Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova: memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Iaşi
Editura Universităţii "Alexandru Ioan Cuza"
2014
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| Schriftenreihe: | Ethnos
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| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Register // Sachregister Literaturverzeichnis Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | 207 Seiten |
| ISBN: | 9786067140101 |
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CHILBIRTH BELIEFS IN THE URBAN SETTING
FROM MOLDOVA.
THE TRADITIONAL MEMORY
Abstract
After six years of investigating birth customs in villages from Moldova, a
North-Eastern region of Romania, the research of childbirth practices and
convictions took the path many rural people went on and moved in towns. A
post-doctoral project financed by The National Research Council allowed me to
investigate socio-cultural patterns that characterize migrants and their reaction
to the world around them when it comes to childbirth customs.
I did not select my subjects based on the amount of traditional knowledge,
the only criterion being the rural origin of their families. Twenty three people of
various ages and educational background became subjects for the investigation.
The youngest informant was 26, while the oldest turned 73 this year. The
shortest period of exposure to urban behavior consists in 7 years (in the case of
the youngest subject), and the longest is 48 (obviously the older informant stayed
that long in the city). Ages vary from the twenties, to the thirties, forties, fifties
and sixties, and the fewest time spent in an educational institution is eight years.
Seven subjects graduatedfrom college.
The method I used in these interviews does not resemble the ethnographic
strategy that proved itself veiy helpful in the villages of Moldova. Urbanites are
more reluctant towards their interlocutor than peasants, since they are familiar
to both worlds. To a certain degree, they are too urban for the villages they grew
up in and also too rural (mostly at a mental level, but also at a behavioral one)
for the growing city. Interviews start in a rather tense manner, because
200 CREDINŢE DESPRE NAŞTERE ÎN CONTEXTUL URBAN DIN MOLDOVA
urbanites avoid showing their traditional side before any suspicion of urban
contempt vanishes. This probation the ethnographer has to pass through
becomes shorter with an apparent strategy of “influencing the witness ” from the
rural scene. In fact, precise questions intend to set the mood and to provoke
reminiscence.
Asking these well-dosed questions implies having a thorough knowledge
of traditional culture, and even of the regional background informants come
from. This would be one more reason to speak about ethnography in the midst of
the city, and not merely in the city. As exponents of their civilizations, the
subjects can easily evaluate the ethnographer that intrudes into their most
intimate identity. Each urbanite is a miniature village that pulsates silently in the
heart of the city, and being able to take its pulse requests an accurate tuning.
More exactly, the interviewing technique deals with two aspects that aim to relax
the informant and thus to obtain as much information as possible. The first one
is a linguistic approach: the questions are stated in a formal style in the
beginning and then I gradually use regional phonetic variation of words and ask
for a confirmation.
Secondly, the questions refer to precise segments of the rites and to
superstitious interpretations of customs. Since I have conducted ten field
investigations in various villages from Moldova, I am able to bring remote
cultural facts to the mind of my subjects, more exactly to change the state of
their latent traditional knowledge. They react with a stir and enjoy remembering
things their grandparents and mothers told them. The natural context in which
these data are activated is mainly ceremonial (as baptisms or when the child
turns one and he has his hair cut by his Godmother), but it also conveys family
moments when traditional knowledge is passed through generations (for
example, when the daughter or the daughter-in-law is pregnant, the urbanite
mother draws her attention on baneful gestures or sights).
A specific characteristic of urbanites is the loss of traditional reason for a
certain behavior which they usually compensate with pragmatic reasoning.
Viorica Vi§an declared that “it was a shame to ask” about anything and her
mother would not speak about giving birth. The patriarchal type of society is
based on the authority of the elder. For the urbanite, two are the consequences
of this “folk society” feature: firstly, he feels alienated from a community that
seems to have lost any sense of value. This would be more of a sociological
reaction to the pressure put on by mass-media and marketing strategies (both
exhibiting too much of the feminine body and life). The women I spoke with were
ABSTRACT
201
intrigued by the present day transparency towards birth and resented the fact
that urban neighbours disregard confinement rules. The conflict with a world
without sacred rules induces and nurtures the latency of traditional knowledge.
Still, all my informants declared that, in critical moments, when the future of the
baby is at stake, they did and would overcome again their so-called rural
complex and react by suggesting a magic behaviour.
Moreover, television or the Internet data base turns rituals into mere
shows, thus influencing these more or less traditionally untrained viewers. For
example, beliefs in the Fates (Romanian: Ursitoare) and the special meal that is
laid out for them on the third night after birth are rare and some of the
informants declared that they heard about these deities from T. V. Unfortunately,
most of these television casts are undocumented and transform the practice into
kitsch. The same happens with the American influence exerted by Tooth Fairy,
which tends to eliminate the dental offering for the crow in urban settlements.
The second disadvantage of a non-communicative rural community is
obviously cultural. Since traditional rules were transmitted without any kind of
explanation, some urbanites fill the void with a logic on practical causes and
effects. Meda Galea even depicted the one year after birth ceremony in
disdainful terms, as a consequence of the distrust she has in the magical force of
this event. Once the baby turns one, his Godparents come to his house and they
cut the first lock of his hair in a ritual manner. Afterwards, the baby is presented
with a tray of various objects. It is believed that whatever he picks up first
reveals his future occupation: if it is a comb, he will be a barber, if scissors, the
baby will become a tailor and so on. Meda Galea disregards this ritual and
interprets it as “another occasion for the adults to have fun ” and expalins the
baby’s choice on the fact that it is the first time he sees and is able to touch that
object, hence his curiosity decides selection.
Still, urbanite pragmatism is never complete. While answering one
question after another, the subject will nevertheless prove that they admit many
magical causes. Meda Galea is fully convinced that breastfeeding the child after
weaning will make him capable of killing other beings just by overlooking at
them. Stela Troia denied having respected the pregnancy taboos she had just
mentioned to me during the interview, and added that she does not believe in
them. But when I started asking about the superstitions, one by one, she admitted
that she did not break any. Even more so, the predictions regarding the sex of
the fetus proved to be correct (if it moves on the right side of the womb the first
time, it is a boy, on the left side - a girl). Thus, the researcher should not be
202 CREDINŢE DESPRE NAŞTERE ÎN CONTEXTUL URBAN DIN MOLDOVA
misled by an evasive attitude of the urban subject and use all his knowledge and
the hints from the recorded answers to diagnose the exact level of stored
traditional knowledge.
Many actual life facts are invoked by informants to sustain superstitions.
Traditional culture still manages to create a certain expectation of unwanted
events as it happened in the case of Cerasela Munteanu, a maternity resident
doctor. When she gave birth she did not obey the custom to offer the midwife a
soap and a towel (so that she could be magically washed of the impure blood՝),
and limited her gratitude to offering money. Soon, the infant developed
pyoderma and her entire family blamed her infringement for that. In this case,
the original meaning of the custom is lost and the ritual obligation persists.
According to traditional precepts, the gift has to be made for the mother to be
redeemed after having sinned\ while the infant's dermatitis is believed to be
caused by his contact with impure visitors (menstruating women or people who
had sexual intercourses the days before coming to see the newly born).
Another medically trained subject, Elena Gârbea, offered personal
examples for the validity of superstitions: “what I can say is that it is a little bit
verified ", she declared when telling the story of a birth mark her niece has. As it
is believed in Turkey too, the object stolen by the pregnant woman appears on
her child's skin, on the exact spot she touched herself after the theft. This
example of seeing and believing appears in every single one of the interviews,
because this superstition is just as valid today, as it was almost two hundred
years ago, when the first folklore collections were made in Romania.
Informants invoke their own life experience in numerous cases and do not
acknowledge any logic breakage when speaking about magic appearances. Both
Gheorghe Mihai and Mihai Zvâncă are sure of having witnessed different
materializations of buried unbaptised children. The first lived next to the village
cemetery in Vulpăşeşti, Neamţ district and heard their cries, said to demand
Christianization, while the latter experienced an even uncannier event. When he
was 11 years old\ he was returning at midnight from a village ball, together with
eight other lads, all in their twenties. The bridge they had to cross back in order
to go home was occupied by some balls of thread that were rolling over from
one side to the other. The next day, Mihai Zvâncă 's godfather, together with
some soldiers dug out two newly born children from the earth underneath the
bridge. Although he has been living in Iaşi city for more than 50 years, Mihai
Zvâncă does not hesitate over the magic nature of what he saw that night.
ABSTRACT
203
Examples of irrational explanation of events are numerous, each
interview containing some, which are naturally intermingled with circumspect
attitudes. The boundary between superstition and pragmatism is consequently
traced by personal experiences, otherwise the urbanite being tempted to declare,
as Stela Troia did: “they say so, but I did not see such cases, how could I say I
did ”, when talking about the possibility to heal birth marks. If the native village
was not a rich ethnographic zone or the family did not transmit traditions
intensively, the urbanite only maintains his belief in what he actually saw
happening, and practical reasoning wouldfill the emptied cultural spaces.
Another attitude towards active superstitions that have lost their magical
explanation is a sudden verbalized wander. After she admitted having kept the
dried umbilical cord from her child, Viorica Vişan asked herself rhetorical
questions: “But what should be done with it, why did I keep it, what happened to
it. ” This apparent anxiety is in fact caused by my intrusion into a set of rules
that have been obeyed for a long time. Before answering to the questionnaire,
subjects do not have any intention of analyzing and interpreting tradition; they
would simply perpetuate it as it was transmitted to them. As an outsider
demanding answers, the ethnographer provokes a change of reflection on his
subject, forcing him to look at traditional beliefs in a manner that is unnatural to
him. While doing fieldwork in villages, researchers often come across
explanations such as: “this is how it should be done”, “it is not right to act
otherwise" or “this is what the elders say”. Urbanites tend to have the same
reactions of passive assimilation and obedient action until confronted with an
artificial context such as an interview. It is only then that they seek explanations
for familiar gestures, even from the ethnographer.
This attachment to the traditional world is not only cultural, but also
emotional. Meda Galea participated as a child to the ritual visit that is paid to
the newly born and his mother, soon after birth, in Farcaşa village, Neamţ
district. It is customary there to offer bitter cherry jam and a glass of cold water
to the guests. Even though she welcomed her visitors in Iaşi city, Meda Gălea
insisted to serve the same menu despite the general reactions that she “acted
crazy: «What is it with her and the bitter cheny jam»”. In fact, this custom is
not even traditional; it can be an urban influence from the interwar period when
the Romanian high class used to welcome their guests in this manner. What is
relevant here, though, is the cultural resistance of the urbanite who seems
indifferent to the background change, as a nostalgic effect of the rural
childhood.
204 CREDINŢE DESPRE NAŞTERE ÎN CONTEXTUL URBAN DIN MOLDOVA
Still, this latent knowledge is expected to fade with each generation raised
after the work migration. All of out subjects declared that they pass the
superstitious information on to their children, but the society changes and many
of them become obsolete՝, gradually. Practices meant to induce an easy labor or
ritual gifts offered to the empirical midwife are such examples. As in the case of
immigration, it will take about two or three generations for this rural behavior
to be forgotten and by that time Romania will be facing the second phase of
urbanization, too.
The first symptoms of this process could be noticed at a ritual child
bathing party I attended in Vrancea district. All the important characters in this
ceremonial (the mother, the Godmother and the supposedly midwife) were
people with ages between 27 and 32, who grew up in the town of Focşani. When
asked about how she found out about her Godmother duties, Geanina Găluşcă
declared that she had searched for information on Google, but she had also
asked her mother about everything she could not find on the internet. Her
attitude towards traditions is visibly different from her mother’s whose thorough
attention on the ritual details even annoyed Geanina Găluşcă during the bathing
called scăldătoare. Some beliefs seem to her sheer nonsense, as it was case of
the interdiction to have the finger nails of the newly born cut by anyone else but
his Godmother. Both her mother and her grandmother warned her about this
rule, but when she heard the explanation that the baby would be caught stealing
as an adult, Geanina immediately shortened the nails the baby had already
scratched his face with. The hair and the nails of the infant come from a world
we know nothing about, and all precautions imply a supernatural force residing
in them. It takes an initiated person, such as the Godmother to handle this type
of energy safely.
Oblivion also characterized her reaction to birth itself When she had her
child, she forgot to offer a towel and soap to the hospital midwife, although she
was taught to do it. A rural education would have made this impossible, since
the traditional worldview structures life on patterns of behavior, eveiy failure to
follow them being synonym to chaos taking over. Moreover, Geanina Găluşcă
limited the amount of magic ingredients that are added to the bath (an egg, milk,
salt, pepper, a feather, gold) in order not to irritate baby’s skin. In fact, every
single gesture she did respect was made according to a rather obedient attitude
to traditions, not with the belief that it will have repercussions on the infant's
future.
ABSTRACT
205
Her performance was immediately noticed and considered improper by
Mărioara Ardeleanu, an urbanite from Focşani. She blamed the hasted washing
of the child on the fear the Godmother experienced and then she gave me a
specific example of what happens if the Godmother does not clean the child
thoroughly. Although Mărioara Ardeleanu has been living in the town for 39
years, she did not stop believing that all kind of skin afflictions and body odors
are caused by the fact that the Godmother did not wash the child well at
scăldătoare, and did not blow basilica and sugar into the baby *s mouth and his
other anatomical parts. On the other hand\ Anca Mazilu, the child's mother; did
not mind any of the Godmother's slip outs and declared that her daughter
cannot smell badly in the future, as long as she washes herself Therefore, both
the young informants reveal a pragmatic thinking and seem to accept childbirth
beliefs, without actually assimilating them. Anca Mazilu even mentioned the fact
that she disregarded the rule that forbids unclean women (having their period or
having recently slept with men) to see the newly born before Christianization.
Even though the baby did suffer from a skin rash (called rocii in Romanian), she
still does not believe there is any connection between the medical condition of
her child and the guests. The so-called midwife proved herself to be rhore
attached to the traditional worldview. Veronica Dogaru declared that she was
very proud to have played the midwife role, since it is an important one. She
knew that it takes an older woman to act as a midwife from her mother, who had
also taught her about her ritual obligations.
Rural mothers represent a constant reference for the urbanites that are
sometimes tempted to follow what they see it is done in the city. While living in
Bucharest, Doina Popa saw that people used to offer cakes instead of the ritual
bread that is meant to ransom ritually the child from his Godparents. Her
mother insisted that bread should be offered and Dorina Popa finally gave both
two cakes and two breads to the Godparents. Obviously, this type of behavior
reveals the beginning of the rupture from the traditional rules.
Having The Folklore Archive of Moldova and Bucovina at our hand[ I
can easily check the exact level of folk information that the migrants left in their
native hamlets. The second comparison was made through direct field work. By
going in each of our subjects' villages and asking the same questions to the
family and childhood friends still residing there, I was able to notice what kind
of traditional beliefs lost their cultural functionality in the city and why.
Therefore, our demonstration has three different markers: what was known 40
years ago in the village the urbanite left, what is still familiar and done in the
206 CREDINŢE DESPRE NAŞTERE ÎN CONTEXTUL URBAN DIN MOLDOVA
village now, and how much does the town inhabitant remember about childbirth
convictions, what he still performs and how he feels about it. Obviously, the
answers I received from the relatives and friends of my main informants were
very similar to what I had already recorded in towns.
Romania is passing through a cultural phase that can be fertile to
ethnographical research, both in villages and in cities. The method though has
to be adapted in order to diagnose correctly the exact level of traditional
knowledge. Childbirth beliefs offer a good example of the vitality these rural
practices have, since it benefits from a smaller exposure to the public. Weddings
and funerals have been taken over by professional entertainers and most of the
rites become obsolete in this context. Birth is a more intimate event and this
allows the preservation of superstitions and archaic practices. Urbanites
manifest a certain attachment to the old values and pass them through to the
next generation hoping that some of them will be respected.
As the socio-economic coordinates change many of these convictions fade
and are forgotten from one generation to another, but whenever science has no
answer to an event or fact, magic thinking will take over. This represents one
motivation for the persistency of superstitions, two more being generally human
aspirations: to ward off evil and to influence positively the future. All of them
justify rural reactions in two contexts: ritual acts andfamiliar environments.
Many life events cannot be explained exclusively by using logic. For
example, doctors are still unable to tell why some children are born with birth
marks, hare lip or hemangiomas. Nevertheless, people feel the need to
understand causes and they look for answers in the traditional set of convictions.
The fact that superstitions are proved by actual situations reinforces collective
knowledge. On the other hand[ the acquired cultural data builds a certain
expectation that is positive when all customs have been obeyed and fearfully
negative when people are aware of the infringement. The latter situation makes
urbanites decode all events in a magic manner, under the conviction that
punishment always comes.
The time after birth and prior to Christianization is critical according to
folk beliefs and people around the new born try to ward of evil by never leaving
the child alone in the room. When adults are forced to go elsewhere, they leave
magic companions near the cradle: the broom, a knife or the tongs, which are
believed to protect the baby against unseen attacks. Religious items have
replaced them in some cases when Orthodox icons or crosses are left near the
newly born. What parents fear the most is that their infants die before baptism.
ABSTRACT
207
On the one hand\ it is a great sin for the mother who has to redeem afterwards,
on the other hand the baby s soul is damned never to see the light of the After
Life and never to meet his parents again. Romanian folk beliefs are similar with
European and world wide convictions on the tragic death of unbaptised
children. Urban stories do not reveal any doubt about the demonic change such
souls undergo after death. Ritual selling of sick babies and other magic gestures
try to cheat death and to save children when nothing else can be done medically
speaking.
The last trigger of peasant behaviour consists in the attempt to control
destiny and to increase the number of positive features for the newly born. The
Godparents and the contents of the bath they give to the baby a day after
baptism can influence the future, according to common belief It is said that the
baby will grow up to be alike his sponsors, hence special precautions are taken
when it comes to choosing the Godparents. All objects from the bath (salt, milk,
an egg, holy water, money, basilica etc.) continue to be used in towns for the
baby to grow up a successful individuals the community.
The shift from homebirth to medically assisted labour in hospitals had
socio-cultural Yepercussions in Romania. Women seem to have an active
cultural memoiy of the symbolic implications of birth and choose to maintain the
old rituals even on the corridors of maternity clinics. Once the hospitalisation
ends, mothers feel more comfortable if someone close to them plays the role of
the traditional birth attendant during the baptising ceremony or even before it.
On the other hand, villagers reminisce the deeds of the lay midwifes by reviving
the cultural archetypes they have inherited. The phenomenon is still alive in the
Romanian society, since birth at home was banned only fifty years ago by local
authorities. Comparisons with similar situations from Bulgaria, Russia,
Hungaiy and some other countries picture a general respect for traditional birth
attendants.
The book hence demonstrates that urban anthropology should take into
consideration ethnological investigation in Romania, thanks to a high degree of
active traditional memories. This cultural inheritance is defined as latent
information that proves itself active in specific situations when the urbanite
renounces to act according to a role suitable for town living.
Bayerische
StaatsbibMothek
München
INDICE TEMATIC
aculturaţie 13, 29, 33, 37, 39, 43, 46,
165
antropologie urbană 25, 36, 165
arhetip 11,51, 64, 69, 119, 133, 145,
165
Arhiva de Folclor a Moldovei şi
Bucovinei 7, 62, 66, 82, 92
auspicii favorabile 57, 110, 123
bătrâni 12, 14, 15, 45, 53, 54, 57, 58,
59, 136, 137, 156
botez 19, 20, 25, 27, 43, 52, 54, 55,
61, 71, 78, 79, 80, 81, 83, 88, 90,
91, 92, 95, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101,
102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108,
109, 110, 112, 113, 114, 118, 122,
124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131,
132, 134, 135, 137, 139, 141, 145,
157, 158, 159, 160, 175
ceremonial 9, 13, 15, 19, 25, 41, 42,
48, 49, 55, 56, 61, 66, 80, 102, 114,
119, 123, 124, 125, 128, 131, 134,
135, 136, 141, 144, 145, 157, 160,
165,166
comportament 11, 13, 15, 16, 22, 23,
25, 26, 28, 29, 37, 40, 41, 42, 48,
49, 50, 51, 53, 69, 73, 82, 88, 119,
129, 132, 142, 160, 163, 164, 165,
166, 167
credinţă populară 18, 70, 89, 112
cultură tradiţională 8, 13, 17, 25, 26,
33, 84, 147,149, 166
cutumă 21, 23, 54, 57, 71, 76, 132,
135,155
datină 7, 13, 18, 21, 54, 57, 58, 109,
125, 132, 134, 135, 150, 152, 155,
166
etnologie 25, 35, 36, 42, 43, 47, 51
folk 15, 15, 17, 20, 23, 36, 53, 69,
154, 165, 198, 204, 205
gravidă 31, 50, 51, 53, 59, 60, 64, 65,
70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81
imaginar 19, 20, 54, 57, 64, 67, 76,
91, 112, 119, 132, 135, 157
imigrant 23, 24, 25, 26, 29, 33, 38, 42,
43, 46, 47
inconştient colectiv 12, 13, 91, 103,119
informaţie 8, 12, 14, 17, 20, 21, 23,
24, 32, 37, 38, 43, 44, 51, 54, 55,
56, 57, 59, 71, 78, 91, 98, 107, 119,
121, 123, 124, 136, 140, 166
magic 7, 12, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 26,
28, 31, 32, 33, 35, 40, 41, 43, 44,
48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58,
59, 60, 61, 62, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69,
70, 71, 72, 74, 76, 78, 9, 81, 82, 83,
84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93,
95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 105, 107,
109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115,
117, 119, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126,
127, 129, 130, 132, 136, 137, 138,
139, 140, 141, 142, 144, 146, 148,
149, 151, 152, 154, 155, 157, 161,
163, 164, 165, 166, 175
mânecile moaşei 42, 133, 134, 154,
157, 161
196 CREDINŢE DESPRE NAŞTERE ÎN CONTEXTUL URBAN DIN MOLDOVA
mască 19, 37, 51, 71, 97, 113, 145,
158, 160
memorie tradiţională 36, 43, 47-48,
50, 60, 96, 140, 148, 150, 157, 160,
164,165, 166
mentalitate 8, 11, 17, 19, 23, 44, 47,
49, 57, 75, 77, 84, 86, 88, 108, 129
migraţie 28, 30, 35,43,46, 47
moaşă 18, 19, 20, 21, 42, 48, 52, 56,
60, 62, 64, 68, 74, 81, 88, 91, 92,
96, 103, 109, 111, 112, 122, 124,
125, 127, 128, 13, 133, 134, 140,
142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148,
149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155,
156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 176,
178
moştenit 12, 13, 14, 15, 24, 25, 56,
64,91, 121,157
mutaţie 13, 51
naşă 20, 61, 62, 78, 8§, 122, 124, 126,
127, 129, 131, 134, 136, 137, 138,
139, 157, 159, 177, 178
naşi 26, 42, 62, 108, 110, 113, 114,
122, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133,
134, 135, 139, 140, 141, 142, 165
naştere 7, 9, 15, 18, 19, 24, 26, 27, 32,
37, 38,42, 43,49, 50, 51, 53, 5, 56,
57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 72, 77, 78,
79, 86, 87, 89, 92, 96 97, 103, 109,
110, 11, 119, 120, 122, 125, 135,
137, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 146,
147, 148, 149, 151, 151, 152, 153,
154, 157, 158,159, 160, 163, 164,
169
obicei 7, 8, 9, 15, 17, 19, 24, 26, 27,
2, 29,31,37,41,42,51,52, 55, 58,
60, 61, 62, 66, 68, 78, 83, 84, 85,
87, 92, 95, 97, 102, 113, 115, 117,
118, 119, 120, 121, 125, 128, 132,
133, 135, 136, 139, 140, 141, 142,
143, 144, 145, 148, 150, 152, 153,
154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160,
169
oraş 7, 8, 9, 13, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, 23,
27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36,
37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48,
51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 62, 70,
71, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 83, 85, 86,
91, 92, 95, 98, 106, 113, 117, 119,
120, 122, 128, 131, 132, 133, 138,
139, 141, 142, 143, 153, 157, 159,
160, 161, 163, 166
orăşean 17, 21, 32, 35, 50, 65, 68, 71,
76, 79, 80, 82, 83, 96, 98, 104, 130,
138, 145, 160,161
păgân 18, 91, 98, 108, 112, 122, 134,
137
popular 7, 8, 13, 14, 18, 21, 22, 24,
26, 27, 29, 34, 36, 37, 43, 44, 46,
47, 48, 50, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59,
60, 61, 64, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73, 74,
75, 77, 79, 80, 85, 8, 88, 89, 91, 92,
93, 95, 96, 98, 101, 103, 107, 108,
109, 112, 114, 121, 122, 126, 130,
134, 135, 137, 138, 141, 146, 147,
148, 149, 163,165
pragmatic 7, 12, 14, 15, 19, 20, 22,
25, 27, 33, 36, 41, 43, 46, 48, 49,
57, 58, 72, 80, 84, 90, 91, 93, 96,
99, 117, 119, 123, 138, 145, 154,
163, 165
precept 21, 41, 50, 121, 163, 166
profan 36, 40, 45, 51, 71, 112, 118,
124, 132, 134, 136, 137, 142, 148,
155,157,165
rit de trecere 7, 78
rural 8, 14, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24,
25, 26, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34,
35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47,
48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 60, 61,
68, 70, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82,
84, 86, 88, 90, 96, 97, 100, 104,
110, 111, 119, 121, 123, 126, 127,
INDICE TEMATIC
197
130, 131, 132, 135, 138, 140, 147,
148, 153, 155, 159, 160, 163, 164,
165, 166
sacru 40, 51, 65, 76, 118, 132, 137,
155
sat 7, 8, 15, 18, 19, 27, 28, 29, 34, 36,
37, 40, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 53, 56,
57, 61, 63, 65, 66, 72, 75, 77, 78,
80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 92,
97, 98, 99, 100, 104, 105, 106, 110,
112, 115, 117, 119, 122, 123, 125,
126, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134,
135, 139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146,
147, 148, 152, 154, 155, 157, 160,
161
sătean 13, 58, 66, 71, 78, 82, 86, 87,
117, 124, 127, 160
scăldătoare 19, 52, 55, 58, 62, 118,
122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128,
130, 136, 138, 140, 141, 145, 159,
175, 176,177, 179
socio-antropologic 29, 35, 56, 91, 153,
165
sporul casei 80, 113, 117, 132, 148
superstiţie 12, 13, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26,
3, 40, 42, 43, 44, 46, 49, 52, 54, 57,
58, 59, 60, 61, 64, 66, 67, 68, 70,
73, 76, 79, 95, 120, 128, 147, 160,
164, 165, 166
tradiţie 21, 23, 27, 33, 35, 156, 158
urban 7, 8, 9, 13, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,
21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 2, 28, 30, 31, 32,
33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41,
44, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 54,
56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64,
67, 68, 69, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83,
84, 85, 88, 93, 95, 100, 103, 104,
107, 110, 113, 115, 117, 120, 121,
128, 13, 133, 134, 135, 139, 142,
145, 150, 153, 154, 155, 156, 159,
160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167
urbanizare 8, 18, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33,
35, 49, 53, 56, 91, 147, 148, 163
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CUPRINS
Cuvânt înainte.7
Memoria tradiţională — context teoretic şi socio-cultural.11
• Relaţia urban — rural.16
• O etapă socio-istorică privilegiată.22
• Etapa actuală a urbanizării în România.30
• Oraşul şi familia.37
• Memoria tradiţională ca obiect al etnologiei.43
Când ştiinţa nu oferă un răspuns.49
• Atitudinea generală referitoare la
credinţele bătrâneşti şi practicile rituale.50
« Reacţii magice în faţa hazardului existenţial.61
Pavăza împotriva răului.95
• Pericolul cel mai mare: moartea iară botez.100
• Mijloace de înşelare magică a morţii.110
Conturarea viitorului ideal.117
• Scalda de după botez şi ingredientele ei magice.122
• Puterea naşilor de a influenţa viitorului copilului.128
O adaptare culturală: moaşa şi ipostazele ei contemporane.143
• Repere geografice ale moşirii în prezent.145
• Gesturi arhaice în mediul clinic.150
• Un rol ritual în lumea profană a oraşului.157
în loc de încheiere.163
Anexă.169
Ilustraţii. 173
Bibliografie.181
Indice de nume.191
Indice tematic.195
Abstract. Chilbirth Beliefs in the Urban Setting from Moldova.
The Tradiţional Memory.199 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
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| author_variant | a h ah |
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| bvnumber | BV042273844 |
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| spelling | Hulubaş, Adina ca. 20./21. Jh. Verfasser (DE-588)1084031884 aut Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova Adina Hulubaş Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova Iaşi Editura Universităţii "Alexandru Ioan Cuza" 2014 207 Seiten txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Ethnos Zusammenfassung auf Englisch unter dem Titel: Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova. The traditional memory Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd rswk-swf Geburt (DE-588)4019589-2 gnd rswk-swf Ritus (DE-588)4124068-6 gnd rswk-swf Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd rswk-swf Moldawien (DE-588)4039967-9 gnd rswk-swf Moldawien (DE-588)4039967-9 g Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 s Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 s Ritus (DE-588)4124068-6 s Geburt (DE-588)4019589-2 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027711355&sequence=000001&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027711355&sequence=000002&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Register // Sachregister Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027711355&sequence=000003&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Literaturverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027711355&sequence=000004&line_number=0004&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Hulubaş, Adina ca. 20./21. Jh Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Geburt (DE-588)4019589-2 gnd Ritus (DE-588)4124068-6 gnd Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4008017-1 (DE-588)4019589-2 (DE-588)4124068-6 (DE-588)4056723-0 (DE-588)4039967-9 |
| title | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova |
| title_alt | Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova |
| title_auth | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova |
| title_exact_search | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova |
| title_full | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova Adina Hulubaş |
| title_fullStr | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova Adina Hulubaş |
| title_full_unstemmed | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova Adina Hulubaş |
| title_short | Credinţe despre naştere în contextul urban din Moldova |
| title_sort | credinte despre nastere in contextul urban din moldova memoria traditionala chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from moldova |
| title_sub | memoria tradiţională = Chilbirth beliefs in the urban setting from Moldova |
| topic | Brauch (DE-588)4008017-1 gnd Geburt (DE-588)4019589-2 gnd Ritus (DE-588)4124068-6 gnd Stadt (DE-588)4056723-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Brauch Geburt Ritus Stadt Moldawien |
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