Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934:
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
---|---|
Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Albanian |
Veröffentlicht: |
Tiranë
UET Press
2013
|
Schriftenreihe: | Studime
8 |
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Includes bibliographical references ( p.247-255) |
Beschreibung: | xviii, 257 p. 21 cm |
ISBN: | 9789995639945 9995639947 |
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PËRMBAJTJA
PARATHËNIE
к
Prof. dr.
Valentina
Duka
NJE
LIBER PLOT VLERA
HISTORIKE
xi
DHEAKTUALE
Prof. dr.
Pëllumb Xhufi
SPROVE E ARBEN
CICIT
NE HISTORINE
xiii
DIPLOMATIKE
TE
SHQIPËRISË
Profdr.
Adem
Mezini
FTESË PËR NJË VËSHTRIM
KRITIK
xvii
NË TË SHKUARËN
TONE
Virgjil
Мисі
HYRJE
1
KAPITULLI
I
15
Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në
kontekstin
evropian,
1920-1926
Përmbajtja
L
Çështja
e stabilite
tit
politik
të Shqipërisë
15
dheLtalia
(1920-1924)
II.
Shqipëria
riè rivalìtetin
49
italo-jugosllav
(1925-1926)
KAPITULU
II
77
Forcimi i
marrëdhënieve shqiptaro-italiane,
paktet eTiranës
(1926-1927)
L
Pakti
i paré i
Tiranës
77
IL
Lufta
politike
për
traktatin e
aleancës mbrojtëse
115
KAPITULU
III
141
Konflikti
italo-shqiptar
(1928-1934)
/.
Roli i
Ltalisë ne krijimin
e
monarkisë ne Shqipëri
141
II.
Mosmarrëveshjet italo-shqiptare
173
PËRFUNDIMET
213
CONCLUSIONS
231
BIBLIOGRAFIA
247
Bayerische \
Staatsbibliothek j
München j
»., , ,
_
У
Vill
CONCLUSIONS
Based on numerous Albanian and foreign historical
researches, considerable archival resources, different
memories and newspapers, the analysis of the history of the
relations between Albania and Italy in the years
1920 — 1924
aims at providing a contribution to the history of Albania,
particularly in the realm of international relations.
In the context of bilateral relations between Albania
and Italy as complementary to the international relations
and closely connected especially with the Balkan relations,
this period, which has never been approached as a separate
monographic study, is a topic of special interest.
Relations between Albania and Italy have always been
a priority for both countries. Thus, any research at particular
periods is a valuable proof and a support to any views and
objective analyses of different phenomena and situations,
past, present or future, within the framework of bilateral,
231
Conclusions
regional and multilateral relations.
This study highlights one of the most important
parts of the history of relations between the two countries,
approaching it closely connected with the geopolitical and
geostrategic developments revealing observations of certain
Balkan phenomena which affected or were influenced by the
course of relations among Italy, Albania and Yugoslavia and
their close and distant allies.
It reflects and observes objectively, within their
complexity, processes of bilateral and multilateral relations
connected with the interior developments in Albania and Italy.
Analyzing the complexity of this period's relations
between Albania and Italy provides evidence about the
relations between Italy and Yugoslavia within their rivalry
over ruling Albania, often upon compromise or even open
antagonism, about their politics, their goals and means of
achieving them at the expense of Albania.
Crises and blossoms, contrasts and amity,
ups
and
downs, antagonisms and agreements distinguished the
Albania-Italy relations in all fields included in this study.
On one side, Albania is at the beginning of founding her
own state. She is building the Albanian monarchy and is
striving to strengthen her independence in front of Italy,
where, on the other side, fascism and enlargement policy to
the next coast of the Adriatic made up the strategy of its
foreign policy.
The 1920-s coincide with the especially political
difficulties of post WWI Albania, her efforts to protect
the territorial integrity, independence, and the state against
intimidations and threats of neighbour countries supported
by the Great Powers. The common anachronistic concept of
post WWI Great Powers' chancelleries that "an independent
232
| Arben
Cici
Conclusions
Albania would be apolitical entity rejected by Italy, Yugoslavia
and Greece, maintaining this way the Middle Albania under
a nominal independence and under the protectorate of
a Great Power", which dominated the proceedings of the
Peace Conference, concurred with the interest of Italy for
Albania. However, its open anti-Albania policy not only
during the Peace Conference, but also with its military
and political presence
ín
Albania was in compliance with
the interests of Albania's neighbours. Thus, Italy started to
disclose its claim for superiority upon them. It can be fairly
assumed that after WWI, a new form of a strong recently
emerged rivalry between Italy and Yugoslavia in the Adriatic
started to spread to Albania.
The Italian foreign policy was challenged by the
objective and legitimate stand of the Albanian delegation
and of the overwhelming majority of the existing national
political spectrum within Albania and beyond, determined
on Albania's independence and on the foundation of the
Albanian state. Despite of several objective flaws, the Albanian
national movement
ofthat
time was explicit and determined
to protect the Albanian state from territorial threats by its
neighbours. At the same time, it also expressed her wish
to establish equal relations with them. Italy, unwilling to
recognize the Albanian state, was against her independence
and became party to all agreements sanctioning Albania's
break up and her disintegration. On the
29
of July
1919,
it signed the Venizellos-Titoni secret treaty and later on,
on the
13-14
of December
1920,
it accepted to be part of
the British, French and Italian compromise on Albania's
break up, unveiling thus the expansionistic and unrestrained
plan of Rome leading circles to dominate the other side
of the Adriatic.
Marrëdhëniet
shqiptaro-italiane
ne vitet
1920-1934
|
233
Conclusions
While
Paris
Peace Conference was proceeding,
a national movement dressed with strong anti-Italian
nuances had already started. It expanded and culminated
with the national Congress of Lushnja. The anti-Italian
spirit supported especially by the democratic forces of
that time and by the national movements outside Albania
succeeded in the victorious battle in Vlora. This spirit was
not just anti-Italian, but totally and substantially national,
sustaining the idea of protecting Albania's independence
and integrity and strengthening the Albanian state upon
truly national foundations. Furthermore, this victory biased
the proceedings of the Peace Conference and its decisions.
Italy, determined to accomplish its aims towards
Albania, used all its opportunities as a participant in all
tables where the fate of Albania and its borders was being
decided as well as all possible means to make the future of
the small country depend on the Rome politics. It wanted
Albania to be under its protectorate, military annexing
thus all her strategically important territories. Its politics
worked at fulfilling the plan of making use of its concrete
opportunities and of its effective interests. It could not give
up its aims over the eastern coast of the Adriatic and utilized
all its political, economic and military levers in function of
plots, blackmails and pressures, and sometimes applying soft
politics or peaceful offensive.
Albania's admission in the League ofNations, apart from
its political importance in the international arena, for the first
time, brought into light a very important factor to Albania,
which became a significant element for her admission into
this very important organization. The economic importance
of Albania disdained other political or regional obstacles
created especially by its neighbours. Confronting the rivalry
234
I Arben
Cici
Conclusions
of the Great Powers and particularly its neighbours' claims,
England supported Albania's admission in the League of
Nations in exchange of Albanian petroleum concessions.
The Albanian Government of that time accepted England
as a supporting political ally, which declared openly its
economic interests in Albania. Albania's political victory, her
admission in the Nations' League, was much more valuable
than any economic concession of the time.
However, Rome did not delay to remind its rival, i.e.
England, of its forerunning legitimate rights over AJbania
upon the monopoly of petroleum, since its exploration came
as a result of Italy's initiative.
When fascism came into power, Rome re-evaluated its
relations with Albania considering them as very important
and demanding thus their reinvigoration. The success in
building up these relations according to the new concept
and interests of fascist ideology would represent the first
proof of the success of the long term strategy dominating in
the Adriatic, the Balkans and other parts of the world.
To accomplish his aims, Mussolini engaged also
the most powerful Italian financial and industrial private
enterprises including them within his strategy. By doing this,
he proved that his interest towards Albania was a priority.
The foreign economic and financial presence, absolutely
necessary to Albania at that time, was inconsiderable,
keeping in mind the opportunities that the leading political
class of Tirana could provide. Not only the stoned concept
of the Albanian democratic opposition towards the foreign
concessions and the lack of interior political stability, but also
the frequent disorders and violence at the Albanian borders
created by the neighbor monarchies, as well as the open
and strong antagonism of the states concerned to penetrate
Marrëdhëniet
shqiptaro-italiane
ne vitet
1920-1934
|
235
Conclusions
economically into Albania, remain the main factors which
obstructed the presence of the foreign capital in the country
However, it can be confirmed that Italy was the first
and the only country that built up a serious long-term
political and economic strategy in function of its penetrating
interests in Albania.
The powerful economic and financial Italian lobbing
politically supported by Rome and under the auspices of the
League of Nations dominated the monetary and crediting
system in Albania. At separate well-designed phases, Italy
started to implement the principles of its foreign policy
toward Albania. The first trade agreement between Italy and
Albania was considered by Albania as the first step of the
institutionalization of their bilateral relations so necessary
to a state that was still an embryo. It was also the first sign of
hope for support to the recovery of the Albanian economy.
This document gave Italy the status of the most favorite
country, mutually sanctioning the grant of concessions to
third parties which could act in disfavor of the signing parties.
The course of the relations between Albania and Italy
was closely connected with and interdependent on the
developments of relations between Italy and Yugoslavia, their
political tides and ebbs, having itself its influence upon them.
Italy's engagement in Albania and in the Balkans aimed at
strengthening its positions in the region and weakening
Yugoslavia's influence in this zone as well. The secret Italy-
Yugoslavia pact, which provided privileges to both countries
at Albania's expense, was substantially an expression of this
rivalry. With this document, drafted upon the feeling of
mutual doubt, Rome assured itself that Yugoslavia would
not undertake any dangerous actions against Albania, while
Belgrade could ease its conscience that Albanian nationalism
236
| Arben
Cici
Conclusions
in
Kosova
would not have the support of Italy
Upon the privileges provided by the League of
Nations and the priority gained in Albania as economically
the most favorite country, Italy laid the first solid foundation
of its long-term strategy in the Balkans. The prologue of this
agreement provided guarantees to block any paths to the
influence of France and Britain in the region.
Meanwhile,both countries were separately endeavoring
to find or create a reliable interior political force, which would
totally be under their dictate and become a supporter and
guarantee of the relevant economic and political interests in
Albania. This similar platform was mostly reflected in the
failure of the Government of Noli, despite of the readiness
of the latter to maintain and develop friendly relations with
Italy, at a time when
Zog,
overthrew by this government,
was sheltered and supported by Yugoslavia.
The collapse of Noli Government can be fairly
considered as a victory of Yugoslavia within the continuous
Italy-Yugoslavia rivalry, at the expense of the Italian interests
ín
the Adriatic. The aim of the Government of Belgrade was
to come to a solution with Italy, stemming, according to
its plans, from the favorable position and the "supremacy"
believing to have won with the return of Ahmet
Zog in
power.
It was unacceptable to Mussolini that a man of
Yugoslavia led Albania, since he would obviously compromise
the fascism plans to penetrate there. Rome was ready to use
any means to guarantee a dominating position of rights in
Albania, which would give the possibility to intervene in
its favor. It acted in a way neutralizing all doubtful political
movements in Tirana, since they might bring to the same
position other powers that were present in Albania.
Only by using an efficient policy intended to come up
Marrëdhëniet
shqiptaro-italiane
ne vitet
î
920-1934
|
237
Conclusions
with
favorable solutions
over plenty of important issues that
had not been solved since a long time, Rome could provide
the key of opening its way to the Italian capital to penetrate
dominantly in Albania.
Being in front of this rivalry,
Zog
accepted righteously
the Italian alternative and began to support Rome's interests,
especially those economic, considering them not only as
useful, but also necessary, promising to provide them the
deserving dominant position in Albania.
It is true that the Albanian political turn towards closer
relations with Italy occurred not only as the result of Rome's
pressure, but it was also directly or not directly induced by
the non-realistic Yugoslavian policy towards Tirana. It was
drafted to inflict failure and negative results within Albania
and in the Balkan context, as well.
At this time, the Italy-Yugoslavia rivalry over Albania
risked to turn into an open conflict.
Yugoslavia, which spotted the danger of such a
confrontation with Italy over the Albanian question, tried to
keep the dialogue with the Italian government open. Belgrade
intended not to displace Italy from Albania, because it was
impossible. Therefore, it tried to co-rule in order to avoid
that Albania were entirely under the Italian domain.
To carry out his short-term platform of the Italian
protectorate perspective over Albania, Mussolini drew near
his goals serious and qualified economic Italian groups. He
offered to these circles concerned to have access in Albania
a very good guarantee to exploit systematically the existing
economic Albanian resources.
The first very important step was his attempt to put
under his absolute control the budget and crediting and to
gain some important concessions in Albania. Talks, threats,
238
| Arben
Cici
Conclusions
secret meetings,
compromising
promises,
government
crises
or other new elements of the Italian policy towards
Albania characterized Rome's politics to achieve its goal.
This aggressive strategy of the Italian foreign policy inflicted
negative reactions in Belgrade, which did not hesitate to use
its traditional means. Thus, it activated the contingent of the
North Albania that was under its influence to threaten the
Government of Tirana.
The Yugoslavian government was disappointed not
only by the new political stand of Rome, but particularly by
the pro-Italian bias of the foreign policy of
Zog.
The new political platform of Mussolini was based on
the new concept of protecting the Albanian independence
within the framework of Italy-Yugoslavia bad relations,
under the regime of
Zog,
to whom was recognized the
nationalistic right over the eastern Serbia of that time. In
conformity with this authentic political platform, Rome
would place Albania under its real protectorate, lifting
Zog
the possibility to act autonomously.
Within the context of strengthening the Yugoslavian
union, the Italy-Yugoslavia rivalry over Albania was an
undivided link of a wider clash chain among the Great
Powers. Following the difficulties of the post World War I,
they started to review the old alliances and to reestablish
new alliances stemming from their interests in dominating
the European continent politically and economically.
Within Italy-Yugoslavia rivalry of
1925-26,
Britain
encouraged the Italian government policy to penetrate
into Albania, being this way tolerant and explicit at the
same time that concerning Italy-France rivalry, England
(Britain) would be unbiased, while in the first case, it would
support Italy as a more powerful country economically and
Marrëdhëniet
shqiptaro-itaüane ne vitet
1920-1934
|
239
Conclusions
financially and also more dangerous in achieving its goals.
Albania was sailing over true political and economic clashes
of interests between Italy and Yugoslavia and behind them,
France and England (Britain), to stop the diffusion of each
other in the Balkans or find quicker and more efficient ways
of penetration in the region, even breaking the agreements
they had signed.
Within favorable international circumstances in its
regard, Italy started its serious economic investment in
Albania, establishing soon the political umbrella protecting
its investing capitals.
The first Italy-Albania pact of Tirana, which was
a genuine political pact, came as a logical result of the
course of the political, economic and military relations
between Italy and Albania, following their secret bilateral
commitments
ofthat
time.
Viewed in the Balkan context, the creation of Italy-
Albania alliance generated as a reaction after the failure
of the Italian proposal to establish a Danube-Balkan
cooperation with the final goal to neutralize and control the
French-English domain in this region.
In the same context, but in less geographical space, it
can be confirmed that the conclusion of this agreement was
also influenced by the Yugoslavian policy towards Albania.
Stemming from its actions and movements,
Zog
considered
it just not only as the greatest direct outside danger for
the Albanian borders in the international arena, but also
as the country that besides its aggressiveness to penetrate
economically and politically, could offer very small economic
opportunities as compared to Italy.
It is important to highlight that over the entire process
of preparing this new political alliance, while trying to
240
I Arben
Cici
Conclusions
maneuver within the narrow spaces consented by Mussolini,
by signing it
Zog
attempted to provide a document that
represented one more guarantee for the political independence
and territorial integrity of Albania. A special and continuous
attention was attached also to keeping the relations with
Yugoslavia neutral with the view to maintaining an overall
calm in the northern Albanian border and to avoiding the
anti-
Zog
emigration to Yugoslavia.
An important and politically analyzed action was the
initiative of
Zog
to extend this alliance into a three or four-
lateral framework inviting also Yugoslavia and Greece.
Moreover, through this pact, which was indeed a
personal guarantee for his regime,
Zog
aimed to maintain
unity within Albania and play a positive role in his
interior policy.
Observing the small political, financial and military
opportunities consented to
Zog
during the negotiations
for the pact and Zog's fear of a Yugoslavian aggression
to Albania, it can be presumed that this pact represented
an important and positive document in the bilateral and
international aspect. In the destabilized situation in the
Balkans, the solution accepted by both parties (Tirana and
Rome) was a guarantee with mobile mechanisms very much
faster than that of the League of Nations. It was also a direct
commitment of Italy to protect its economic interests and
investments in Albania.
The First Pact of Tirana, among other things, created
the first important political and legal provisional platform
of the relations between the two states for a more intensive
continuation of their bilateral political relations and their
extension in other fields as well.
The Albanian personal guarantee, upon which the
Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në
vitet
1920-1934
¡
241
Conclusions
First Pact of Tirana was based, was just a temporary element
of the entirety of Italy-Albania relations, necessary for the
moment and very soon correctable.
Rome accepted this breakable guarantee in exchange of
the first concrete and very important step of
Zog
toward the
relations with Italy. But it was later corrected by signing the
Pact for Mutual Oefense Alliance between Italy and Albania.
Apart from the increasing mutual interest to
intensify the relations and their extension in other fields,
the new political developments in the Balkans and Europe
encouraged the conclusion of the Defense Alliance Pact.
The unexpected signing of the France-Yugoslavia Political
Treaty was suddenly followed by the signing of the Italy-
Albania document.
By signing the Defense Alliance Pact, Mussolini
achieved his political objective of formal equity between
Rome and Tirana, planned since
1925,
contrasting thus Zog's
direct interests. Hence, he replaced the personal guarantee of
Zog
supported by the First Pact of Tirana.
In the regional framework, at open rivalry with
Yugoslavia and its ally
—
France, Mussolini proved especially
to the former that it must give up its claims over Albania's
borders and the continuous armed aggressions against
her. With the Defense Alliance Pact, Rome attained the
unilateral right over Albania.
The new Italy-Albania defense treaty did not generate
directly from France-Yugoslavia treaty, but it was the result
of a logical maturation of the bilateral relations. It was a
product of their interests. In this case, it would be more
precise to voice that in the chain and invisible system of
Balkan and European rivalry, both treaties encouraged the
ground and conclusion of each other, reopening the existing
242
| Arben
Cici
Conclusions
conflict among Italy, France and Yugoslavia.
The entirety of domestic and exterior problems
besieging
Zog
and his power in the
1926-27
represented a
constant danger not only to him, but also to the guarantee
of the independence of Albania. Thus, the exchange of the
formal guarantee of the Nations' League with a concrete,
permanent, direct and one-sided guarantee, i.e. with the
political and military guarantee provided by the level of
relations with Italy, was an immediate necessity and well-
examined action. The defense treaty made up the basis for
the improvement of bilateral relations. This agreement was
indeed a peace agreement providing a new form of Zog's
commitment to guaranteeing the territorial sovereignty and
integrity of Albania.
The role of the fascist Italy in founding and supporting
the Albanian monarchy needs a special attention and
analysis within the entirety of the relations between the two
countries. In this period, Mussolini's interests and ambitions,
for several reasons, were in full harmony.
After building two strong pillars of legal and
institutional guarantee through two pacts with Albania
signed within a very short time, Italy tried to strengthen the
state where it had concentrated its main and many-sided
investment and which could justly be considered as the door
of the Italian fascism to the Balkans. Only an absolute power
over Albania, led by a man of Italy, would be a long-term
guarantee in function of fulfilling prospectively the strategy
of its foreign policy for a more secure diffusion to the Balkans,
as Viewed in the background of other Balkan monarchies,
the establishment of a new monarchy in the Balkans seemed
unnecessary. Especially because of its peculiarity (the
proclamation as the King of the Albanians living outside
Marrëdhëniet
shqiptaro-italiane
ne vitet
1920-1934
|
243
Conclusions
the
administrative
borders of Albania), it
ivas
a challenge
to Yugoslavia, since Yugoslavia had unfairly included within
its borders Albanian lands inhabited by a lot of Albanians.
Hence, this provoked negative reactions.
Those years, in Albania was evident the need for a
system of absolute power, regardless of how it was achieved
in the interior aspect, through legal and institutional defects
and artifices. This power, which would establish an interior
and exterior union, would have the possibility and strength
to put an end to inter-kinship contrasts and disagreements
inflicted and inherited by the long Ottoman occupation.
It would also rank the Albanian monarchy and following
the Albanian state at the same level with other Balkan and
European monarchies.
Based on a general analysis of the history of Albania, it
can be said that the creation of the Albanian monarchy during
the difficult process of stabilization and strengthening of the
Albanian state, facing interior and exterior destructive aims,
was a key moment with a positive impact on this process.
In the history of the Italy-Albania relations of the
'30-s, the creation of the Albanian monarchy, apart from
a positive and important result of their course, represented
indeed the climax of their expected level. After such a success,
Italy felt more secure, relaxed and more dominating over the
Albanian economy and politics, and also more determined
to continue its way towards Balkan diffusion.
On the other hand, after this time, Albania endeavored
to strengthen its dignity particularly in the Balkan context,
in function of reciprocal regional partnership.
Elements of Albania's interior political and economic
stabilization, as a result of Italy's ever limited assistance,
did not flourish as much as to be considered structures
244
| Arben
Cici
Conclusions
of a sustainable development of the Albanian economy.
Therefore, the relations between the two countries were
complicated later. This new phase was distinguished by
tendencies and
efforts
of
Zog
to attain freedom of financial,
military, administrative and political action at home and
outside Albania, openly rejecting thus the Italian policy
Zog
and the entire Albanian public opinion, being totally aware
that the sincere friendship of Italy had been converted into
an overall destructive
pincer
to every one, finally decided to
go up against it as they traditionally did. It is true that apart
from the Italian offensive penetrating in Albania,
Zog was
under an intensive net of pressure and control, devoid of any
spaces for domestic and exterior political movement. The
Italian offensive against
Zog
had already started generating
the expecting results in Albania.
The negative effects of the Italian politics in Albania
affected all cells of the Albanian society.
The spontaneous and delayed reaction of
Zog
not
only did not have any positive result, but what is worse,
it inflicted the further aggravation of the economic and
financial crisis in Albania. It caused considerable damages
in the financial and economic policies due to its nationalistic
and delayed reforms in the Albanian education and other
fields of the Albanian economy. The political movements
of
Zog,
his reactions and refusals over the
exp
ansio
nis
tic
policy of the fascist Italy and its objectives on Albania were
mostly overdue and spectacular rather than politically well
founded and analyzed.
Zog
acted this way not because it was the only, but
mainly because he believed that by doing so he would
maintain his home power untouched and would also be
publicly immune and considered faultless in his nationalistic
Marrëdhëniet
shqiptaro-italiane
ne vitet
1920-1934
|
245
Conclusions
policy towards Italy and the other neighbor as well.
The double game with Italy and Yugoslavia, played
by
Zog
many times, did not have any positive outcome
and generated deterioration and tensioned situations in the
relations with these two countries as well as unnecessary
delays with negative results in fulfilling all indispensable
economic requirements of Albania.
However, at particular moments in the relations
with Italy and especially with Yugoslavia,
Zog
became an
equal partner. In these cases, his opinion and stand were of
great importance.
The strategy of the foreign policy of Italy after World
War I, and particularly during the years of fascism, which was
supported by all of its interior structures (political, military
and financial) and continuously based on its principle of
diffusing the Italian hegemony in the Balkans and beyond,
utilized all its tactical and strategic elements to achieve its
aim. During this period, Rome's foreign policy concerning
its relations with .Albania was designed according to the
objectives of the moment and to the present bilateral,
regional and European situations: open rejection of Albania's
independence, Italy's protectionist role and Albania's
conversion into a safe springboard to the near political and
military extension of fascism towards the Balkans.
The end of the year
1934
marks the zenith of the
Albanian unsuccessful resistance against the fascist offensive
to dominate Albania and gives the first signs of the gradual
degradation of the independence of
Zog
to exercise his
interior and exterior policy, putting an end this way to one of
the most interesting periods of the Italy-Albania relations.
246 [
Arben
Cici |
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Cici, Arben 1960- |
author_GND | (DE-588)1065200323 |
author_facet | Cici, Arben 1960- |
author_role | aut |
author_sort | Cici, Arben 1960- |
author_variant | a c ac |
building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV042277698 |
ctrlnum | (OCoLC)900663674 (DE-599)BVBBV042277698 |
era | Geschichte 1920-1934 gnd |
era_facet | Geschichte 1920-1934 |
format | Book |
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geographic | Albania / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Albania Italien Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd |
geographic_facet | Albania / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Albania Italien Albanien |
id | DE-604.BV042277698 |
illustrated | Not Illustrated |
indexdate | 2025-01-02T19:17:50Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9789995639945 9995639947 |
language | Albanian |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027715128 |
oclc_num | 900663674 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
physical | xviii, 257 p. 21 cm |
publishDate | 2013 |
publishDateSearch | 2013 |
publishDateSort | 2013 |
publisher | UET Press |
record_format | marc |
series | Studime |
series2 | Studime |
spelling | Cici, Arben 1960- Verfasser (DE-588)1065200323 aut Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 Arben Cici. Me parathënie nga Valentina Duka Tiranë UET Press 2013 xviii, 257 p. 21 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studime 8 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Includes bibliographical references ( p.247-255) Geschichte 1920-1934 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik Albania / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Albania Italien Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 gnd rswk-swf Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd rswk-swf Albanien (DE-588)4001028-4 g Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 g Geschichte 1920-1934 z DE-604 Duka, Valentina Sonstige oth Studime 8 (DE-604)BV035883151 8 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027715128&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027715128&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Cici, Arben 1960- Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 Studime Außenpolitik |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4001028-4 (DE-588)4027833-5 |
title | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 |
title_auth | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 |
title_exact_search | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 |
title_full | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 Arben Cici. Me parathënie nga Valentina Duka |
title_fullStr | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 Arben Cici. Me parathënie nga Valentina Duka |
title_full_unstemmed | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 Arben Cici. Me parathënie nga Valentina Duka |
title_short | Marrëdhëniet shqiptaro-italiane në vitet 1920 - 1934 |
title_sort | marredheniet shqiptaro italiane ne vitet 1920 1934 |
topic | Außenpolitik |
topic_facet | Außenpolitik Albania / Foreign relations / Italy Italy / Foreign relations / Albania Italien Albanien |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027715128&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027715128&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
volume_link | (DE-604)BV035883151 |
work_keys_str_mv | AT ciciarben marredhenietshqiptaroitalianenevitet19201934 AT dukavalentina marredhenietshqiptaroitalianenevitet19201934 |