Identitate şi geopolitică: românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bucureşti
Ed. Acad. Române
2014
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| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 331 S. Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789732724446 |
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| adam_text | SUMMARY
The history of the World War II has arisen a legitimate interest on the part of
the Romanian historians preoccupied, not only in syntheses but also in specific
studies, with the military, political-diplomatic and economical aspects of the
conflagration. The “main themes” put around issues like: giving in territories, the
dynamics of the operations, the losses and the contributions to the war, have left
little space to the analysis of the Romanian position and strategy towards the Balkans
or the relationships with the neighbouring countries, especially from the perspective of
the present study dedicated to Romanian communities from the South of the
Danube. A short analysis of the micro-universe of the Romanian communities
living at the South of the Danube is, in this context, necessary to understand the
inner dynamics of the ethnical groups during the war, their political-ideological
development, their implication or, on the contrary, non-implication in the conflict,
the representation of the “allies” and the “enemies”, the projection of peace, and
also the strategy of the government from Bucharest towards an issue with
diplomatic and identity connotations.
The present research follows the chronological order of the events and focuses
on the main Romanian groups in the region: from those situated around old Macedonia
to those situated in the West of Banat and Timoc, and also to those in the Quadrilateral
region who were moved in the North of Dobrogea in 1940 and the Macedonian-
Romanians established in Romania. The main objectives are to clarify the impact
of the war on these groups, the representation of the conflict and the role assumed
by the Romanians in the Balkans, in the context of the political-territorial
reorganisation of the region, the dynamics and motivations of the political
alliances, the creation or import of some projects regarding the “new order” and the
perspective of peace and the consolidation of the relationships or the dissolution of
the groups. Equally important in the economy of this presentation are Romania’s
strategies in the region, the cultural politics of Antonescu government towards these
groups, the political projects for the reorganisation of the area, and to create a
propaganda system which can exploit thematically the connection and the interests
of the Romanian state in the South of the Danube.
The text has additional information which is useful for placing the analysis in
a context or for bringing details to some comments. The lists with the Aromanians’
names identified by the Romanian police in 1942 could be the starting point for future
studies which catch the essence of the community, draw its social-economical and
political portrait and trigger answers to the same questions that animated the
226
IDENTITATE ŞI GEOPOLITICĂ
present research: “Who are and how have evolved the Romanians from the South
of the Danube related to themselves, to the majority from the North of the river and
to the Romanian authorities?”
The conflicts in Balkans, the redrawing of the borders and establishing the
new administrative areas, even if temporary, had a major impact on the Romanian
communities from the South of the Danube. The war which burst in the autumn of
1940 has placed most of the battles on the territory inhabited by Aromanians,
caught in between the moving battlefields of the Italians and Greeks. Placed
geographically in the middle of the conflicts and on a territory which was disputed
not only military but also politically in the perspective of drawing the permanent
borders at the end of the war, the Aromanians have suffered the consequences of
the conflagration, of the destruction and human sacrifice. But not all of them were
innocent spectators of a conflict which wasn’t theirs and which made them
“collateral damage”. Many of them remembered the old interethnic tensions in the
region, the troubles with the Greeks who, for many decades, had taken their rights
and then enrolled in the Italian army which, in fact, was the enemy. The Italian
domination in Balkans, for which the Aromanians were put to fight and which was
the guarantee for fulfilling their dream and building their own state, received
support from Bucharest. The discourses of the Romanian Ministers who wanted
rather to improve the bilateral agreement, to attract the sympathy of the Italian
partners and to restate the common interests and special attention towards South-
East Europe projected in a Latin tandem, were completed by Aromanians’s leaders
from the country. The pact of some Macedonian-Romanians with the Italian enemy
had as consequence persecution, put sometimes into practice by Greeks against
entire communities, without clear proofs, taking into consideration only denouncements
and mutual pre-established guilt. The situation of the Aromanians caught in the
middle of the war and arrested for complicity with the Italians was, in the winter of
1941, a sensitive issue in the relationship between Romania and Greece. Former
allies in the Balkan Pact, Romania and Greece were forced to maintain a fragile
diplomatic balance as the ethnical confrontations during the war could have lead
any moment to hostile relationships. The provocations were many and, moreover
the information that came from he region and which was slow because of the war.
was sometimes distorted, voluntarily or involuntarily, by the communication
channels through which it was transmitted to Bucharest, and the decision factors
and the people politically influential had different views. In Romania, the authorities
mood became tenser as, through unofficial channels, the Legionnaire Ministers,
especially Constantin Papanace, offered frequently information about the abuses
committed by the Greeks and the imprisonment of the co-citizens who were still
living in the region. As a consequence of the Romanian threats with sending in the
army, but also following the degradation of the relationship with Germany, which
had armed forces in Romania and was preparing the attack in Balkans, Greece
improved the situation of the Romanian prisoners.
Summary
227
Thus, at the beginning of the German military operations in Balkans the
relationships between Romania and its neighbours were complicated. The
Macedonian-Romanian issue created tension with Greece, its former ally, and the
coming of German army in Romania and its adhesion to Triparty Pact raised
suspicions at Belgrad which brought the army at the border. In what regards Bulgaria,
Antonescu declared that all the problems were solved, and the development of the
treaty from Craiova “was functioning normally”, although giving in the
Quadrilateral territory and the close relationship with Hungary were real problems
for the Romanian diplomacy.
In the context of the German-Italian discussions at Vienna in April 1941,
regarding the division of the Balkans, Ion Antonescu put forward the idea of
creating an Albanian- Macedonian state, fact which would put a balance between
the Italian influence and the Slvic one. Or, he suggested giving the corridor
Danube-Salonic to Romania, fact which would separate the Serbs from Bulgarians.
He also asked for Serbian Banat and Timoc in the case that Serbia falls apart. The
presence of the Italian army and the perspective of an Italian-German order brought
into attention, especially among the Aromanian community in Balkans, the idea of
Romanian autonomy under the protection of Rome, an idea which, however,
wasn’t supported neither by Albanian leaders nor by Mussolini. The multitude of
the power centres, different solutions regarding the organization of the area have
marked the discourse and action of the Aromanian leaders. Divided in groups,
committees and councils that were fighting for supremacy and wanted legitimacy
and representation, adhering to the German or Italian project, invoking the
autonomy or integration in Albania, the Aromanian leaders only managed to diminish
the power of the message and the force of the arguments, allow the Italian propaganda
reshape the perspective of the region and raise doubts to the government in Bucharest..
Neither this one had a strong and constant position towards the Romanians in Pind,
in the context of the reorganisation of the area and some plans, relatively well
formulated, of the Bulgarians, Germans and Italians who ignored the Romanian
issue and let it pending until the peace conference. Pretending to reorganise the
region on ethnic-historical principles, Romania entered more in the discursive logic
of Rome which predicted a Latin domination of the Balkans. The expression of this
supremacy, that should have “broken the Slavic mass”, was reflected in the
proposal of the trans-Balkan Romanian corridor, a solution very difficult to apply,
and the autonomy of the Pind, which didn’t receive enough support and was less
and less mentioned starting with the summer of 1941, in favour of a protection
system for Aromanians in the Albanese state.
Equally complicated were the issues with the region of Banat. The hesitation
in the German discourse, the interested interventions of the official representatives
from Rome, the informational and psychological war led by Budapest which asked
for Hitler’s approval to occupy the region of Banat, provoked emotional reactions
in Bucharest and fed the alarming scenarios regarding giving in this territory. The
228
IDENTITATE ŞI GEOPOLITICĂ
radical tone of Romania claiming Banat and Timoc, offered a good opportunity to
Hungary to ask Transilvania as compensations, and to Germany the chance to take
to an end the problem of taking the region of Ardeal. The lack of interest showed
by the Romanian officials was equally dangerous as Romania ran the risk of not
being taken into account by Germany and Italy in what regards sharing the areas
with Romanian population. It was added the pressure from the neighbouring
communities which, through their leaders, asked immediate union with the country.
Although directly interested in the territory, being at the border and also inhabited
by Romanian population, Romania decided to not interfere in the process of dividing
Yugoslavia, the main reason being generated by the context. Starting a war with
Hungary in Banat meant a dangerous move for Romania, in the conditions in which
the Hungarian army, already present in Transilvania, could have crossed the
Carpathians “behind the battlefield”, the occupation of this territory by the
Romanians could have been claimed by Germany as compensation for the region
of Ardeal, lost in 1940. The claims on Banat and Timoc clearly stated in April
1941, as well as the project of the corridor which arrived at Salonic, appeared as a
consequence of the fact that Hungary wanted to take, as Hitler had promised them,
a territory inhabited by Romanians, next to Romania, and that new land acquisitions
would have transformed Bulgaria in a more powerful country in the South. The
strong tone and powerful claims from the spring of 1941 were gradually replaced
by the “classical” topics of the Romanian diplomacy, which focused on the idea of
protecting their citizens’ interests.
The direct implication in providing material support to the Romanians living
in Macedonia was, in its turn, decissively influenced during the war. Until early
1943 the economic and food crisis in Greece draw the attention of the Romanian
government, which has constantly sent food supplies in the Romanian regions
affected by famine. The requests from Greece and the concerning reports coming
from the Romanian representatives in Rome about the lack of existential means of
the Romanians in Pind, triggered the response of Bucharest. Charity reasons, but
also pragmatic political interests have made available large amounts of food for the
population in Greece, compared to the difficult situation of the war and to the
similar effort made for the Romanians living in the lost Ardeal. The help sent by
Romania improved people’s lives at Pind, but couldn’t eradicate the problem. The
Greek-Italian war, then the occupation regime and civil conflicts in Greece have
constantly and considerably affected the Romanian population, so that at the
beginning of January 1944 the General Consulate at lanina said that “many villages
were destroyed and the people moved into the cities where they live in awful
conditions”1. The economical, social and nutrition problems piled up to old ethnic
conflicts in the area, worsen by the war and the support for the occupational army.
Many communities have agreed voluntarily with the actions of the Italian army but
there were also present the strategies of the Romanian authorities. Invoking the
increasing pressure on the part of the Greek administration over the Romanians,
Summary
229
Vasile Stirbu, General Counsellor at Ianina, got directly involved in the
organisation of the Romanian communities and in establishing their connection
with the Italians. Local alliances with the Italians have increased crime rates,
persecutions and abuses towards Aromanians in Greece, which were added to
serious attacks with victims committed by gangs out of material reasons, not
ethnical ones.
The support coming from the government in Bucharest to the Romanians in
Banat and Timoc after the occupation of Yugosl avia by the AXA group was important,
even essential in the context of the process of admitting the Ethnic Group, which
should have represented their interests in front of the authorities. The diplomatic
interventions in Berlin contributed to the affirmation of the cultural rights, using
Romanian language in schools, to have their own Mayor, Deputies or Town
Counsellors in the counties with major population. The leaders’ personal quarrels
in the area have considerably slowed the process of coagulation and political and
cultural affirmation of the Romanians, much more structured in the case of the
Hungarians and Germans in Banat and Timoc. The Romanian leaders got into
power games and preferred to stay away of the real problems in the region, taking
advantage of the material things they gained from their autonomy from the
Romanian state.
On the other hand, neither Antonescu government had a strategy to select the
right, honest and capable people able to manage the funds and programs. Most of
the Romanian leaders had been politically involved during the war, and the failures
and quarrels which damaged the unity of the community were known in Bucharest.
The reduced number of people with higher education and political experience, the
fluidity of the elite which didn’t have time to mature and offer alternatives have
inevitably lessened Romania’s options. All these factors have marked the evolution
of the Romanian community in Serbia during the German occupation, the political
and cultural benefits partially obtained, striving hard and later than other
minorities, revealing the deep troubles of our citizens in Banat and Timoc.
The situation of the Romanians from the South of the Danube was, for
Romania, a constant concern during the war, although the main movements were in
the East, and the objective of regaining Ardeal, lost in 1940, was of utter
importance. The attention towards these groups was manifested through the
improvement of the educational system, religion and the organisation of propaganda
which kept the Southern Danube communities connected to the political and
identity discourse from Bucharest, and also to get the attention of the mass media
and European political leaders to the issues in the region.
The Romanian government had an important role in reopening the schools
damaged during the war, until June 1944 managing to rebuild 22 schools and high
schools in Macedonia, with approximately 1800 students, together with some other
schools in Banat. Having multiple functions, of connector, educator, cultural and
propagandistic link, with a special mission in the context of the war and of the
230
IDENTITATE ŞI GEOPOLITICĂ
competition for political rights and ethnic-territorial projects, the educational system
together with the Romanian religious structures in Balkans had passed through
difficult times. Dissolved by the administrative authorities in the region as a
consequence of the nationalistic politics or used by the occupational army, the
schools were taken back in the educational circuit gradually and after repeated
interventions from the government in Bucharest. However, reopening the schools
didn’t mean doing the usual activities as the lack of teachers, low training level,
destruction of the material supplies and the absence of school books were persistent
issues. The interventions of the Romanian government were inconsistent, they tried
to answer certain immediate needs regarding food and educational supplies, but
they failed to manage efficiently the human and material resources and solve the
local conflicts for money and power.
Another preoccupation of the same intensity was maintaining an active
propaganda in the region, realized by the minister in charge, the president of the
Ministers Council and External Affairs Minister, through books, magazines,
newspapers, radio and cinema. Stimulating and financing some specialised works
destined to Romanians from the South of the Danube, broadcasting radio shows on
history themes, mailing newspapers and calendars, sending in consistent funds
compared to those for the occupied Ardeal, for example, shows Romania’s major
interest in the Romanian communities and in preparing their position in the perspective
of peace in a German way of organising the whole continent and towards the future
political and cultural situation of these groups.
An essential structure in understanding the difficult road made by the Romanian
communities from the South of the Danube during the Second World War was the
group of the Legionnaire Aromanians in Romania. Being part of the Legion since
1930s, the Aromanians have taken advantage of the political opportunities, personal
connections and the “advantages” of belonging to a closed group to rapidly ascend,
between September 1940 and January 1941, in the social and economic hierarchy.
They have become, with the help of Constantin Papanace, a powerful group in the
Legion, they had great influence in Ministries, factories, banks, and determined to a
certain point, the Romanian diplomatic and political strategy besides Greece and
Balkans. They have constantly expressed, even if in different ways, their support
for the project of an independent Macedonia under the protection of Italy, which
could offer the guarantee of their own state. Then, they had a tormented
relationship with the Romanian state and Antonescu government. Some people s
desire to go to Macedonia met with others plans to stay in the country, going on
fighting for the power, and the collaboration with Ion Antonescu became, after the
“rebellion”, a harassing game. It wasn’t a homogeneous group neither from the
political, ideological point of view nor from the economical one, but they knew
how to seem a coherent, well structured community.
CUPRINS
Cuvânt înainte............................................................... 9
Capitolul I.
DE LA UN RĂZBOI LA ALTUL (1940-1941)................................... 13
Capitolul II.
PROVOCĂRILE „NOD ORDINI”............................................... 63
Capitolul III.
ŞCOLI ŞI BISERICI ROMÂNEŞTI ÎN BALCANI................................ 109
Capitolul IV.
PROPAGANDĂ ŞI DISCURS ISTORIC......................................... 129
Capitolul V.
„FRONTUL INTERN”...................................................... 187
Concluzii.................................................................. 221
Summary.................................................................... 225
Bibliografie............................................................... 231
Lista anexelor............................................................. 239
Indice de nume............................................................. 325
|
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| author | Nistor, Ionuţ |
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| era | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1939-1945 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1939-1945 |
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| geographic | Balkan Peninsula / Ethnic relations / History / 20th century Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd Balkanhalbinsel (DE-588)4004334-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Balkan Peninsula / Ethnic relations / History / 20th century Rumänien Balkanhalbinsel |
| id | DE-604.BV042400452 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:20:31Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789732724446 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027836143 |
| oclc_num | 912156296 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 331 S. Kt. |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Ed. Acad. Române |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Nistor, Ionuţ Verfasser aut Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial Ionuţ Nistor Bucureşti Ed. Acad. Române 2014 331 S. Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1900-2000 Geschichte 1939-1945 gnd rswk-swf Romanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Aromanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Geschichte Geopolitik (DE-588)4156741-9 gnd rswk-swf Rumänen (DE-588)4117147-0 gnd rswk-swf Ethnische Beziehungen (DE-588)4176973-9 gnd rswk-swf Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 gnd rswk-swf Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd rswk-swf Aromunen (DE-588)4068853-7 gnd rswk-swf Balkan Peninsula / Ethnic relations / History / 20th century Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd rswk-swf Balkanhalbinsel (DE-588)4004334-4 gnd rswk-swf Balkanhalbinsel (DE-588)4004334-4 g Rumänen (DE-588)4117147-0 s Aromunen (DE-588)4068853-7 s Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 s Geopolitik (DE-588)4156741-9 s Geschichte 1939-1945 z DE-604 Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 g Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 s Ethnische Beziehungen (DE-588)4176973-9 s Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027836143&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027836143&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Nistor, Ionuţ Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial Romanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Aromanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Geschichte Geopolitik (DE-588)4156741-9 gnd Rumänen (DE-588)4117147-0 gnd Ethnische Beziehungen (DE-588)4176973-9 gnd Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 gnd Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd Aromunen (DE-588)4068853-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4156741-9 (DE-588)4117147-0 (DE-588)4176973-9 (DE-588)4026482-8 (DE-588)4039409-8 (DE-588)4068853-7 (DE-588)4050939-4 (DE-588)4004334-4 |
| title | Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial |
| title_auth | Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial |
| title_exact_search | Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial |
| title_full | Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial Ionuţ Nistor |
| title_fullStr | Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial Ionuţ Nistor |
| title_full_unstemmed | Identitate şi geopolitică românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial Ionuţ Nistor |
| title_short | Identitate şi geopolitică |
| title_sort | identitate si geopolitica romanii din sudul dunarii in timpul celui de al doilea razboi mondial |
| title_sub | românii din sudul Dunării în timpul celui de-Al Doilea Război Mondial |
| topic | Romanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Aromanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Geschichte Geopolitik (DE-588)4156741-9 gnd Rumänen (DE-588)4117147-0 gnd Ethnische Beziehungen (DE-588)4176973-9 gnd Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 gnd Nationale Minderheit (DE-588)4039409-8 gnd Aromunen (DE-588)4068853-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Romanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Aromanians / Balkan Peninsula / History / 20th century Geschichte Geopolitik Rumänen Ethnische Beziehungen Identität Nationale Minderheit Aromunen Balkan Peninsula / Ethnic relations / History / 20th century Rumänien Balkanhalbinsel |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027836143&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027836143&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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