Verfügbarkeit: Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba

Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba: jezik kao stvarnost

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. Verfasser:	Filan, Kerima 1959- (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Bosnian
Veröffentlicht:	Sarajevo Connectum 2014
Schriftenreihe:	Connectum knjiga 147
Schlagworte:	Bašeskija, Mula M. > 1732-1803 Geschichte 1757-1803 Alltagskultur Sarajevo
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Sarajevo at Basheski's time
Beschreibung:	350 S. Ill.
ISBN:	9789958290534

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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text	SADRŽAJ PRVI DIO: BAŠESKIJA I ZAPISIVANJE 7 UVOD 9 ONO ŠTO ZNAMO О BAŠESKIJL 18 Njegov život 18 Mula Mustafa Bašeskija kao bašeskija i kao Ševki 20 "Ne mogu reći da ne znam" 21 Bašeskija i šejh hadži Mehmed 23 Ner askidiva veza s Bogom 25 Nekrologij: zapisivanje kao duhovna praksa 27 Ravnoteža duha 29 Ravnoteža u društvu 31 Bašeskijina prisutnost u društvu 32 DRUGI DIO: ONI KOJI SU UPRAVLJALI 35 О UNUTRAŠNJIM NEMIRIMA 37 Kraj desetogodišnjih nemira u Bosni — početak dnevnika 37 Bašeskijine riječi o tim nemirima 38 Nemiri u Skadarskom sandžaku 41 Skadarskom sandžakbegu nema mira 43 Bašeskija о sandžakbegu 45 Mahmud- paši BuŠatliji 45 RATNE NEPRILIKE 46 Rat na Crnoj Gori 46 Odlazak na daleki front 47 Lažne vijesti s fronta 48 Vojska odbija poći u rat 51 Čekajući zakasnjele plaće 53 Porez ratne pomoći 56 Doba rata s Austrijom 58 Na zapadnom frontu ništa dobro 60 Mir s Austrijom, Francuzi u Egiptu 62 BOSANSKI NAMJESNICI 65 О bosanskom paši na prvim listovima 65 Paše i gradski prvaci 68 Paše i narod 69 Deset namjesnika u petnaest godina 72 Bašeskijine primjedbe 74 Slučaj Mehmed-paše Vanlija 76 VRHOVNI KADIJA (MULA) I DRUGE KADIJE 77 Bašeskijina riječ о mulinim nadležnostima 77 Bašeskijina riječ о djelovanju sarajevskih mula 80 Kadije u očima drugih osmanskih intelektualaca 83 347 TREĆI DIO: ONI KOJIMA SE UPRAVLJALO 87 LJUDI OD ZNANJA 89 Njihove službe i oblasti zanimanja 91 Oni su ljudi različitih naravi 99 Oni kojima BaŠeskija prigovara 103 Zašto im Bašeskija prigovara 107 Dvojica sarajevskih muftija: Emir Vaiz i Mehmed Čajničanin 109 Dvojica sarajevskih muftija: Mehmed Fojničanin i Mehmed Svrako 112 SUFIJE I KADIZADELIJE: DVIJE SKUPINE VJERNIKA 115 Pojava vjerskih zanesenjaka (kadizadelija) u Sarajevu 116 Kadizadelije u središtu Carstva 117 Djelovanje kadizadelija u Sarajevu 120 Slučaj Emira Vaiza, predvodnika kadizadelija 122 Dvije vjerske struje u gradu 125 Utjecaj kadizadelija na život u gradu 127 Bašeskija i kadizadelije 130 Narod i kadizadelije 132 NEMUSLIMANSKO STANOVNIŠTVO 135 Nekrologij: slika društvene zajednice 135 U smrti: svako je sam 136 U životu: ljudi upućeni jedni na druge 140 Briga о zajednici, briga о pojedincu 143 Odsustvo razboritosti "pilav pretvori u kašu" 144 Država prema podanicima - podanici prema državi 147 Licemj er j e j e prlj av po sao 149 Koliko muslimana - koliko nemuslimana 152 SVIJET MUŠKARACA I ŽENA 154 Žena kao supruga 154 Žena kao njegovateljica i pomoćnica 156 Žena i njena imovina 157 Razvod braka 159 Ugrožena žena i društvo 160 Zapisi o mnogoženstvu 162 Zapisi о mješovitom braku 163 Žena i susjedstvo 165 Žene u mahali 167 Ženeučaršiji 169 Žene prosvjeduju 172 Prosvjed žena prerasta u pobunu 173 Žene na aginoj kapiji 176 Beskućnice 177 Žene su (ne)vidljive 178 348 ČETVRTI DIO: LOKALNA ISKUSTVA 181 PUTOVANJA U DALEKE KRAJEVE 183 Putovalo se u Istanbul: 183 Radi vojničkih plaća 183 Radi naimenovanja na položaj 186 Radi vakufskih poslova 187 Radi trgovine 187 Putovalo se u Egipat 188 Putovalo se u Solun (i preko Soluna) 189 Putovalo se u Beograd 190 Putovalo se u susjedne zapadne zemlje 191 Odlazilo se na dalji istok 194 Na putu 195 Iskustva s putovanja među građanima 199 PUTOVANJA NA HADŽ "' 202 Polazak na hadž iz Sarajeva 203 Putovanje 206 Odlazak na hadž više puta 209 Smrti i bolesti na putu 211 Kršćani hodočasnici 213 DRUŽENJA I RAZONODE 215 Izleti u prirodu: teferiči kušanme 215 Na izletu: kada razboritost zakáže 217 Na izletu: kada gostoprimstvo zakáže 219 Izleti kušanme: iskustvo društvene zajednice 220 Izleti bez kušanme 223 Porodični odmor na selu 226 Sedmično druženje građana 228 Nastupi pehlivana i konjske trke 229 Druženje u dugim zimskim noćima: sohbet-halve 230 U kafani 234 U mejhani 237 I druge zimske zabave 237 Slavlja po fer manu: u povodu rođenja sultanove djece 238 Slavlja po fermami u povodu vojnih uspjeha 241 Općenito о zabavama 242 TEŠKA STRANA ŽIVOTA 244 Kuga u Sarajevu 1762-1763. 244 Kuga u Sarajevu 1782. 247 Procjene о broju stradalih 250 Kuga i siromaštvo 251 Kuga u Sarajevu 1208. / 1793. godine 252 Druge bolesti 254 Poplave 257 Požari 258 349 PETI DIO: LOKALNA ZNANJA 263 NAZIVI ZA PRIPADNIKE RAZLIČITIH VJERSKIH I ETNIČKIH ZAJEDNICA 265 Imeno vanj e j evrej a: j amidi i cif ut 266 Kršćani i jevreji: đauri i čifuti 271 Jevreji i kršćani: jahùd i nasãrã 272 Kršćani: kãfir, kaur, zimmï 272 Katolici i pravoslavci: latin/frenk i rišćan 274 Zaključno о imenovanjima vjerskog identiteta 276 Oznake etničke pripadnosti 277 Rom: Kiptï i Čingan 277 Arap 279 Osmanlij a, Turčin 280 "Bosanski čovjek" - Bosanac 282 Albanac 282 Nazivi jezika 283 Zaključno о oznakama etničke pripadnosti 285 OZNAKE KALENDARSKOG VREMENA 287 Zvanični kalendar: lunami 288 Drugi zvanični kalendar: lunisolarni 291 Narodne mjere za vrijeme 291 Vremenski orijentiri iz lokalne kulture 293 Još neki kršćanski blagdani 296 u vremenskim oznakama 296 Bašeskijino poimanje kršćanskih blagdana 297 Vrijeme blagdana - sveto vrijeme? 298 Različite strukture vremena u međuodnosu 300 ZAKLJUČNA RIJEČ 303 AFTERWORD Sarajevo at Basheskis time: language as a reality 315 LITERATURA 327 RJEČNIK 337 INDEKS IMENA 341 О AUTORICI 345 SADRŽAJ 347 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München 350 AFTERWORD Sarajevo at BasheskVs time: language as a reality Studying Turkish in Mullah Mustafa Basheski's book written in a diary-form in Sarajevo in the 18th century, we believe to have got through to the writer's opinions, attitudes to life, to people and some features of the world in which he lived. "As language enters the world through concrete speech (realizing it), so does language enter life through concrete expressions."1 We discovered that world while working on the original text, on the autograph written by Basheski's own hand over fifty years. We first observed Basheski's work "as a link in the oral communication chain" (M. Bahtin), then his expression which he "exchanges" with us, his readers, building it by means of linguistic units (words, word groups and sentences) and, eventually, all the features making up the text: handwriting which underwent changes over years, text density on a page, short records interpolated years later where they were thematically related to the already written text, pen thickness and letter shapes indicating the places where the writing down was interrupted. "Any research on a concrete linguistic material (.) inevitably deals with the concrete expression (written or oral) relating to various spheres of human activity (.)> whence researchers draw linguistic facts they need."2 As expected, Basheski's world differs from ours in many of its exterior characteristics. With many of its interior characteristics, that is with vŕhat is human activity and feeling, his world proved similar to the world in which we live. The Sarajevo localities, mentioned by Basheski many times in his records, are "the zone of contact of the present and the past," they are "a gate into the past world."3 In this book, we opened the gate into the world of Sarajevo's past through Basheski's records and linguistic expressions shaping them. The book made up of his chronologically sequenced records is not an artistic work, it is not an official document, nor is it a general history. It is a diary, and diaries generally are "a series of notes: about the course of life, about the historical, about the public, about the intimate . therefore, about the personal, about 1 Bahtin 1980: 236. 2 Ibid. 3 A. Asman 2011: 282. 315 the social, and about the metaphysical. ." Little in Basheski s diary is private; the writer did not deal with anything that is his personal. "Diary is", they say, "not only a book which was written, but the book 'that happened?'4 From the very beginning, Mullah Mustafa Basheski knew he was writing a book which would happen. In his first sentence "I will be recording some events" {baz-i vak'ayt beyãn}, with the indefinite adjective "some" he excluded the existence of an external motive for his recording business, taking his own perception of the world as the criterion for selection of topics. This book is made up of the records of "events" {vuku'at} and the records of deaths {vefeyãt} "which took place in the mentioned city" {medïne-i mezburede vuku'agelen} .5 Why deaths? "I will be noting the names of my friends and acquaintances who died, to be grateful for my life. ." "to remind me, the sinner, of the transience of life and to make me bear in mind that death is at the end of this path,"6 says Basheski. Here, like elsewhere in the book, Basheski calls himself the sinner: he is hakïr (a wretched person), fakir (a miserable person), pür-taksïr (a sinner). It is these words that those who underwent the education of Islamic mysticism used to call themselves, thus stressing their (and mans general) position of a slave before the Creator. For Basheski, in the process of education in the spirit of Islamic mysticism, recording the dying of the deceased was a form of spiritual exercise. Basheski wrote concurrently about life and death. Thus the events from life, which he recorded in his diary to be memorised for some other times, were a selection made by a man who followed the state of his soul. Articulating his observations and thoughts into language, recording, not linguistic shaping, seem to be important for the writer.7 The sentences forming a textual unit, namely one record, are usually sequenced without conjunctions, while their interrelationships are understood only when the record is analysed as an integral text. Basheskťs sentence is reduced to the smallest measure of lexical units, even of grammatical elements, so that at times it is difficult to accept it if observed in isolation. However, when the structure of such sentence is related to the structure of 4 Finci 2011: 19-20. 5 4a2. 6 5802-3; 61a4. 7 Finci 2011: 34. 316 the record to which it belongs, then to the structure of the entire diary, what is missing to make it grammatical is supplemented by the broader context. The linguistic expression which does not take account of form defines Basheski's text as a sufi discourse. Mystical poetry in Islam, which is otherwise intended for reciting and singing, is known not to observe grammar and to be characterised by "awkward linguistic forms," "as its goal was to inspire some mystical state of mind rather than to explain the rational facts in simple words."8 Basheski lived in such tradition. Indeed, his goal was not to explain events in his diary, but to point to them as versatile circumstances of life for himself first, and then for those for whom he stores his own reality into memory. Even if we did not attribute the function of achieving a mystical atmosphere to his "awkward linguistic forms," it is certainly present in the text through the comments in which the writer asserts the spiritual balance ("modesty is a beautiful characteristic") , the balance in a social environment ("ir ¿5 Goďs doing that lions meet their match") and particularly through his appeals to the readers to discover for themselves the lesson/message from what is written down ( "it is on you to understand what this points to"). With such comments and permanent personal presence in the text, as well as with the choice of linguistic means and their organisation, in some measure the writer disclosed his own identity. In Basheskťs records there is no subsequent polishing of the linguistic expression or its correction by crossing out or adding words. With only two or three such instances in the whole text written over a five-decade period, a good fit is the Arabic saying with which Basheski described one circumstance of life in Sarajevo: En-nadir кеЧ -madum. ("Which is as rare as ifit did not exist.") Observing the world from the point of view rooted in Islamic mysticism, Basheski attempted, within the limits of his human abilities, to write with such values in mind. He wrote about what he personally saw or heard, or heard other people speak about. He stressed the latter with the relevant linguistic means: grammatical (perfect ending in -mis), lexical iguya), syntactic (dediler)y and at places also with his own comments, like in the following record: "I heard in my writing office from a charcoal seller that in the village of Ustomorine red snow had fallen. It was reported 8 Schimmel 1982: 148. 317 also by some other villagers who came to the city over Mt Trebević. I watched the place on Trebević to which they pointed and I saw that the snow there was not white. It did not look clearly red but stained."9 Working as a public scribe in a writing office in the Sarajevo city centre from 1763, Basheski met people, which is the experience he also gained from his years-long employment at the Buzajji Mosque in Sarajevo (in today's Logavina Street), where he did the service of imam from 1759 to 1760. If we know that for years he walked the path to the mosque, starting from home or his office five times a day, then we can understand his presence in public space where the life of an individual, local community and the Ottoman Empire, was happening. Basheski wrote about all of these selecting the events which he thought important at his time, thus determining his position towards it. That is why everything he recorded in his book is important. Why everything that he wrote down is important and how Basheski matured as personality is well shown by a record of an alleged victory of the Ottoman army over the Russians in 1769. That untrue news was recorded in his book because it was officially announced to the citizens of Sarajevo {besãret-ifermãn}, but later it proved to have been untrue. The writer corrected the error in his book when the true news came; this event made him decide not to record what he heard before it was proved true. The case of writing down an instance of the untrue news shows the procedure of the man who, wanting to do his practice in a disciplined manner, recorded the news officially announced; we see his responsibility for the practice because he corrects what is wrong and draws a lesson from that; we see taking an attitude to the reality and correcting own practice to achieve its purpose. Finally, we see that sincere devotion to job preserved one historical truth in memory: it was possible, using official channels for transmission ofnews, to send untrue news (a historical untruth). This case of the false news from the front shows, as does the direct linguistic expression without subsequent corrections in the manuscript, a high degree of Basheski's self-discipline, emphasising the historical character of his records in contrast to their fictitious character. Basheski matured socially and intellectually with his 9 3905-8. 318 writing, which is evident from the form of his records. They are short and without his comments on the first sheets. With time, his records become (to an extent) more comprehensive and the writer s voice louder. If we compare the records in which Basheski speaks of the unrests in Sarajevo and in Bosnia from 1747 to 1757 with those of unrests in the Sanjak of Shkodër some thirty years later, when sanjak-bey Mahmud-pasha Bushatliya stood up against the qadis and ayans who imposed a high tax on the people, we can notice that in his mature years Basheski defines two sides in conflict: on one side are Bushatliya Pasha, a fair governor supporting the poor, and the people who respect him; on the other side are ayans and qadis who attracted followers with money to block Bushatliya. Writing about the riots in Sarajevo, true, after they were over and not while they were going on, Basheski spoke more about general insecurity in the city and "bullies who had no fear of their superiors" rather than about the sides in conflict. Actually, in his records prevailing is his disagreement with any kind of violence, emphasised in the saying men katele kutile - he who kills gets killed, too. In Basheski s philosophy of life, violence disturbs the balance in the world as established by God for people, which must produce consequences. Upsetting the balance in a society is a circumstance on which Basheski checks his presence in it and also his role of the protector of such value in his own social environment. When he notes the conduct which disturbs harmony in the life of the community, such as wantonness, extravagance, doing injustice, Basheski rarely gives names of the persons behaving in that way as he does not want to stigmatise those concrete persons but rather members of a (his) social community who hold certain positions in it. By leaving out proper names, he laid emphasis in those records on morality. Nevertheless, Basheskťs records are not completely deprived of names. He singles out those whose behaviour was excess, such as the example of "a young and irascible man" called Tokatliya who "out of folly and stupidity" wounded with a knife a non-Muslim citizen. Basheski saw the incident between a Muslim and a non-Muslim as disorderly conduct in the society constituted according to the tenets of the Muslim Holy Book. For in that society, in Basheskis environment, non-Muslims live in the centre of the city and in his neighbourhood, and in the villages around Sarajevo; they engage in trade and crafts; they confess their faith; those who are skilled cure "both Jews and Christians and Muslims," 319 associate with the people of similar interests, like Mirkad the Jew who "associated with the people knowledgeable about astronomy, he liked astronomers and kept company with them." In Basheskis view of the world, order in the social life of Sarajevo at his time was disturbed by the Qadizadelis, orthodoxly oriented Muslim believers. Disagreements between them and the sufis were known to culminate in fights in the public space; he wrote about it in a tone clearly showing his orientation: "Eventually, thanks God, the dervishes won," says Basheski in a passage. Judging by some of his observations, the Qadizadelis in Sarajevo were an influential social class. We may conclude so from the records made with a distance of twenty years between them (1779 and 1798) which say that the Qadizadelis obtained a ban on acrobat performances in Sarajevo. Such records disclose not only the continuous presence of the Qadizadelis in the city froml766 to 1767, when Basheski noted zuhur-i müte^assib ("some religious zealots appeared"), but their uninterrupted influence as well. Judging by the author's words that in both cases the acrobats went to show their skills in Visoko, a place some 30 kilometres away from Sarajevo, we may draw a conclusion that in the surrounding places the Qadizadelis were not active (at least not in the same way as in Sarajevo). Basheski relates the appearance of "religious fanatics" to the arrival in Sarajevo of a muderis and preacher whom he names Amasiyali Vaiz. Although he did not have words of praise for his knowledge, he mentioned him as one of the learned men in Sarajevo at the time. The learned men in the city are the only topic of several records about which Basheski wrote at one place in his book; this is why those few pages remind of tezkira. However, it is less than likely that Basheski incorporated tezkira in the structure of his diary. With this recording procedure, he may have commented, at one place, on the men who were respected as learned in the public life of the city, and given, through his observations about their public activity, a picture of the society, since the learned men are the ones who should build civility and care for souls, thus being a corrective with their activities for authorities. From Basheskis presentation of the learned men we see, on the one side, the ones who disseminated knowledge at derses - open lectures and acquired respect as muderises, vaizes, mualims or lecturers. On the other side are the ones respected by common people because, as Basheski put it, "they knew how to present themselves as scholarly although it is unknown at which knowledge they were skilled." In Basheski Js 320 descriptions, the learned ones from the latter group are loud: from the mosque pulpits they yell, scold, warn, talk much but say little; they compete for the position of the mufti, and they win it. Nevertheless, the cultural atmosphere in Sarajevo was shaped by the "more silent ones". In both groups there were scholars educated in Istanbul. Returning to their native land, they brought, along with knowledge, various life experiences acquired in the heart of the great Empire. We follow Basheski through his book from the time he was (probably) under thirty and, by all accounts, he was not schooled outside Sarajevo. He belonged to the circle of people with a certain degree of education and was informed about the written culture. As Nelly Hanna says, that circle of citizens was able to understand "more realistically" the world around themselves than the ulema who acquired an "ideal image of the world" through study10 Namely, it is likely that ulema, such as muderises and vaizes, were not close to the ordinary people in the way imams and hatibs were, and such distance made realistic comprehension of the spiritual state of the citizens more difficult. That could have been the reason why Basheski wrote in a critical tone about some of the learned men і Sarajevo of his time. In a society constituted in accordance with the Islamic law, Basheski could see women as much as they were present in public life. His records testify that he saw them as participants in the protests against some events in the city. Although he did not say so, judging by the causes for the protests in which they took part, we may conclude that they publicly defended women's and family rights and raised their voices to express frustration with the shortage of provisions, high prices and poverty. When in 1770 they gathered in the city centre calling the representatives of the authorities to account for the high cost of living, men joined them, and then the protest resulted in two-day riots. We do not see from Basheskľs text that the women planned the riots of such extent, but it is clear that they played a certain role in the whole event: they turned up in public and manifested their discontent. The participation of women in those riots, like in other protests in Sarajevo, definitely was not the matter of their responsibility for "the outer life" but rather the matter of their presence in forming public opinion. 10 Degirmenci 2011:11. 321 The fact that, in his records, Basheski mentioned the women he had not seen, as someones wives, daughters, care-givers, indicates his awareness of the existence ofwoman in the community even when she does not act in public. However, he wrote obituary notices only for those whose death marked a change in public life, actually the wretched, beggar and mad women who spent their lives on the city streets. They, like beggar and mad men, depict the community, not primarily with their status but rather with the citizens' attitude towards them. On obituary pages we read names, occupations, conduct, habits, and characteristics of Basheski's fellow townspeople. Only here and there is there a note about how he felt about some of them, but even then only on the basis of what he saw in them. What he saw was available to the eyes of anybody else. He gave minimalis tic descriptions of the citizens, stringing words after one another, leaving out in places even grammatical means as indicators of their interrelatedness; only the blank paper separates descriptions in the way that we are certain about where each of them begins and where it ends. It is this way of writing and describing which reflects Basheski s perception of people as individuals: for him each person is only himself/herself. On the obituary page, people are not grouped in any way; everybody is separated from everyone else. In obituary notices formulated in this way, we looked for information about journeys: which of Basheski s fellow townspeople travelled, where to and why. Most of them travelled to Hajj. A decision to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca is the matter of one's spiritual readiness for such an act, and Basheski's records indeed show that the Sarajevo hajjis of his time came from different social strata; among them there were the rich ones who took their servant on the journey, but there were also the poor ones who all their life, before going to Hajj and after that, lived modestly Certainly, the experiences from those journeys, as favourite topics among relatives and friends, were built into the knowledge of a broad circle of citizens. In Basheski's records, we do not see women on such journeys; however, in one we do find a testimony of a man who, as a bedel (substitute), performed Hajj for a female. The knowledge of another world was brought also by some other travellers, who for the purposes of trade or some state affairs travelled to Istanbul, Egypt, Belgrade, Austria, and Venice. Basheski reports that among the citizens of Sarajevo there were those who loved to wear Egyptian clothes. We also learn about a 322 man who wore tight blue trousers, a model of Austrian trousers at the time; the man's father carried on trade with Austria. It is certain that only a number, a smaller number of people travelled; it is also certain that a great number of people for their whole life did not have an opportunity to travel at least to closer parts. There were, however, more journeys than Basheski was able to mention. We should notice that he does not speak about departures to other parts in search of knowledge. We can only assume that some young people who, as he records, died in Istanbul, Salonika, Egypt, went in search of science and spiritual guidance. Support for that assumption is found in the information about hajji Mehmed, the sheikh of Hajji Sinan's tekke in Sarajevo who, Basheski accounts, "travelled much and reached as far as India." In Basheski's time, people travelled for pleasure, too. Some probably travelled and earned money as skilful entertainers and singers, like a certain Ali who won the audiences in Dubrovnik so much that they did, says Basheski, his painting there. We have already mentioned that acrobats, when their performance was banned in Sarajevo, went to Visoko to entertain people with their skills. "Many a Sarayevan went after them to watch them." In Basheski's time, going with family from the city into the country for some time for a change of environment was a practice not only of better-off families, like the merchant Soco's, but of those with modest means, too. Basheski went with his family to the village of Zgošće and stayed there eight months. In the city, people amused themselves and took a rest on picnics; especially popular with the people were the picnics arranged by trade-guilds. At such get-togethers, beside the official part of promoting master craftsmen, fun activities, competitions and games took place. Such picnics were social events, not only for their relevance for the city's economic life but also because they took place, as organised events, in public space, becoming the experience of the citizens watching them or participating in them. Many accounts testify to the different forms of associating and entertaining in the city of Sarajevo - from gathering in private homes at winter nights and in gardens at summer nights to sitting in coffee rooms and attending horse races; our attraction, however, is drawn by the records of the habit of citizens who, in the summer period, "from St. Georges Feast to Kasum," on Friday afternoons went to a site called Bakiye and entertained themselves competing in various games. It was obviously a weekly break with recreation. 323 Over the whole period of Basheski's writing, a danger was hanging in the air over those who travelled and those who never left the city: pestilence, the commonest and deadliest calamity. In the second part of the 1 8th century, pestilence reoccurred several times in Sarajevo; two appalling epidemics took place within twenty years, in 1762-1763 and in 1783. Each took away about 8,000 lives, which was approximately a third of the city's population. In Bashski s records, and in some verses of a poem expressing his experience of the 1762-1763 epidemic we read, among other things, about the fear among the people ofthat malignant disease, and also about Basheski's spiritual strength with which he raises that human weakness in himself up to godliness. Basheski wrote about life in the manner how he perceived the world. Such individual perceptions, like his, "are comprised in the world, but the world is not drained in them."11 It is because they are comprised in the world to which they belong that they are witnesses to the collective. That testimony is well reflected in the collective knowledge such as time denotations or the marks of belonging to religious or ethnic communities. The way in which Basheski records the calendar time or how he names the fellow-townspeople Jews and Christians, i.e. the citizens whom he differentiated by phenotype, comes from the overall culture to which he belonged. Basheski lived in Sarajevo and worked as a public scribe. On the pages of the book where he described the scholarly people in Sarajevo of his time, he also mentioned himself as a man knowledgeable about Islamic mysticism "who realised his wish {murad} for external and internal knowledge {zahir and bãtin} and to whom, after that, it was forbidden by his religion {harãm} to say 'I don't know."' This book shows that he lived a life turned both to the internal and to the external. He had moral purity at heart — his own and that of the community. This is why he wrote. He alerted to what existed in his world but should not have been so. If he belonged to the people of knowledge, then he was among the scholars who lived and did their job. He wrote a dairy of public life in his environment. In the diary he revealed himself as a man who did not have to go to Istanbul to higher schools to become man. He manifested the power of the little man - to act with his small idea wherever he was; to attract attention with his scholarliness and prudence and to impact the world. 11 Velčić 1991: 185. 324
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id	DE-604.BV042191654
illustrated	Illustrated
indexdate	2024-10-11T18:02:31Z
institution	BVB
isbn	9789958290534
language	Bosnian
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physical	350 S. Ill.
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publisher	Connectum
record_format	marc
series	Connectum knjiga
series2	Connectum knjiga Biblioteka Dialogos
spelling	Filan, Kerima 1959- Verfasser (DE-588)1061010058 aut Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost Kerima Filan Sarajevo at Basheski's time Sarajevo Connectum 2014 350 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Connectum knjiga 147 Biblioteka Dialogos Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Sarajevo at Basheski's time Bašeskija, Mula M. 1732-1803 (DE-588)118962884 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1757-1803 gnd rswk-swf Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 gnd rswk-swf Sarajevo (DE-588)4077016-3 gnd rswk-swf Bašeskija, Mula M. 1732-1803 (DE-588)118962884 p Sarajevo (DE-588)4077016-3 g Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 s Geschichte 1757-1803 z DE-604 Connectum knjiga 147 (DE-604)BV022235329 147 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027630721&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027630721&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Filan, Kerima 1959- Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost Connectum knjiga Bašeskija, Mula M. 1732-1803 (DE-588)118962884 gnd Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)118962884 (DE-588)4122782-7 (DE-588)4077016-3
title	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost
title_alt	Sarajevo at Basheski's time
title_auth	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost
title_exact_search	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost
title_full	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost Kerima Filan
title_fullStr	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost Kerima Filan
title_full_unstemmed	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost Kerima Filan
title_short	Sarajevo u Bašeskijino doba
title_sort	sarajevo u baseskijino doba jezik kao stvarnost
title_sub	jezik kao stvarnost
topic	Bašeskija, Mula M. 1732-1803 (DE-588)118962884 gnd Alltagskultur (DE-588)4122782-7 gnd
topic_facet	Bašeskija, Mula M. 1732-1803 Alltagskultur Sarajevo
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027630721&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027630721&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
volume_link	(DE-604)BV022235329
work_keys_str_mv	AT filankerima sarajevoubaseskijinodobajezikkaostvarnost AT filankerima sarajevoatbasheskistime

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