Časlav Ocić |
title_full_unstemmed | Pomaci, učešća, učinci privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. Časlav Ocić |
title_short | Pomaci, učešća, učinci |
title_sort | pomaci ucesca ucinci privrede jugoslavije republika i pokrajina 1952 1990 |
title_sub | privrede Jugoslavije, republika i pokrajina 1952 - 1990. |
topic | Wirtschaftssystem (DE-588)4117663-7 gnd Wirtschaft (DE-588)4066399-1 gnd |
topic_facet | Wirtschaftssystem Wirtschaft Jugoslawien |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027962469&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027962469&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT ociccaslav pomaciucescaucinciprivredejugoslavijerepublikaipokrajina19521990 |