Nevidljiva Tipografija: [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju]
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | German |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Zagreb
Katedra Čakavskog Sabora Roč
2012
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The typographic legacy of Blaž Baromič |
| Beschreibung: | 325 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789535699408 |
Internformat
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Nevidljiva Tipografija |b [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] |c Frane Paro |
| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a The typographic legacy of Blaž Baromić |
| 264 | 1 | |a Zagreb |b Katedra Čakavskog Sabora Roč |c 2012 | |
| 300 | |a 325 S. |b zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The typographic legacy of Blaž Baromič | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1806961922766012416 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
SADRŽAJ
UVOD
13
TISKARA U
15.
STOLJEĆU
29
BLAŽ BAROMIĆ U SENJU
41
TERRARUM
ORBIS
-
JABUKA BOŽICE POBJEDE
47
LUCAS
CRANACH
-
KRIST KRALJ
54
U POČETKU BIJAŠE KVADRAT
59
GIOSEFFO ZARLINO
BOOKOFDURROW 67
PLETER
73
TORRESANI, BAROMIĆ I BRVIJAL HRVATSKI
77
GEOMETRIJA STRANICE BREVIJARA I VELIČINA SLOVA
83
GEOMETRIJA ZNAKA U BREVIJARU
87
DEKOMPOZICIJA BAROMIĆEVA TIPOGRAMA
95
PRIJELOM SPOVIDI
100
EPILOG
- PIERRE
BELLESCULÉE
I JOSSES
&
DIVINA PROPORTIONE
117
BILJEŠKE
126
DODATAK
NEKA OVAMO NE UĐE NITKO TKO NE ZNA GEOMETRIJE
133
24
GEOMETRIJSKE DEKOMPOZICIJE
153
T
I
P O G R A M
I
:
NEPOZNATI TISKAR
-
FRANCUSKA
155
NICOLAUS JENSON 157
DOBRIĆ DOBRIČEVIĆ
-
BONINUS
DE BONINIS
164
TIPOGRAM I PRIJELOM U BOŽANSKOJ KOMEDIJI,
BRESCIA
1487. 170
NICOLAS
MULLER
-
PHILIPPI
188
HANS REINHARDT GRÜNINGER 194
OTTAVIANO PETRUCCI 198
UGO
DE RUGERIIS 203
OTTAVIANO
SCOTO DI
MONZA
206
JOHANNES TRECHSEL 209
GIROLAMO
CARTOLARI
212
JOHANNES EMERICUS DE
SPIRA
DE UDENHEIM 217
MATTHIAS
HUSS
220
MONOGRAM:
Q
ANDRIJA MOTOVUNJANIN
- ANDREA ANTICHO DA MONTONA 229
Qi
PET
MONOGRAMA
U TISKARSKOJ
HERALDICI
235
GUTENBERG
-
OTAC CRNE UMJETNOSTI
251
Q
MISAL PO ZAKONU RIMSKOG DVORA
-
analiza prijeloma
269
¡S DOBRIĆ DOBRIČEVIĆ (II.)
OFFICIUM
BEATE MARIE VIRGINIS, LYON, 1500. -
analiza prijeloma
293
SUVREMENICI BLAŽA BAROMIĆA (UMJETNICI I TISKARI)
ROĐENI IZMEĐU
1416.
i
1487.
G.
298
INVISIBLE TYPOGRAPHY (Summary)
299
LITERATURA
307
KAZALO IMENA
313
KOLEKCIJA ZNAKOVA
S
TEMOM TERRARVM
ORBIS
317
BILJEŠKA
О
AUTORU
324
BLJESKA
О
NAKLADNIKU
326
10
Instead
oř
an abstract
The typographic legacy of
Blaž
Baromié
The central topic of this book is early printing, or rather, some
aspects of printing in the period of the incunabula. In fact, the book
collects results of research into the appearance, meaning and role of a
special type of printing mark, which is composed of two fundamen¬
tal symbols, the circle and the cross planted on it. Different cultures
and traditions name this mark diversely. The Italians call it
il globo
cru¬
cígero,
the French
la pomme
imperial
or
sceau typographique,
the Germans
Reichsapfel,
and the English mound royal or orb and cross. In specialised
literature the Latin form of the name of the symbol is increasingly
common
-
terrarum
orbis
or
orbis terrestris.
The cross and circle belong to the very few marks, or proto-
symbols, the origins of which are lost in the most profound layers of
oblivion
-
in traces of long since extinct or forgotten cultures. The cir¬
cle is an image or pictogram of the sun's disk and also of the horizon
in which the celestial and the earthly sphere adjoin. Hence the circle
is an astral and temporal symbol of the sources of life and the uni¬
verse, a mystic symbol of the Creator of the entire world. In accor¬
dance with this, the circle is also the symbol of gold, that is, of per¬
fection and eternity. The cross by itself is the ray of the sun, but also
the divine word, that is in contact with the earthly. In the mark that
we are investigating, the circle is the stylised image of the earthly
globe, a diagrammatic T-0 map of the world, and the cross placed
upon the circle is a mark, at the same time, of the centre of the Holy
Land
-
Jerusalem with the Holy Sepulchre
-
and symbol of the
Passion (see illustrations on pp.
51, 52
and
53).
The appearance of marks of this type in early printing is
shrouded in a multitude of unknowns. It is uncommon that the
appearance and use of them should not have been commented on by
the printers themselves, or by their contemporaries. It is not known
what this mark was called at the time of its genesis; still unknown are
the reasons for it to be introduced into printing, and the contents and
meaning ascribed to the mark are unknown. (In this book we suggest
possible answers to these unknowns.)
300
Since it is most often found in the works of Italian printers, it
is often called the Italian printers' mark. However, the truth is that this
kind of device was the first time published in Venice in a joint edition
by a German from Cologne,
Johann de
Colonia,
and a Frenchman from
Sommevoire, Nicolas
Jenson (in
the book of Francesco
de Zabarellis,
lectura
super Clementinas, January
28, 1481).
An uncommon web of cir¬
cumstances is involved in the first appearance of the terramm
orbis
mark.
This book was, in fact, printed in the shop of the German Johannes
Herbort (who came to Venice from Seligenstadt), and who was one of
the Erst of Jenson's permanent printers. But the book came out posthu¬
mously since
de Colonia
and
Jenson
both died during
1480.
After Jenson's death, four more years saw titles coming out of
the shops of his assistants with the signature
Jenson
<S¿
sociocjue and
with versions of the first device.
Outsiáe
Venice the terrarum
orbis
appeared the first time in France in the device of the Pierre
Bellesculée
and Josses in
Rennes
in
1484/85
(pp.
117-122).
In
Lyon
they would be
followed by
Mathias
Huss
in
í
485
(pp.
212-220)
and Nicolas
Philipp!
(Müller) in 1488
(pp.
182-187).
Thus although it was called Italian, the
mark that has drawn our attention was clearly devised among French
printers, or in some Franco-German joint venture. The idea of the
Christ sign as typographic mark, as stamp on a book, might have been
proposed by an individual
(Jenson*?)
ano
yet it might have come into
being in a small closed circle of close and outstanding craftsmen. It is
hard to penetrate the imagination and thinking of the inventors and
respond to the question: why was it this symbol of Christ that was
chosen1?·
Long before the invention of printing, the book was more
than a practical repository of knowledge, wisdom and faith. The book
was divine, as were letter, emblem, sign. The book is the symbol of
the divine word, the divine being. In the concept and symbol of the
book are interwoven both theological ideas and their substance. In the
body and being of the book, in its meaning and object it, is as if a
summary of the Gospel according to John were welded or branded:
In the beginning was the word
and the word was with God
and the word was God.
301
*The Greek letter A symbolises the
logos, and the X is
Christos,
see in the
printer's mark of J. Fust and P.
Schoeffer on p.
93
and in the
monograms of printers
on pp.
247-249.
Or more briefly: And the word became flesh made his
dwelling among us (John
1, 14).
Since the word or logos was embodied in the second person
of God, in Christ, the sign of Christ's earthly and divine power is a
sign of the word that inheres in every book keeps and that it conveys
to the world*. Accordingly, to be in harmony with the work of God,
the book had to be built according to the law of divine proportions,
precisely those that are put into the stamp of the book, into the ter-
rarum
orbis.
This postulate about the proper forming of a book was
developed and cultivated by all the scnptorial schools of East and
West. It was given new life by Renaissance neo-Platonism and
Gutenberg's invention for the multiplication of books with moveable
types. Printing was acknowledged to be a new art, not because of the
new technology, but because of the practical application of knowl¬
edge about the nature of harmony in the divine work, knowledge
about the laws of measure that governed all the biggest and the small¬
est in human knowledge of the divine universe. This knowledge was
proved with the shaping of the book as integrated work, with the real¬
isation of a higher order of harmony among all the components of the
book.
What were the basic characteristics of a mark that included
the terrarum
orbis
morjR
**
Three white dots in the printer's
mark of
Blaž
Baromié,
and the search
for their meaning, set off all the
research published in this book.
All the true marks, which we have called
typogram,
were
always carved in negative, as white drawing on a black ground. The
basic proportion of a rectangle in which was engraved the terrarum
orbis
is always in one of the canonical formats or some dynamic diag¬
onal derivation. The general type of mark is individualised in various
ways: differing proportions of circle and cross that were always corn-
modular with the external proportions of the mark, various positions
of the equator in the orb, varying positions, number and sizes of bars,
initials put into the orb or outside it, the signs of the Trinity
-
the tri¬
angle or three dots** or stars, dots by the patibulum or at the ends of
the bars. Designing
a typogram
was without any doubt a challenge to
the printer's invention, an assay of his knowledge of the theory of har¬
mony.
302
In an analysis of the geometrical relations within the
typogram,
the same tools and the same techniques are used that the
Renaissance printer employed; they are the divider and proportional
divider and the straightedge*. The geometrical idea of the
typogram
developed from the geometry of the basic square in the rectangle of
the mark (see the illustrations in the chapters In the beginning was the
square, Gioseffo Zarlino
-
personal mark, Book of Durow, pp.
59-72).
Bi¬
section,
trisection
or the golden section of the page and the diagonal
of the square govern the development of the construction of all
dimensions and the concatenation of their interpretations. The circle
with the cross is a picture of firmly articulated geometrical functions.
By a reconstruction of the phases and steps in the creation of this
mark, the printer's innermost geometrical ideas can be decoded
-
it is,
at the same time, a message to an inner circle of those who know
about his geometrical creativity and the specialness of the work for
which the design the mark.**
We can only guess at whether the printers of incunabula
imparted some other meanings to the function of the mark with the
terrarum
orbis
motif so interpreted. That it is possible is shown by the
fact that many of them had their own permanent marks drawn in the
spirit of the epoch
-
pictured allegories, and often witty visual riddles
whether concerning their own name, or the city they came from, say¬
ings or devices (sayings or quotes from the Scriptures). However, for
editions that were special or important for them, they carefully con¬
structed involved geometrical messages, well concealed in a timeless
capsule
-
in a simple, impressive crystal clear mark that was the sym¬
bol of Christ's earthly and spiritual dominion. Ambiguity in the set
matrix of the
Salvator mundi
symbol is a witty form of simultaneous
revelation and concealment. In one level of the
typogram,
the visible,
we have the symbolism of the ideogram while in the other, the invis¬
ible, we discover the real operative typographic measures
-
as in some
kind of proto-typometer, in a visual and geometrical computer. Unlike
the technical (the parts of the craft for exhibition), the intellectual and
spiritual components of the black art were clearly not revealed to all
who knew how to handle the lever of the printing press.
The thought arises quite irresistibly that the
typogram
was
(much before the organisation of the lodges of the freemasons) an
*
Gulden
Paser
-
one of the main
marks of Chnstofor Plantin.
**
See an analysis of the mark of
Blaž
Baromić
-
the first mark in the history
of Croatian Glagolitic printing
-
pp.
94-97
and
106.)
303
expression or sign of the idea of the
création
of a possible European
free printers' academy.
Blaž
Baromié
was a canon of the church in
Senj
in
1497,
so
whence the idea of or stimulus to make such a
mark¿
He was initiat¬
ed into the secret of the
typogram
by Andrea Torresani in Venice in
1492/93.
The great Venetian master stamped the last verso page of the
Glagolitic Croatian Breviary, prepared for the press and corrected in
the Torresani shop by
Blaž
Baromié,
with a red
typogram.
Baromié
brought the whole print run of the breviary to
Senj.
But apart from the
crates with the breviaries,
Baromié
also brought with him from Venice
the knowledge of printing and a complete set of printing equipment
-
a press, new Glagolitic types, and probably enough paper for the first
book to be printed on Croatian ground in
Senj,
the Missal according to
the law of the court of Rome.
At that time Torresani on the whole used a pictorial printer's
mark, a pictogram, a depiction of a tower flanked by the initials A and
T
(in several versions). This mark was clearly a visual allusion to the
root
torre
(tower) in the family name. Apart from his
typogram
engraved in wood for the Croatian Glagolitic breviary we also know
from the literature another mark from
1488,
published in the Epistle
of St Jerome. Both marks are exemplary
typograms.
The younger sign
from the Epistle is in the form of a double square, while in the bre¬
viary it is in the format
1 :
V2. It is important to mention in connec¬
tion with
Baromić's
breviary that Torresani determined that the trini¬
ty of main typographic magnitudes in the book
-
page size, two col¬
umn printing and area of letters on verse and rector pages together
with the spine margin should be in the proportions of the diagon
1 :
V2. With the printer's mark in the same proportion, he showed, illus¬
trated the formal idea, the ideational paradigm on which he devel¬
oped the plan for printing the Glagolitic breviary.
Baromić's
mark, in the proportions of the sixton,
1 :
V3, was
published in
1497
in the book Spovid
općena
-
General Confession.
How did
Baromié
construct his mark, how did he harmonise its size
with the size of the letters and of the
pages¿
We know nothing of his
geometrical education. But the exactitude of the format of the book
(the sesquialteran quinton
1:1.5),
the golden proportion in the way in
which the types were placed in the quarto format (auron
5:8)
and the
304
exact format
of the
mark (hexagonal sixton
1 :
V3)
tell of a sound geo¬
metrical knowledge (pp.
94, 95, 100, 106).
This typographical trinity of
canonical formats was embodied by
Baromić
in the unity of the book
with the size of the type body
-
the one concrete printer's unit that he
had brought from Venice (in German, Kegl, Schriftkegl). Analysis
shows that
Baromić
deliberately and knowingly decided (as taught by
Torresani) that the size of the print body of the Glagolitic letter should
be the module by which he would measure all the important dimen¬
sions in the book (see the illustration on p.
113).
He determined the
height of the book as
33
rows (for the number of years Christ lived on
earth); the height of the printing would be
25
rows (for the day of the
Nativity); the empty surface in the centre of the text on which he
placed the mark measured
11
rows
-
or one third of the height; two
thirds of the height of the page
(22
rows) belonged to the width of the
page; the number of lines above the mark was
9,
and in the colophon
below the mark were five rows. The mark itself measured
9
and in
width approximately
5
rows. (Size of row is understood to mean the
footprint of the letter in the sequence and the spacing.) The surface
that all the printed rows above and below the mark cover is a full
square
(14
χ
14).
The diagonal of this square measures
20
rows, while
the golden ratio
φ
of the square base of
14
is again
22 -
the number
with which we previously measured the width of the page.
And with all this, it was important to
Baromić
that the print¬
ed contents of the Confession should end on the 36th leaf or the 72nd
page, although the book had a total of
38
leaves or
76
pages. After the
last printed page, the book had to have more empty leaves. These
sheets were not added subsequently, but were integrated during the
layout into the external and internal form of the last quire (p.
104).
This quire was a ternion (a quire of three double leaves), while the
whole book was set and bound in quarternions. With an adroit litde
play around the layout of the last quire,
Baromić
deliberately engi¬
neered the occasion for his
typogram
to be placed on the third leaf of
the last quire or ternion (see the illustration on p.
104).
The size of the module of the book, that is, of the type body,
or line including spacing, was
4.12
mm (height of column of
103
mm
divided by the number of
25
rows). We might call diis dimension the
Baromić
or the
Senj
printing works
cicero.
But in
Baromić's
time this
305
measure had to be a fraction, part of some other recent linear meas¬
ure, in the duodecimal system of measurement. We are on very shaky
ground here, since almost every city had its own foot or cubit. In
commercial or building works, values were pragmatically unified with
the authority of some foot. In the calculation, the local foot was most
often recalculated in terms of the French royal foot
{pied du rot),
the old
Roman foot or the Rhine foot. Irrespective of the real size of the foot,
and assuming that the foot consisted of
72
units, the system was, on
the whole, organised this was:
a cubit had
1.5
feet-
108
cic;
a cubit had
6
palms, and
1
palm then
- 18
cic;
in a foot there were
4
palms
- 72
cic;
in a foot there were
16
fingers, and so one finger
- 4.5
cic;
in a palm there were four inches, that is,
18
cic
If the size of
a Baromié
cicero
in millimetres is multiplied by
72
we get the size of a hypothetical foot of
296.65
mm. This meas¬
urement is very close to the Roman foot of
295.945
mm and the
Augsburg foot of
296.17
mm, and must have been correlated, or been
very close to, the size of the paper on which
Baromié
planned the lay¬
out of the book in quarto. We have calculated that the ideal larger side
of his paper would have measured
69
ciceros or
284.28
mm. This
means that a surplus of
12.36
mm would have been taken off by cut¬
ting the folio into the clean format
(6
mm each on every smaller side
of the leaf).
It will nevertheless remain unknown from which foot the
type-cutter derived the size of
Baromić's
letters. A very similar size of
letter is found in German letter press was called
Rheinländer
and
Brevier. This is a size of
11
didot points, or
4.136
mm. (In England
11
pt
=
small pica, and Brevier was a size of
8
points). The difference
between the German Brevier and the
Baromié
cicero
in the General
Confession is
0.016
mm. Could we propose this fact as a hint of the
possible German roots of a type-cutter employed in Venice in the
1420s, from whom
Baromié,
probably at the recommendation of
Torresani, ordered his
types¿
Translation: Graham McMaster
306 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Paro, Frane 1940- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1065466358 |
| author_facet | Paro, Frane 1940- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Paro, Frane 1940- |
| author_variant | f p fp |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV042287861 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)900784271 (DE-599)DNB1064674852 |
| era | Geschichte gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Kroatien |
| id | DE-604.BV042287861 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:26:16Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789535699408 |
| language | German |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027725093 |
| oclc_num | 900784271 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 325 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Katedra Čakavskog Sabora Roč |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Paro, Frane 1940- Verfasser (DE-588)1065466358 aut Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] Frane Paro The typographic legacy of Blaž Baromić Zagreb Katedra Čakavskog Sabora Roč 2012 325 S. zahlr. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The typographic legacy of Blaž Baromič Baromić, Blaž vor 1450-nach 1505 (DE-588)128980281 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Inkunabel (DE-588)4027041-5 gnd rswk-swf Eckige Glagoliza (DE-588)4151006-9 gnd rswk-swf Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Baromić, Blaž vor 1450-nach 1505 (DE-588)128980281 p Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Inkunabel (DE-588)4027041-5 s Eckige Glagoliza (DE-588)4151006-9 s Geschichte z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027725093&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027725093&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Paro, Frane 1940- Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] Baromić, Blaž vor 1450-nach 1505 (DE-588)128980281 gnd Inkunabel (DE-588)4027041-5 gnd Eckige Glagoliza (DE-588)4151006-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)128980281 (DE-588)4027041-5 (DE-588)4151006-9 (DE-588)4073841-3 |
| title | Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] |
| title_alt | The typographic legacy of Blaž Baromić |
| title_auth | Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] |
| title_exact_search | Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] |
| title_full | Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] Frane Paro |
| title_fullStr | Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] Frane Paro |
| title_full_unstemmed | Nevidljiva Tipografija [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] Frane Paro |
| title_short | Nevidljiva Tipografija |
| title_sort | nevidljiva tipografija bozji pecat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli posveceno tipogramu blaza baromica i prvoj glagoljaskoj tiskari u senju |
| title_sub | [božji pečat i kristogram u hrvatskoglagoljskoj inkunabuli ; posvećeno tipogramu Blaža Baromića i prvoj glagoljaškoj tiskari u Senju] |
| topic | Baromić, Blaž vor 1450-nach 1505 (DE-588)128980281 gnd Inkunabel (DE-588)4027041-5 gnd Eckige Glagoliza (DE-588)4151006-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Baromić, Blaž vor 1450-nach 1505 Inkunabel Eckige Glagoliza Kroatien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027725093&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027725093&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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