Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce?: Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty
Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: A constitutional or an existential revolution? Václav Havel and the Federal Assembly, 1989/90
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Czech |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Praha
Ústav pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR
2014
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR
47 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Zusammenfassung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: A constitutional or an existential revolution? Václav Havel and the Federal Assembly, 1989/90 |
| Beschreibung: | 181 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788072851768 |
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| adam_text | A Constitutional or an Existential Revolution?
Vaclav Havel and the Federal Assembly, 1989/90
An Essay with Documents
Abstract
The collapse of the Communist régime in Czechoslovakia led to the sponta-
neous liberation from bonds and loyalties of many years. After 17 Novem-
ber 1989, an avalanche of emancipation was set in motion, which gradually
entailed all aspects of life in society, including civil society, politics, the na-
tion, ethnicity, the arts and sciences, regional matters, business, trade un-
ions, and clubs. In late January 1990, two and half months after the peaceful
mass protests had begun, parliamentary democracy was formally restored
in Czechoslovakia as the fruit of a compromise in a situation in which both
the politically inchoate opposition and the collapsing state authorities had
an interest. Unlimited rule by the Czechoslovak Communist Party-with the
brief exception of the Prague Spring of 1968 - had lasted forty years. After
its sudden collapse, the questions arose of what authority would take the
place of the preceding authoritarianism, what the keystone of power would
be at time of overall liberation, and how exactly power would be execut-
ed on the road to the new ideal of a democratic state under the rule of law,
with pluralism and a prospering society. Power was not to be executed from
a single revolutionary centre, because the democrats of the Civic Forum did
not want to act as the Communist autocrats had. They were in favour of de-
mocracy here and now, and believed that democratic self-regulation would
work. But every revolution ֊ even one that calls itself Velvet - requires some
degree of radicalism, manipulation, and undemocratic behaviour. The rev-
olutionary wave in December and January was concentrated mainly on the
‘Communist parliament , whose quick purging was a necessary condition
for the start of a constitutional revolution.
In ‘year zero’, post-Communist politics could not be based on a balanced
separation of powers and a cultivated confrontation between government
and opposition forces. In the constitutional order, which the elite across
the whole political spectrum adopted for reasons of institutional stability,
a new balance of power began to form. And it did so of course in conflicts
and clashes. And yet there was no clear difference between the government
and the opposition. The ‘Government of National Understanding , formed by
Communists and non-Communist opposition members on a quasi-coalition
172
basis, was intended to be an expression of rational agreement. At the grass-
roots level, however, the logic of compromise did not work ֊ the politicized
public was increasingly taking sides, and anti-Communism was soon born.
With the same spontaneity, the suppressed Slovak Question burst onto the
political scene and, together with it, there emerged a dispute over the pow-
ers and standing of each of the two republics in the federation. Tensions,
caused mainly by these divisions, were projected into the work of the ‘co-
opted parliament’, which in March 1990 again found itself at the centre of
public criticism. The dramatist and civil activist Vaclav Havel sought to be
more than merely the ‘guarantor of free elections’; he also wanted to be an
‘unconventional president’, who would demonstrate that in politics one can
creatively disrupt well-established customs and habits, introduce controver-
sial questions, and solve them productively and quickly. He began to imple-
ment charismatic politics, relying on dramatic, aesthetic, and symbolic acts.
His endeavour to renew politics in the spiritual sense of the word introduced
considerable tension into the usual operations of institutions.
In this documentary work, I concentrate on the emancipation process at
the highest level of the federal Czechoslovak state in late 1989 and the first
half of 1990.1 am interested in the beginning of the mutual encounters and
clashes of executive and legislative power, particularly those between the
President of the Republic, whom one can reasonably consider the infor-
mal head of the post-Communist executive, and the Federal Assembly, the
highest legislative body of the shared state of the Czechs and the Slovaks.
I believe it important to begin the work with a concise analysis of views of
Havel and the pre-November 1989 dissidents on parliamentary democracy
and the way to re-establish it in the country.
Between January and May 1990, the Federal Assembly debated and
passed 63 laws (of which thirteen were constitutional laws, which changed
the character of the political system and the state. On their basis, censor-
ship was lifted, the Communist Party lost its monopoly on power, and civil,
economic, and political freedoms were enshrined in law. The doors were
opened to political pluralism, and preparations for a general election began.
In extrajudicial rehabilitation, 255,399 victims of the Communist regime
were exonerated. The republic ceased to be socialist. Institutions of higher
learning, in which the movement for emancipation had begun, were leg-
islated for by a liberal act of parliament on universities and polytechnics.
There is, however, no space in this essay to judge the quality of these and the
many other pieces of legislation that were passed. Parliament has its limits
related to procedure, time, and the personal qualifications of the legislators.
173
From the ‘Velvet Revolution onwards, the Federal Assembly was under
continuous pressure from the politicians and the public, and had to deal
with that. The focal point of political responsibility was to a considerable
extent shifted to the Federal Assembly. Though that was largely to be ex-
pected, the independent activist groups from the pre-November 1989 pe-
riod unfortunately did not pay enough attention to this point, and in their
considerations about political change they failed to take steps to meet the
basic requirements of liberalization. To the same extent, however, this criti-
cism also applies to the highly placed Communist politicians who joined
the democratic movement. Few people expected the lightning-fast renewal
of parliamentary democracy. The emancipation and professionalization of
parliament was ensured chiefly by its presidium, which comprised pragmat-
ic functionaries from the parties of the National Front, who were gradually
joined by two former Communists, the ‘Sixty-Lighters’ Alexander Dubček
and Zdeněk Jičínský, and, after the January co-optations, also by some ac-
tivists from the ranks of the former dissidents, though for the time being in
secondary places.
The charismatic president, Vaclav Havel, became the face of liberated
Czechoslovakia and the ambassador of its ‘peaceful revolution’. He was sin-
cerely and admiringly welcomed throughout the republic, in other countries
of Europe, and overseas. The almost fairy-tale story of an intellectual whom
the old régime was still holding in prison even in early 1989 and who, by
the will of the people, had become the head of state at the end of the year
revived the moral values connected with the democratic Czechoslovakia of
Tomáš Masaryk. But one cannot talk about a Havel fairy tale if one moves
to the level of politics in practice, where the president’s ideas and ambitions
ran up against certain limits, mainly institutional. If we ask ourselves the
rather pointed question whether the Czecho-Slovakia that was liberated
from Communism after November 1989 was a presidential democracy or
a parliamentary one, the only reasonable reply is that it was a presidential
democracy but symbolically only. Havel’s popularity and influence did not
correspond to his constitutional position. And the effectiveness of his po-
litical interventions, which aimed qualitatively to surmount parliamentary
democracy, was, on the whole, low. The burden of carrying out systemic
changes by constitutional methods was not on his shoulders. The focus of
his agenda remained in the symbolic-representative sphere. But his ambi-
tions, visions, and plans, which he tried to put into effect by ‘highly uncon-
ventional’ means, were in clear conflict with that.
174
Despite the unquestionable successes in democratization and liberaliza-
tion, the critical observer cannot consider this dress rehearsal for parlia-
mentary democracy particularly successful. For the Czecho-Slovak political
representatives it was, to be sure, an unusually difficult task after half a cen-
tury of undemocratic government. But one can hardly be satisfied with the
claim that it could not, in essence, have turned out differently. The chief
problem was in the lack of general awareness of the importance of the sys-
tem - that means mainly in the co-ordination, cooperation, and mutual
informing of the individual centres of power at the levels of the federation
and of the Czech and Slovak republics. The existence of the federative ar-
rangement of Czechoslovakia and its operation after liberation from the
‘Communist yoke7 was the thing that above all should have been the test
of politics as a free, professional activity. And indeed that is what it was!
Only under the pressure of imminent crisis in early April did something
take place, which, considering the sudden fall of the old régime and the gen-
eral underestimation of the systemic parameters of the transition to democ-
racy, was not considered a priority - namely, the functional linking together
of the organizationally divided legislative bodies: the Federal Assembly, the
Czech National Council (the Czech legislature), and the Slovak National
Council (the Slovak legislature). It happened only ad hoc, out of necessity,
when trying to choose a suitable name for the state. The gradual, often
spontaneous and insufficiently considered loosening of the federation re-
mained a decisive trend after the election. The confederative elements that
were contained in the 1968 Czechoslovak Federation Act (no. 143/1968 Sb.)
now came to the fore. In the Civic Forum and the Public Against Violence,
an ill-considered slogan about two ‘strong republics and a weak federation7
had become established even before the general election in June 1990, fore-
shadowing the difficulties of the constitutional arrangement afterwards.
A spontaneous movement from federation to confederation, and from there
to two independent states, was thus launched. It was as if Czech and Slovak
political actors had leapt out of the starting blocks - but each in a differ-
ent direction. As early as January 1990, the general, spontaneous move-
ment of emancipation had begun, and could now only with difficulty be
institutionally regulated. The real functioning of the federation was the
touchstone of the renewal of democracy. The federal structure had begun
to show cracks as early as the transition period, and it should come as no
surprise that the problematic relationship between the president, as the in-
formal head of the executive on the one hand, and the supreme legislative
body, on the other, continued after the general election, until the country
175
split apart in the autumn of 1991. At that time, President Havel, re-elected
in June 1990, mobilized the ‘state-building energy of a disgruntled public
against the democratically elected parliament. He thereby acted on his credo
while a dissident that parliamentary democracy should from time to time
be shaken up by some revolt.
176
Obsah
Úvod............................................................5
Disident Havel a parlamentní demokracie.........................7
Pád režimu.....................................................11
Komunistický parlament pod tlakem..............................14
Nová ústava ֊ hned, nebo až potom?.............................24
Politika jako drama, nebo jako procedura?......................33
Emancipace zákonodárné moci....................................38
Kooptovaný parlament pod tlakem................................49
Název, nebo demise!............................................57
Kdo to dá dohromady?...........................................64
Zrušená slavnost...............................................74
Závěr..........................................................80
Dokumenty 1-30.................................................83
Seznam pramenů a literatury...................................161
Seznam publikovaných dokumentů................................165
Jmenný rejstřík...............................................169
Abstract......................................................172
List of published documents
177
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| spelling | Suk, Jiří 1966- Verfasser (DE-588)137899343 aut Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty Jiří Suk Praha Ústav pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR 2014 181 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR 47 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: A constitutional or an existential revolution? Václav Havel and the Federal Assembly, 1989/90 Havel, Václav 1936-2011 (DE-588)118709259 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1989-1990 gnd rswk-swf Innenpolitik (DE-588)4027058-0 gnd rswk-swf Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content Havel, Václav 1936-2011 (DE-588)118709259 p Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 g Innenpolitik (DE-588)4027058-0 s Geschichte 1989-1990 z DE-604 Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR 47 (DE-604)BV010182532 47 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027672573&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027672573&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Suk, Jiří 1966- Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty Sešity Ústavu pro Soudobé Dějiny AV ČR Havel, Václav 1936-2011 (DE-588)118709259 gnd Innenpolitik (DE-588)4027058-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)118709259 (DE-588)4027058-0 (DE-588)4078435-6 (DE-588)4135952-5 |
| title | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty |
| title_auth | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty |
| title_exact_search | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty |
| title_full | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty Jiří Suk |
| title_fullStr | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty Jiří Suk |
| title_full_unstemmed | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty Jiří Suk |
| title_short | Konstituční, nebo existenciální revoluce? |
| title_sort | konstitucni nebo existencialni revoluce vaclav havel a federalni shromazdeni 1989 1990 studie a dokumenty |
| title_sub | Václav Havel a Federální shromáždění 1989/1990 ; studie a dokumenty |
| topic | Havel, Václav 1936-2011 (DE-588)118709259 gnd Innenpolitik (DE-588)4027058-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Havel, Václav 1936-2011 Innenpolitik Tschechoslowakei Quelle |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027672573&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027672573&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV010182532 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT sukjiri konstitucnineboexistencialnirevolucevaclavhavelafederalnishromazdeni19891990studieadokumenty |