Verfügbarkeit: Srbija u Britanskoj politici

Srbija u Britanskoj politici: (1889 - 1903)

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. Verfasser:	Ristić, Ljubodrag P. 1954- (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Veröffentlicht:	Beograd Balkanološki Inst. SANU 2014
Schriftenreihe:	Posebna izdanja / Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut 124
Schlagworte:	Geschichte 1889-1903 Außenpolitik Serbien Großbritannien
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	PST: Serbia in British politics (1889 - 1903). - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Beschreibung:	541 S. Ill.
ISBN:	9788671790802

Internformat

MARC


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Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_	1812641676526616576
adam_text	С а др ж a j Предговор . 9 Увод ОД НЕЗАВИСНОСТИ КНЕЖЕВИНЕ ДО ПРОМЕНЕ НА ПРЕСТОЛУ КРАЉЕВИНЕСРБИЈЕ (1878-1889). 15 Балкан између Сан Стефана и Берлина 1878. године . i7 Контрадикторное™ британске политике у Берлину . 24 Цена независности и проглашења крал>евине . 29 Британски ставови о бугарској кризи иерпско-бугарскомрату . 33 „Угодна основа за трговачке одношаје" . 37 Глава ι ВЕЛИКА БРИТАНИЈА И СРБИЈА У ВРЕМЕ НАМЕСНИШТВА (1889-1893). 41 Абдикацијакраља Милана и британска дипломатика. 43 ОмајскимнередимауБеограду . $2 Повратак митрополита Михаила у Београд . 54 Страх од обележавања петстогодишњице Косовске битке . . 57 Политка Намесништва и британски савети . 6\ „Свађа краљевих родителе" - британско виђење и тумачење . 78 Нова влада и разрешење„свађекраљевихродител>а" . 9° Британски оеврт на путовање крал»а Александра уРусију 1891· године и . 98 . накрајлсвађекрал>евихродител>а" . юо Спољна политика две Владе Николе Пашића и Велика Британија . 105 СмрттрећегнамесникаиВладаЈованаАвакумовића . іі8 Политичке околности наводног помирења краљевих родителе . 124 Глава 2 ПРВИ АПРИЛ 1893. ГОДИНЕ . 131 Државни удар „из осећања дужности према народу" . 133 Британски интереси и српско-аустроугарске тензије 1893· · · Н7 Крал>ев разлаз са радикалима и спољнополитичке опасности 153 Глава з НЕУТРАЛНЕ ВЛАДЕ СРБИЈЕ УБРИТАНСКИМКОМЕНТАРИМА (1894-1895). 155 Повратак екскраља и промена владе у Србији . і57 Нова влада и државни удар 1894.·. ić>4 Краљево путовање у Цариград . 169 Нова, „прелазна" влада старог Николе Христића. 172 Краљево путовање у Русију . і74 Уједињени зајам од 1895. *75 Повратаккраљице-мајке . і8г Глава 4 НАПРЕДЊАЧКА ВЛАДА СТОЈАНА НОВАКОВИЂА И ПОЛИТИКА ВЕЛИКЕ БРИТАНИЈЕ (1895-1896). 185 Економско-политички проблеми Владе Стојана Новаковића 187 Измеђујерменскогимакедонскогпитања . i9¿ Новаковићева спољна политика, македонско питање и британски савети . 196 Балканска сарадња у тесним оквирима међународних околности . 2о8 Велике силе, распламсавање критског питања и Србија . 2ié Уставно питање - изговор за обарање Новаковићеве русофилске владе . 220 Глава 5 ВЕЛИКА БРИТАНИЈА, СРБИЈА И КРИТСКО ПИТАЊЕ (1897) · · ^5 Политика Симићеве владе: „традиционалне везе са Русијом исуседнопријателлСтвосаАустро-Угарском" . 227 Србијаи„дисциплиновањеГрчке" . 229 Пад Владе Тјорђа Симића . 248 Глава 6 БРИТАНСКО ПОСМАТРАЊЕ МИРОЉУБИВЕ ПОЛИТИКЕ ВЛАДЕ ВЛАДАНА 'ŞOP^EBH'KA (1898-1900). 251 Нова политика нове владе . 253 Балканске кризе на почеткуТјорђевићеве владе . 264 Сполінополитичка питања Тјорђевићеве владе . 277 Нови српски кредити и британски разлози . 290 Случај руског посланика Валерија Жадовског . 295 Македонијаусрпско-бугарскимодносима . 299 Британска сведочења о Ивањданском атентату . 3°4 Значај пропагандне делатности Чедомил>а Мијатовића уЕнглеској . Замршени сплет сполене политике и финансијских проблема Србије . 333 Неочекивана краљева одлука и оставка Владе Владана ТЈорђевића . Глава 7 КРАЉЕВАЖЕНИДБАУ„ЗЕМЉИИЗНЕНАТЗЕЊА" . 357 Окретање Србије одАустроугарскекаРусији . $66 Сукоб сародитељима и освета очевим пријатељима . 375 Дипломатскиизвештајио смрти двавладара . 379 Уговор о екстрадицији између Велике Британије и Србије . . 385 Реконструкцијаипад^свадбеногминистарства" . з86 Глава 8 „НЕПРИРОДНА ПОЛИТИЧКА КОМБИНАЦИЈА" ВЛАДА МИХАИЛА В. ВУЈИЋ А . 39і „Разблажена радикална влада" . 393 Сполена политика Владе Михайла Вујића . 4О1 Војска Србије: стање и опремљеност . 42.9 Политика и привреда: појачано интересовање за Србију . . . 433 О наводној краліичино) трудноћи и кандидатима за престо . 44° Отказано руско гостопримство и пад Вујићеве владе . 452 Ефемерна влада Пере Велимировића . 458 Глава 9 СРБИЈА У ВРТЛОГУ РЕФОРМНИХ АКЦИЈА ВЕЛИКИХ СИЛА У ТУРСКОЈ . 4бі Нова влада: повратакАустроугарској . 462. Руско-аустроугарски реформни план и коментари у Британией и Србији . ą-66 Неуспех реформи: Стара Србија и Македонија . 47<5 Глава io КРАЉЕУБИСТВО И ПРЕКИД ДИПЛОМАТСКИХ ОДНОСА ВЕЛИКЕ БРИТАНИЈЕ И СРБИЈЕ . 489 ЗАКЉУЧАК . 5О7 SUMMARY . 51З Извори и литература . 521 Регистар личних имена . S31 Ljubodrag R Ristić SERBIA IN BRITISH POLITICS (1889 -1903) A the Congress of Berlin (1878) Great Britain, in her natural antagonism to Russia, helped Austria become ^the guardian of the new state of affairs in the Balkans". Slightly more than a decade later, Austria-Hungary, seeking to promote its own in¬ terests and oppose those of Russia, became the custodian of British interests in the parts of the Balkans not accessible to the British fleet. In that year Britain success¬ fully thwarted the strengthening of the Russian influence in the Balkans, which Saint Petersburg planned to realize by the creation of a great Bulgarian state. But the fact that it was prevented from putting into effect its plan of the Bulgarian state as envis¬ aged by the Treaty of San Stefano did not deter Russia from further efforts to estab¬ lish its strong and lasting influence in the Balkans nor did it eliminate the idea of a great national state from Bulgarian national and political schemes. The British For¬ eign Secretary Lord Salisbury was aware that it was very difficult to maintain a strong Turkish state capable of resisting the Russian influence and also protect its Christian population, which suffered under the lawlessness of the Turkish authorities and the terror of the local Albanian communities. As time went on, the sporadic efforts of the British government to protect the Christian population became fewer and less energetic because it found it necessary to support and uphold the increasingly weak Turkish Empire as an obstacle to the Russian schemes. The decades that followed the Berlin Congress meant for the Balkans a difficult period of confrontation and/ or coexistence of Russian and Austrian-Hungarian interests and aspirations, and of protracted and ruthless struggles of the Balkan states for national unification. The relations of Great Britain with Serbia in the period of the reign of King Aleksandar Obrenović (1889-1903) were marked by the British concern for Serbia as a region in which the interests of Vienna and Saint Petersburg competed and intersected rather than by a particular interest in the political ideas and economic Şi4 _ Азубодраг П. Ристић progress of Serbia. From the Belgrade point of view, this period was a stage during which the Serbian diplomatic representatives in London sought to obtain political and economic support against Serbia's powerful northern neighbour since it was known that Vienna and London were united against Saint Petersburg in their policy in the Balkans. King Aleksandar and the short-lived governments of Serbia had no choice but to act as their predecessors had done - either to side openly with one or the other of the great powers, or to float uncertainly on the waves of the conflicting interests of Vienna and Saint Petersburg. Although is seemed desirable and profit¬ able to side with a third power, this was not possible because of various reasons apart from the geographic distance. These two powers (especially Austria-Hungary) had succeeded by various means in subjecting Serbia to their influence; the other Great Powers had little interest in expanding their political potential where the division of territory had already been made; and the political and economic potential of Serbia was too small. The decisive role in the definition of the foreign policy of Serbia, both during the reign of Prince/King Milan Obrenović (1872-1889) and at the time of King Aleksandar, was played by the king. While the Serbian foreign policy in the time of Prince/King Milan was often marred by his vacillation and even cowardice, it nevertheless resulted in considerable territorial gains. Its achievements in the more peaceful circumstances o£ King Aleksandar 's reign were, however, considerably more modest. The primary reasons for this were the very changeable international circumstances, and the political instability, material decline and military inefHcacy of Serbia. Although the leading British politicians knew that very well, they were not sure that Serbia's promises that it would not start a war against Bulgaria and Turkey could be trusted. In any case, booth King Aleksandar and the Serbian prime minis¬ ters and ministers of foreign affairs (particularly Stojan Novaković, Vladan Đorđević and Sima Lozanić) made promises that Serbia would pursue a neutral and peaceful policy as long as possible further developments - such as active military interference of Bulgaria into the settlement of the Macedonian question, operations of the Turk¬ ish troops in Kosovo and Metohija, or exacerbation of the Cretan question - did not force them to take the fate of their compatriots in Turkey into their own hands. Both British and Austrian-Hungarian military experts were well aware that the figure of two hundred thousand soldiers, which the Serbian political elite boasted of from time to time, was exaggerated, but they were also aware that the toppling of the tot¬ tering Turkish state did not require a much greater force. During the entire reign of King Aleksandar Obrenović London sent frequent recommendations to Belgrade that Serbia should stick to its independent policy, maintain good relations with the neighbouring states and, above of all, devote it¬ self to the solution of its internal problems. These counsels, which the British repre¬ sentatives in Serbia kept reiterating to the ruler, the ministers and all the important politicians in Belgrade, were possibly listened to, but were not always easy to follow. The British recommendation to the Serbian statesmen that they should stick to their independent policy (such as definitely could not be pursued in the Balkans!) might _ Србија у британско) политици 1889-1903-_ şiş have nourished their hopes, but it sounded like a sarcasm rather than a considered political advice in the actual circumstances of Austrian-Hungarian and Russian influ¬ ences and pressures. Like the other Balkan states (Bulgaria, Montenegro, Greece and Rumania), Serbia had its own national interests, plans and territorial pretensions. Severed from Bosnia and Herzegovina by the provisions of the Congress of Berlin, Serbia directed its aspirations for national unifications to Old Serbia and Macedonia, for which it had strong national and historical grounds. The British diplomatic repre¬ sentatives watched closely the developments in three Turkish administrative districts (the eyalets of Kosovo, Skopje and Bitola), but the of British Government adhered to its policy of non-interference and merely offered advice. The British diplomatic representatives sent to the Foreign Office circumstantial reports on a variety of sub¬ jects - the diplomatic action of Serbia in favour of the canonization of Metropolitan Firmilian, the opening of Serbian schools, the protection of churches, the Bulgarian or Serbian propaganda, crimes and conflicts in Old Serbia. In these reports they ob¬ served strict neutrality as much as it was possible in view of the almost traditional Turkophilia of the British diplomacy. The careful scrutiny of the plans and actions of the Serbian foreign policy was motivated by constant wariness and misgivings of the British diplomacy concernning the possible conclusion of a Russian-Serbian military convention, rumours of which were occasionally circulated. Therefore the fighting potential and exercises of the Serbian army, the manner of recruitment, the modernization of weaponry and the provision of military equipment were subjects of its close interest. In spite ofthat, the apprehension of a new war conflict in the Bal¬ kans did not prevent the British diplomatic representatives from informing regularly the British manufacturers of weapons of the requirements of the Serbian army. It was thought in London that as an intensification of the Russian presence in the Balkans might divert the attention of Britain to southeast Europe and weaken the British position in the Far East, so the establishment of an alliance or federation of the Balkan states - even ifit included Turkey - could threaten peace in southeast Europe and impose upon Britain a considerable unplanned commitment. Any threat to the survival of Turkey might force Britain to make its presence in the Balkans more substantial than merely political and diplomatic. According to the estimates of the British diplomatic representatives, peace in the Balkans was particularly threatened by the mutual accusations of Serbia and Bulgaria connected with the extradition of political culprits, the regulation of borders, the amassing of troops along the frontier line, and the staging of army maneuvers that could be easily turned into preventive military operations on the other side of the border. A special problem was posed by the constant conflict of interests and actions in Macedonia. The endeavours of the Serbian government to negotiate an agreement with Bulgaria or even Turkey and postpone the conflict with them proved unrealistic. The negotiations with Greece, on the other hand, might have had a satisfactory outcome in spite of the opposed Serbian and Greek interests in Macedonia. However, no definite agreement was reached in this period. Neither could Serbia reach an agreement with Montenegro Sió _ тЪубодраг П. Ристић concerning the definition of their spheres of interest and of the boundaries of their potential territorial expansion. The ambition of Prince Nikola Petrović to set up the Petrović Njegoš dynasty on the throne in Belgrade or to secure it for his son-in-law Petar Karađorđević was a source of constant fear of King Aleksandar and hampered, even more than the territorial disputes, the conclusion of a lasting and effectual agreement. The Foreign Office was aware of all that. Serbia was ridden with internal problems which, instead of being dealt with, were becoming graver and more numerous: the return of Metropolitan Mihailo Jovanović, the Fifth Centenary of the Battle of Kosovo, the quarrel and exile of the Kings parents, coups d'état, changes of the constitution, etc. In spite of all this, the frequently short-lived Serbian governments in the last decade of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century worked patiently and assiduously on the ad¬ vancement of Serbian national interests. On the one hand, the relatively good neigh¬ bourly relations among the Balkan states were maintained because the Great Powers had made it clear that they would not tolerate a repetition of the Greek scenario (the Cretan insurrection and the Greek-Turkish war). They were resolute to prevent the flaring up of another limited war between two Balkan states into a general conflagra¬ tion in the Balkans which would provide a pretext for one or several Great Powers to interfere. This was a clear warning, meant for Beigrade and Sofia in the first place. On the other side, the Balkan states were aware of their political, military and eco¬ nomic inability to open any of the national issues in the Balkan tangle. And while Serbia respected the demand for the preservation of the status quo, resorting only to notes sent to the Porte and propaganda in schools, Bulgaria kept organizing bands of irregulars (komitadji) and sending them to Macedonia. The British diplomatic rep¬ resentatives saw no need to take any particular action of their own apart from giving unequivocal support to the serious warnings Russia and Austria-Hungary sent to the Balkan capitals after the conclusion of the Russian-Austrian-Hungarian agree¬ ment of 1897. When Vienna and Saint Petersburg came to the conclusion that it was necessary to demand urgent reforms from the Porte and presented to it a project of necessary improvements, the British Foreign Secretary (Marquess of Lansdowne) hastened to inform the public that he had been acquainted with the plan of reforms before he was officially apprised of it, thus signaling the British support of it. The British diplomatic representatives relied on the information and advice of the Austrian-Hungarian diplomats in Belgrade and the entire western part of the Balkans, and the Austrian-Hungarian representatives, on their part, knew that they could count on the diplomatic backing of their British colleagues. Therefore Ser¬ bia's appeal to the British cabinet for support in its efforts to achieve economic and political independence seemed doomed to failure. Belgrade did not count so much on the backing of London as on the possibility that the British capital might be interested in investments in Serbia and thus contribute, at least in some degree, to its freer development. The Russian-Austrian-Hungarian agreement of 1897 taught the small Balkan states that they must seek support for their political and economic _ Србија у британско j политици 1889-1903-_ Şi? emancipation not only in the cautious exploitation of the rivalries between Russia and Austria-Hungary, but also in links with some more distant large countries. It was quite evident that no backing for more energetic measures against Turkey or for the attainment of full economic independence could be found in London, but it was nevertheless advisable to seek new and different political friends and attract fresh capital from a country in which Serbia had not yet lost the reputation of a trust¬ worthy borrower. While the British political support was reduced to recommenda¬ tions of peace and open admonitions that the real address where backing should be sought was not London, but Vienna, a few Englishmen did evinced interest in the Serbian market. The British market, on the other hand, showed very little interest in the modest assortment of goods that Serbia could offer. As a result, the value of the Serbian exports to Britain amounted to a mere 10% of the value of the British goods imported into Serbia. The development of the bilateral trade was seriously hampered by the political and economic instability of Serbia, by the high costs of transport on Hirsh's railway to Salonika, and by the fact that the port of Salonika was unsuitable for large vessels. The Serbian representatives in London sought to convince their British partners of the profitability of the sale of goods and investments in Serbia, asserting that the British economy would benefit if it made the necessary adapta¬ tions in the Salonika port at its own cost. The Serbian chargé d'affaires Aleksandar Jovičić sought earnestly to persuade the British Minister of Trade Mundella in 1893 that Britain should embark upon this project not only in the interest of Serbia, but also for its own good. The abortive attempts to obtain loans in London and the slug¬ gish sale of the bonds of the 4% loan sent the Serbian negotiators back to the French and German money markets, to which they were more used and where they could find investors who had other than purely economic interests in the unstable Serbian market. All the developments in Serbia in the 1889-1903 period were more or less re¬ flected in the foreign policy of Serbia. The changes and upheavals in the internal affairs of Serbia were indeed most frequently caused by the arbitrariness of the ruler, whom the leading politicians could not oppose because of their inability or legal constraints. Some political troubles in Serbia were, however, caused by external in¬ fluences. Governments with different orientations and goals in their foreign policy succeeded one another depending on the powerful influence of ex-king Milan and on the changeable ambitions of the self-willed ruler. The internal event which had the greatest impact on the international posi¬ tion of Serbia was, of course, the May Overthrow of 1903. This coup d'état marked a fundamental change in the foreign policy of Serbia and replaced the former vacilla¬ tion between Austria-Hungary and Russia with a completely pro-Russian attitude. The reaction of Great Britain to the May Overthrow caused the greatest change in the foreign relations of Serbia. The same English public opinion which extolled the First of April coup d'état (1893) as an act of statesmanlike wisdom and skill of the young king, which was apparently well acquainted with the situation in the Balkans, Şi8 _ Љубодраг ΙΊ. Ристић and which knew that King Aleksandar 's throne or even his life were not secure, con¬ demned severely the assassination of the king and the queen because of the brutality ofthat act and because the rulers and their spouses were respected in England even when not liked by politicians and officers. It was then that Serbia realized to its own cost how sensitive the British public opinion was and how dependent the British Government was on it. The British newspapers published a fair amount of news from Serbia. This contributed to the knowledge of Serbia in England, the but reports of frequent po¬ litical struggles and upheavals, of coups d'état and changes of government, of politi¬ cally motivated lawsuits, and of feigned or real assassinations, could not enhance the renown of Serbia and still less could they attract British investors. In 1903 it was no secret either in Serbia or in Europe that the royal pair Obrenović was not popular and that their death was not much lamented. This was very well known in England, too. However, the deeply traditional England could not forgive the brutality of the coup d'état. Having once adopted the hard-line stance on the conspiracy, the Brit¬ ish government took a considerable time to make Belgrade meet its demands and renew its diplomatic relations with Serbia. On the other hand, the conspirators in Belgrade faced the difficult task of averting international complications, for it was quite possible that the respect for the principles of monarchiái legitimacy and hu¬ manism would lead to the isolation of Serbia. The Serbian diplomatic representative in London Čedomilj Mrjatović found himself isolated in his diplomatic activity and his indirect endeavours to mitigate the British attitude by explaining that the change in Belgrade was a matter of internal policy yielded no results. The British diplomatic representative in Belgrade Bonham was recalled from Belgrade - though with cer¬ tain reservations and without an official note - and the diplomatic relations between Serbia and Great Britain were severed. They were re-established, after considerable difficulties and very slowly, as a result of the pressure of the public opinion and the English king, only in 1906. The British policy towards Serbia during the reign of King Aleksandar Obrenović was a consequence and reflection of the mutual relations of the Great Powers in the broadest geopolitical sphere. The activity of the British diplomatic representatives in Belgrade reflected the views of the Foreign Office on Russia and Austria-Hungary - the two great powers most interested in the developments in the Balkans. It is on these views that the British attitude to all the Balkan countries and their national aspirations was also based. The British representatives in Belgrade gathered information from the native statesmen and politicians and from the other members of the diplomatic corps. They relied most, however, on the information and even advice of the Austrian-Hungarian diplomatic representatives, and their concerted actions with these diplomats were a direct consequence of the British fear of the strengthening of the Russian presence in the Balkans. The possibility for the investment of the British capital into mining, railway transport or manufactur¬ ing industry in Serbia had no particular influence on their attitude. The instructions Србија у британско) политици 1889-1903- sent from London to the British diplomatic representatives in Belgrade were always made in full conformity with the Austrian-Hungarian policy. Consultations with the diplomatic representatives of Germany or of some other Great Power in Belgrade were only occasional. The French and Italian representatives are rarely mentioned in the reports sent to London. On the other hand, these reports contain abundant evidence of interest in the views and acts of the representatives of Russia, the state¬ ments and actions of whom were analysed in great detail and regularly communi¬ cated to the Foreign Office. Neither Serbia nor its rulers reaped any particular benefits from the British policy in the Balkans. The position of Serbia as defined in 1878 brought the long ex¬ pected independence, but it also entailed obligations which hampered the continu¬ ation of its national liberation and unification, and also imposed a heavy financial burden on the country. Being compelled to reduce its expenses, the Serbian Govern¬ ment considered closing or lowering the level of its diplomatic mission in London. Čedomilj Mijatović, an excellent diplomat and a man thoroughly acquainted with the circumstances in Britain, was strongly opposed to this idea. The influence of such a Great Power as Great Britain, he maintained, could be extremely valuable and sometimes even decisive, and the information concerning the Balkan policy of the Great Powers and the aspirations of small nations that could be gathered in London might be of great use to Serbia. According to Mijatović, the mere task of acquainting the British public opinion with Serbia and its position was of enormous importance for Serbia and might pay off in the not too distant future. The Foreign Office, on the other hand, had no doubts about the maintenance of its diplomatic mission in Belgrade. It was a very important place, where the influences of the Great Powers contended for ascendancy and where the aspirations of the Balkan states were re¬ flected. Translated by Veselin Kostić
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spelling	Ristić, Ljubodrag P. 1954- Verfasser (DE-588)1066228191 aut Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903) Ljubodrag P. Ristić Serbia in British politics Beograd Balkanološki Inst. SANU 2014 541 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Posebna izdanja / Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut 124 PST: Serbia in British politics (1889 - 1903). - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1889-1903 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Großbritannien (DE-588)4022153-2 gnd rswk-swf Großbritannien (DE-588)4022153-2 g Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Geschichte 1889-1903 z DE-604 Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut Posebna izdanja 124 (DE-604)BV000007645 124 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027713267&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027713267&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Ristić, Ljubodrag P. 1954- Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903) Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4022153-2
title	Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903)
title_alt	Serbia in British politics
title_auth	Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903)
title_exact_search	Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903)
title_full	Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903) Ljubodrag P. Ristić
title_fullStr	Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903) Ljubodrag P. Ristić
title_full_unstemmed	Srbija u Britanskoj politici (1889 - 1903) Ljubodrag P. Ristić
title_short	Srbija u Britanskoj politici
title_sort	srbija u britanskoj politici 1889 1903
title_sub	(1889 - 1903)
topic	Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd
topic_facet	Außenpolitik Serbien Großbritannien
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027713267&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027713267&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
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work_keys_str_mv	AT risticljubodragp srbijaubritanskojpolitici18891903 AT risticljubodragp serbiainbritishpolitics

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