Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku: (1912 - 1990)
Gespeichert in:
| Hauptverfasser: | , |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju
2014
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Studije i monografije
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia in the 20th century |
| Beschreibung: | 342 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9788674031902 |
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| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia in the 20th century |
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| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju |c 2014 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | САДРЖАЈ
ПРЕДГОВОР
7
I. У
САСТАВУ СРБИЈЕ
9
Комунисти и косовско
питање
26
II.
АЛБАНСКИ НАЦИОНАЛНИ ПОКРЕТ У
ТИТОВОЈ
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ
43
„Нисам
ja
опростио Ранковићу
46
Држава у држави
-
Устав
1974. 65
„Плава
књига
67
Побуна
1981. 73
Српски покрет отпора
91
III.
СЛОБОДАН
МИЛОШЕВИЪ
И
КОСОВСКО
ПИТАЊЕ
121
„Заробљени
смо
старом погрешном политиком
и
новим поделама
160
Осма седница
171
„Ми данас на Косову имамо
паралелно
деловање
197
„Или
ће Србија
бити република или
ће престати
да
постоји
214
IV.
ОРГАНИ БЕЗБЕДНОСТИ И АЛБАНСКИ
НАЦИОНАЛНИ ПОКРЕТ
Устанци, побуне, одметници
1944-1955. 273
Одузимање оружја
на Косову и
Метохији
282
Случај Адема Демаћија
286
Пад Александра
Ранковића
и Албанци
290
Албанска политичка
емиграција
292
И Б
емиграција
и Албанци
294
Демонстраціє
1968. 295
Нова
КПЈ
и Барски
конгрес
1974. 300
Демонстраціє
1981. 305
Обрачун са
контрареволуцијом
на Косову
312
1989-1990. 315
СРБИ
И АЛБАНЦИ - ЕПИЛОГ
316
SUMMARY
324
ИЗВОРИ
И ЛИТЕРАТУРА
332
РЕГИСТАР ЛИЧНИХ ИМЕНА
337
БЕЛЕШКА О АУТОРИМА
343
324
Kosta
Nikolić
Srđan Cvetković
SERBS AND ALBANIANS IN KOSOVO AND METOHIA
IN THE 20th CENTURY
Summary
Historical experience has shown that Serbs and Albanians are
very difficult to accept cohabitation in Kosovo and
Metohija.
The legal
regime, and therefore the position of one or another nation is always
changed by violence. The predominant wish was to live without each
other, and both nation considered this space exclusively for their territory
and each other suffer only as much as they had to. In such historical cir¬
cumstances, Kosovo was held with a mechanical connection, with the help
of criminal law and repression, within the „mechanical and not „organic
solidarity within Yugoslavia/Serbia, where a model of dominance alterna¬
ted other, enabling processes
,Alhanizatiorì
I
„Serbianization Kosovo and
the efforts of the Albanian/Serbian community from not being marginal
or vulnerable minority group.
Why are ethnic conflicts so common? Why do conflicts of interest
in multiethnic societies almost invariably become ethnic conflicts? Why
are such conflicts apparently universal and without regard to socioecono-
mic development level? Can a theory be developed that can answer these
questions? Can this theory provide methods that can reduce or eliminate
ethnic conflict?
Evolutionary theory claims that the heterogeneity in composition
of a population is consistently associated with the frequency of wars, mili¬
tary actions and foreign conflict casualties. Countries with many different
ethnic groups, language communities, nationality groups and religious
and racial groups enter wars more often than homogeneous polities.
In the Yugoslav federation, built after the Second World War,
ethnic conflicts were suppressed by the communist dictatorship. However,
the federal state establishment also created the conditions for separation
of the neighboring ethnic groups and creation of new ethnic identities
which, along with changing population growth rates, contributed led to
conflict- In addition, the problem of changing composition of the popula¬
tion along ethnic and regional lines was crucial in the Balkan crisis.
__________________________________________________________________________
325_
During the existence of the Yugoslav state, Yugoslavs possessed
two frames on ethnic relations: a cooperative frame for normal, peaceful
times, as in the period between the two world wars
(1918-1941)
and as in
the decades of the fifties to the eighties. They also possessed a dormant
crisis frame anchored in family history and collective memory of wars,
ethnic atrocities and brutality. Threats and fears that were implausible
and dismissed in the normal frame could resonate when the crisis frame
was switched on: they became persuasive and inspired fear.
In the former Yugoslavia, ethnic competition and subsequent vio¬
lence marked the past. Ethnic conflict may appear by the mere existence
of ethnic diversity, regardless of governmental style or policies. In a mul¬
tiethnic society, competition may include warfare between different
ethnic groups over territory. Control of territory traditionally facilitated
reproduction and development of cultural and economic traditions, hence
the benefit of ethnic control is obvious
-
it aids a particular group to carry
on its genes and traditions into subsequent generations. Ethnic competi¬
tion over territory does not have to include violence and warfare between
different ethnic groups: competitors may simply outbreed each other.
Since we live in a world of scarcity and at the same time desire
offspring, we are „biologically programmed to advance our own survival
(actually the survival of our distinctive genes) over the genes of others.
As a result, conflict exists in all human societies and is both necessary
and universal. In this sense, very significant is concept of „ethnic nepo¬
tism , or the desire to favor kin over nonkin, as the basis for ethnic and
racial favoritism. The level of ethnic conflict is almost independent of the
level of democratization and cultural development. Ethnic conflicts exist
in all levels of democracy, because all of the human population have the
same behavioral predisposition to ethnic nepotism.
Our behavioral predisposition to ethnic nepotism evolved in the
struggle for existence because it was rational and useful. It is reasonable
to assume that ethnic nepotism is equally shared by all human populati¬
ons. Consequently, all human populations and ethnic groups have an
approximately equal tendency to resort to ethnic nepotism in interest
conflicts. It explains the otherwise strange fact that ethnic interest con¬
flicts appear in so many countries where people belong to clearly different
ethnic groups, and that ethnic interest conflicts have emerged within all
cultural regions and at all levels of socioeconomic development. It would
be difficult to imagine any cultural explanation of ethnic conflicts that
could explain the appearance of these conflicts across all cultural bounda¬
ries.
326__________________________________________________________________________________
The explanations that are purely socio-economic seem inadequate
to account for the rapid rise of nationalism in the former Soviet Block
(Eastern Europe) and too weak to explain the lethality of the conflicts
between
Tutsis
and Hutus in Rwanda, Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs in the
Indian subcontinent, and Croats, Serbs, Muslims and Albanians in the for¬
mer Yugoslavia. Typically, analysts have also failed to consider the ethno-
political repercussions of the unprecedented movement of people taking
place in the world today. The most important question is: why the glorio¬
us dead fought and died for their country. It is more robust than other
theories because its research analyses show that myths, memories and
especially symbols, foment and maintain a sense of common identity
among the people unified in a nation.
Ethnic nepotism is associated with ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism
is a nearly universal syndrome of attitudes and behaviors. The attitudes
include seeing one s own group (the in-group) as virtuous and superior
and an out-group as contemptible and inferior. The attitudes also include
seeing ones own standards of value as universal. The behaviors associated
with ethnocentrism are cooperative relations with the in-group and
absence of cooperative relations with the out group. Membership in an
ethnic group is typically evaluated in terms of one or more observable
characteristics (such as language, physical features, or religion) that are
regarded as indicating common descent. Ethnocentrism has been implica¬
ted in ethnic conflict and war.
For the analysis of the collapse of former Yugoslavia the theory of
„ethnic competition is important. It states that the members of ethnic
groups are not defined as such based on their „involuntary membership
and the unconscious adoption of group values. Ethnic groups are formed
when the individuals want to acquire certain goods (wealth, power, presti¬
ge), to which they cannot get to using individual strategies. In former
Yugoslavia, the resources were controlled by the federal centre in Belgra¬
de, which gave other nations the idea that the Serbs were dominating.
This greatly increased the intensity of conflict. In addition, as the resour¬
ces became scarcer, the competition for them contributed to further
increase in the intensity of conflict.
An ethnic group is a number of individuals and the product of the¬
ir rational acts considering the given goal which is the acquisition of rare
goods in a situation of ecoomic and political competition. Thereby, the
competition will be that much more intensive if the members of the
ethnic groups strive at the
sime
instead of different goods. Where several
groups exist, the bigotry will especially be cherished by the members of
the biggest or the most dominant group because of the power that comes
______________ 327
out of its population size. On the other hand, as the size and the strength
of the biggest core rises, the ressistance of that centre becomes more suc¬
cessful if they re organized about the identity of bigger proportions.
In a multi-ethnic society, competition may include warfare
between different ethnic groups over territory. Control of territory traditi¬
onally facilitated reproduction and development of cultural and economic
traditions, hence the benefit of ethnic control is obvious
-
it aids a parti¬
cular group to carry on its genes and traditions into subsequent generati¬
ons. Ethnic competition over territory does not have to include violence
and warfare between different ethnic groups: competitors may simply
outbreed each other.
In all human societies where significant ethnic divisions exist they
lead to ethnic interest conflicts. The greater the ethnic division, the more
political and other interest conflicts tend to become canalized along
ethnic lines. The level of conflict is lower where political institutions are
based on reciprocity.
Inter-ethnic conflicts are very brutal, because of the inevitable
outcome
-
either survival or genocide. Competition and rivalry between
the individual economic and political resources is important, but the most
intense conflicts are expected when the stakes are for collective benefit
and the claims for political power. States are the main actors in the crea¬
tion, or the reduction of ethnic identities. They are the arenas in which
rivalries, ethnic conflict are shown as well as resource mobilization and
counter-mobilization. Ethnic conflicts arise from complex combinations
of ethnic power, inequality, political opportunity, mobilization resources,
interdependence and international intervention.
War is the most common drive in nation building, and the wars in
the former Yugoslavia, as well as the processes of national homogeniza-
tion and ethnic cleansing that followed, were motivated by the need to
create simple and unambiguous identities for a population that was highly
mixed and diverse in origin. Another motive was to erase elements „mix,
pollution and uncertainty that threatened the newly independent states.
This also means that the very violence that marked the wars did not result
out of „conflicting and irreconcilable identities, but it was an attempt to
produce them.
An ethnic group is a structure which slowly changes and influen¬
ces the everyday lives of its members with its long-term and enforced
influence (through ethnic myths, symbols and different rituals related to
the myths). Collective identities in general, and especially the ethnic ones,
are based on common interpretations of common experiences. That is how
an ethnic bond is created when a group has a clear ethnic identity. If tho-
328________________________________________________________________________________
se
experiences occur in traumatic wars, then there is a tendency towards
later strengthtening their ethnic identity.
In this region there are regional identities, but they do not coexist
to fit other identities and merge into a multiple identity. With the sout¬
hern Slavs, a national-spatial identity, exclusively identifies with territory
considering it to be its own personal space by one of the countries. That s
how a structure of a territory as a „multi-century historical whole of just
one ethnic group is made, especially considering its own environment.
Research of regional identities, particularly in the multiethnic
environments such as former Yugoslavia, indicates an extent of regularity
in the sense that identification with one s own community ensues distan¬
cing from the adjacent ones (ethnic distance). This then leads to the for¬
mation of firm convictions, representations and standpoints among the
members of one group about themselves and others. This emphasizing of
the distinctions existing in relationship to the other groups and identifica¬
tion with the own group stimulates internal homogeneity which, in turn,
produces a group ethno-cultural identity. This is exactly how the superfi¬
cial construction about
Sandžak
being „a historical whole of many centu¬
ries was built, suggesting it was special in every respect in relationship to
its environment, except Bosnia and Herzegovina because it allegedly
makes an integral and historical part thereof.
In this concept identity is perceived as a fundamental human cate¬
gory acquired by birth
-
an unchangeable, permanent and closed concept.
The feeling of togetherness is based on the idea of common origin and
historical experience of the community, on the common myths, tradition
and culture. This approach considers national identity as fundamental
because, along with the characteristics acquired by birth and those recei¬
ved by belonging to a national culture; it serves as the vehicle of emotions,
instincts and recollections of collective experience in a manner that does
not have much in common with individuals choices. National affiliation is
also derived from religious affiliation (faith). The „unity created this way
is brought into association with the collective memory based on a com¬
mon origin and culture interpreted as a product of common history.
Closely connected with this is the insistence on persistence and
homogeneity of the identity, that is to say, denied to personal identity and
thesis of neutrality of law principles in relationship to the customary law
rules of a certain community. This is used to stress additionally the sepa¬
ration from the Orthodox origin of this population. When defined thus,
the concept opposes what the modern age has brought
-
the ambivalence,
heterogeneity, multiplicity and openness of the perspectives once the
identities have become something changeable, historical, contextual and
_________________________________________________________________________329
dynamic. The modern concept of identity refers to it is dynamic, interacti¬
ve character, to its firmly structured multi-dimensional feature, and to
the close link existing between identity and language, identity and cultu¬
re. Being a changeable category of several layers, identity is perceived to
be something not consistent, but rather something that keeps multiplying
and transforming down one s lifetime, as something constructed with
various social discourses, like a product of different antagonistic proces¬
ses, practices and positions that frequently cross with each other.
The biggest ethnic losses of Serbia in the 20th century happened on
the territory of Kosovo and Metohia. That trend has been active since the
17th century, and the processes of transmigration were followed by the
politics of a violent ethnic assimilation of Serbs, in other words their con¬
version into Albanians. The latest cases of violent Albanization of Serbs in
Kosovo were noted in the beginning of the 20th century
(1910).
The chan¬
ges of religious and national identity of the Serbian people separated tho¬
usands of people from its origin and rarely turned their descendants in to
bitter adversaries of the nation that they originated from. The terror of
the Albanians continued over years during World War II.
Albanians do not belong to the south-Slavic group of nations, and
their ethno genesis is one of the most complex questions in European
history. Albanians never supported a Yugoslav idea or a Yugoslav nation
in the considerable majority. They were tightly bonded through their eli¬
tes to the idea of creating a „Greater Albania which was defined in
1878
(first Prizren league). From then on a special charge was created in the
region of Kosovo. Not only did the conflicting ethnic and national move¬
ments clash, but also the two civilizational concepts: one based on Christi¬
anity, European (Serbian) and the other one which cam be labeled as Isla¬
mic-Oriental (Albanian).
At the same time there was a conflict going on, for territory and
living resources, which could have been inhabited by only one group. Not
until the communist period was anything done for the integration of the
two nations. And then only a small amount of Serbs and Albanians accept
the idea of Kosovo and Metohia belonging to both nations. „The Darvinian
domination of just one group was primary. In this case, however, the ter¬
ritory and the resources were enough for the existance of both communi¬
ties. However, the ethnic nepotism and the genetic similiarity, as well as
the expectation of future descendants, were the key to the creation and
the realisation of the conflict strategy. The Albanians always had the
upper hand in that process, meaning that they followed the Islamic model
despite the proclaimed atheistic fight for human rights.
330____________________________________________________________________
On Kosovo and Metohia, the Serbs suffered a loss throughout con¬
secutive processes of ethnical cleansing. In that area, they didn t repre¬
sent a significant historical and populational potential. In the time of the
Yugoslav s collapse, the Albanians presented their national programme as
a movement of a minority that was fighting for elementary human rights
because of the terror a the Serbian majority. The political action was
aimed at Western Europe and the United States. The Islamic model was
manifested during the banishment of the Serbian population and the
destruction of the material monuments of Orthodox Culture on Kosovo
and Metohia.
Albanians have completely followed the Islamic form of popula¬
tion policy with the aim to win one territory. The data on demographic
changes in Serbia and Kosovo illustrated this: while the population of
Serbs in the former Yugoslavia as a whole grew from
6.528 000
to
9.779
000
between
1948
and
1991
the population of Kosovo, comprising the
majority of Muslim Albanians, grew from
728 000
to
1.956 000.
Their
number accounted for more than
80
percent of the total population grow
rate in the former Yugoslavia, despite that Albanians made, but a small
portion of the population.
The difference in population between the Serbs and the Albanians
is even greater in the region of Kosovo and Metohia. According to the
result of the census in the period after Second World War, the Kosovo and
Metohia population was as follows:
1948:
Albanians
- 498,242 (68.46
per¬
cent, Serbs
- 171,911 (23.62
percent;
1953:
Albanians
- 524,559 (64.91
percent, Serbs
- 89,969 (23.51
percent;
1961:
Albanians
- 646,604 (67.08
percent, Serbs
-227,016 (23.55
percent);
1971:
Albanians
- 916,168
(73.66
percent), Serbs
- 228,264 (18.35
percent;
1981:
Albanians
-
1,226,736 (77.42
percent, Serbs
- 209,497 (13.22
percent. The list of cen¬
sus from
1991
was boycotted by the Albanians, and as evaluated by the
Statistical Office of the Republic of Serbia, the evaluation of the popula¬
tion was: Albanians
- 1,596,072 (81.59
percent), Serbs
- 94,190 (9.93
per¬
cent).
For
30
years
(1961-1991)
Albanian birth rate increased from
20
thousand to over
37
thousand a year. Natural growth of the Serbs was
reduced for the same period by about six thousand to two thousand a
year. Expressed per thousand, the natural growth of the Serbs in
1962
was
22.8
percent and the Albanians was
30.8
percent. In
1991
the population
growth of Serbs was
9.7
percent and the Albanians were
23.3
percent.
During this period, the Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia, achieved drastic
superiority over the Serbian Orthodox population, and their birth rate was
the highest in Europe. Male population was dominant, a process identical
____________________________________________________________________
33j_
to that in the
Sandžak
region. Towards the end of the twentieth century
Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohia recorded rapid reduction in
mortality by maintaining high birth rate and fertility achieving the hig¬
hest biological reproduction and the lowest mortality in Europe.
This example shows clearly that under the same historical and
social conditions the two different cultures had completely different
responses and maintained different human reproduction models. This
phenomenon can only be explained by the strong influence of Islam.
So the pendulum domination move from one side to another side,
which wass dependent on political relations in Yugoslavia/Serbia and
external circumstances. Constant was the resistance of Albanians in Yugo¬
slav/Serbian state which they have never wanted only changing tactics of
the struggle for national unity. History has also shown that since the
second half of the 19th century situation was in favor of the Albanians,
and the Serbs missed on two occasions, between the two world war and in
the last decade of the 20th century, a chance to reverse the resolution of
the Kosovo issue in their favor.
Historical experience has shown that Serbs and Albanians are
very difficult to accept cohabitation in Kosovo and
Metohija.
The legal
regime, and therefore the position of one or another nation is always
changed by violence. The predominant wish was to live without each
other, and both nation considered this space exclusively for their territory
and each other suffer only as much as they had to. In such historical cir¬
cumstances, Kosovo was held with a mechanical connection, with the help
of criminal law and repression, within the
,,
mechanical and not „organic
solidarity within Yugoslavia/Serbia, where a model of dominance alterna¬
ted other, enabling processes
^lbani-zation
7
„Serbianization Kosovo and
the efforts of the Albanian/Serbian community from not being marginal
or vulnerable minority group.
So the pendulum domination move from one side to another side,
which wass dependent on political relations in Yugoslavia/Serbia and
external circumstances. Constant was the resistance of Albanians in Yugo¬
slav/Serbian state which they have never wanted only changing tactics of
the struggle for national unity. History has also shown that since the
second half of the 19th century situation was in favor of the Albanians,
and the Serbs missed on two occasions, between the two world war and in
the last decade of the 20th century, a chance to reverse the resolution of
the Kosovo issue in their favor.
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Nikolić, Kosta 1963- Cvetković, Srđan 1972- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)14087271X (DE-588)132733366 |
| author_facet | Nikolić, Kosta 1963- Cvetković, Srđan 1972- |
| author_role | aut aut |
| author_sort | Nikolić, Kosta 1963- |
| author_variant | k n kn s c sc |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV042238178 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)898893340 (DE-599)BVBBV042238178 |
| edition | 1. izd. |
| era | Geschichte 1912-1990 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1912-1990 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Kosovo |
| id | DE-604.BV042238178 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:16:05Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788674031902 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027676364 |
| oclc_num | 898893340 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 342 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Biblioteka Studije i monografije |
| spelling | Nikolić, Kosta 1963- Verfasser (DE-588)14087271X aut Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) Kosta Nikolić ; Srđan Cvetković Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia in the 20th century 1. izd. Beograd Inst. za Savremenu Istoriju 2014 342 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Studije i monografije In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia in the 20th century Geschichte 1912-1990 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo-Albaner (DE-588)4568446-7 gnd rswk-swf Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 gnd rswk-swf Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 gnd rswk-swf Kosovo (DE-588)4032571-4 g Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 s Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 s Kosovo-Albaner (DE-588)4568446-7 s Geschichte 1912-1990 z DE-604 Cvetković, Srđan 1972- Verfasser (DE-588)132733366 aut Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027676364&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027676364&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Nikolić, Kosta 1963- Cvetković, Srđan 1972- Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) Kosovo-Albaner (DE-588)4568446-7 gnd Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 gnd Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4568446-7 (DE-588)4126113-6 (DE-588)4054596-9 (DE-588)4032571-4 |
| title | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) |
| title_alt | Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo and Metohia in the 20th century |
| title_auth | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) |
| title_exact_search | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) |
| title_full | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) Kosta Nikolić ; Srđan Cvetković |
| title_fullStr | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) Kosta Nikolić ; Srđan Cvetković |
| title_full_unstemmed | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku (1912 - 1990) Kosta Nikolić ; Srđan Cvetković |
| title_short | Srbi i Albanci na Kosovu i Metohiji u 20. veku |
| title_sort | srbi i albanci na kosovu i metohiji u 20 veku 1912 1990 |
| title_sub | (1912 - 1990) |
| topic | Kosovo-Albaner (DE-588)4568446-7 gnd Nationalitätenfrage (DE-588)4126113-6 gnd Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kosovo-Albaner Nationalitätenfrage Serben Kosovo |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027676364&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027676364&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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