Verfügbarkeit: Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti

Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti: o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
1. Verfasser:	Timotijević, Miroslav 1950-2016 (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Veröffentlicht:	Beograd Istorijski Muzej Srbije [u.a.] 2012
Schlagworte:	Geschichte 1815 Religion and cultural memory / Serbia Kriegsbeginn Repräsentation > Soziologie Zweiter Serbischer Aufstand Symbolische Politik Kollektives Gedächtnis Serbien Takovo
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfasung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Takovo uprising - serbian Palm Sunday
Beschreibung:	596 pages Ill. 29 cm
ISBN:	9788682925514 8682925516

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Datensatz im Suchindex

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adam_text	САДРЖАЈ УВОДНА РАЗМАТРАЊА ....................................................................... ц ЗВАНИЧНА РЕПРЕЗЕНТАТИВНА КУЛТУРА И ЈАВНО ЗАЈЕДНИЧКО СЕЂАЊЕ ................. ιγ Уобличавање званичне репрезентативне културе .................................................. 20 Симболична политика званичне репрезентативне културе ......................................... 24 Национализована званичне репрезентативне културе ............................................. 29 Комуникационо деловање званичне репрезентативне културе ..................................... Зі Инструменти произвођења званичне репрезентативне културе .................................... 34 Јавно званично сећање између цикличног и историјског времена ................................... 39 МИТ О 3ΛΑΤΗΟΜ ДОБУ И ЊЕГОВА ПОАИТИЧКА ОБНОВА ................................... 49 Идеологија обнове златног доба .................................................................. 52 Почетак обнове златног доба .................................................................... б2 Милош Обреновић као обновитељ златног доба................................................... 65 Обнова златног доба и богоизабрани народ ....................................................... 72 Стратегија вечне обнове златног доба ............................................................ 79 УОБАИЧАВАЊЕ ТАКОВСКОГМЕМОРИЈСКОГ ТОПОСА ...................................... 85 Званична историографија и култура сећања...................................................... 86 Историографски меморијски топос .............................................................. <д Митски меморијски топос ....................................................................... юз Етичко значење меморијског топоса .............................................................. ii4 Политичко значење меморијског топоса .......................................................... и8 Меморијски топос: етичко-политички залог династичко-народне спреге ............................124 РИТУААИЗОВАЊЕ СЕЖАЊА: ОПШТЕНАРОДНИ ПРАЗНИК СРПСКЕ ЦВЕТИ .................129 Званично увођење општенародних празника .....................................................130 Владарски дани и престоничко прослављање општенародних празника ............................. i44 Престоничко прослављање Српских Цвети ....................................................... i55 Удвајање празничне меморије .................................................................... i6o Позоришне празничне представе ................................................................169 Општенародно празновање Српских Цвети ....................................................... i77 Усаглашавање званичног прослављања ........................................................... i8o Vill САД РЖА! ЈУБИЛАРНА ПРОСЛАВА 50-ГОДИШЊИЦЕ ТАКОВСКОГ УСТАНКА ...........................187 Припрема за прослављање јубилеја.............................................................. 189 Званични програм прославе ..................................................................... і9і Церемонијални простор прославе ................................................................196 Јубиларна прослава као колективна (ре)презентација ..............................................205 Нормирање рецепције прославе ................................................................. ні Таковска одличја ................................................................................214 ТЕРИТОРИЈААИЗОВАЊЕ СЕЋАЊА; ТАКОВО .................................................229 Таково .........................................................................................231 Таковска црква .................................................................................235 Таковски грм ...................................................................................245 Споменик кнезу Милошу Обреновићу ............................................................250 Школа крал>а Александра Обреновића ...........................................................258 Таковски дворац ................................................................................ 2бі ВИЗУЕАИЗОВАЊЕ СЕЋАЊА: ПАТРИОТСКЕ ИКОНЕ ..........................................271 Од миметичког портрета до иконичне слике историје .............................................272 Вербалне иконе - визуелне иконе: проблем иконичне историјске слике .............................282 „Таковски устанак Стевана Тодоровића ..........................................................285 „Устанак таковски год. 1815 Винценца Кацлера ...................................................293 „Таковски устанак Павла Јовановића ............................................................298 Дучићев екфразис Јовановићеве патриотске иконе ................................................304 Подизање споменика у престоници ..............................................................¡07 ТАКОВСКИ СИМБОАИ ИЗМЕНУ НАРАТИВА И МЕТАФОРЕ ....................................317 Метафора таковског митског наратива ........................................................... З1^ Таковски јунак .................................................................................. З^о Таковско сунце слободе .........................................................................33° Таковски барјак ................................................................................335 Таковски крст ..................................................................................347 Таковски грм - национално и династичко свето дрво ..............................................355 ПОПУААРИСАЊЕ ТАКОВСКОГ МЕМОРИЈСКОГ ТОПОСА ....................................367 Српске Цвети у верској меморијско) култури ..................................................... Зб8 Популарисање општенародног празника ......................................................... З8о Популарисање места сећања .....................................................................3^5 Популарисање патриотских икона ............................................................... 400 Реаговање јавног мњења ......................................................................... 4о6 Негативна слика меморијског топоса ............................................................. 410 ЗАБОРАВА.АЊЕ ТАКОВСКОГ МЕМОРИЈСКОГ ТОПОСА ......................................4 Укидање јавних форми прослављања Српских Цвети ..............................................4^4 Деконструкција историографског топоса ......................................................... 428 Произвођење новог меморијског топоса ..........................................................435 Реинтерпретација новог меморијског топоса ......................................................443 Произвођење новог места сећања ................................................................449 Таковски меморијски топос између сећања и заборављања .........................................456 САДРЖАІ IX НОВА ПОЛИТИКА ИДЕНТИТЕТА И ОБНОВА СЕЋАЊА НА ТАКОВСКИ МЕМОРИЈСКИ ТОПОС ....................................................... 463 Ревизија званичне репрезентативне културе ......................................................464 Званично сећање на Таковски устанак ............................................................472 Локално сећање на Таковски устанак .............................................................482 Акција Месне заједнице Таково ..................................................................484 Акција Скупштине општине Горњи Милановац ...................................................49° ЗАКЉУЧНАРАЗМАТРАЊА ....................................................................511 THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY On a public collective memory and its disremembran ce, in the symbological policy of the official representative culture ..........................519 СПИСАК ИАУСТРАЦИЈА ......................................................................5^9 СКРАЋЕНИЦЕ .................................................................................535 Институције:................................................................................... 535 Часописи: ......................................................................................535 ИЗВОРИ И ОСНОВНААИТЕРАТУРА ..........................................................539 ТЕОРИЈСКА И КОМПАРАТИВНА ЛИТЕРАТУРА ...............................................557 РЕГИСТАР ....................................................................................577 THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY On the construction of collective memory, and its disremembrance, in representational culture The memory of the Takovo Uprising, which was declared on Palm Sunday 1815, belongs to those well-known politico-mythological constructs by which the remembrance of a beginning of the struggle for liberation has been fostered by the officially sanctioned symbological policy. Almost all modern states which have originated from a revolution have similar memory topoi. Their symbological structures and ways of commemorating are each of them different, and consequently the Takovo topos has a specific history of remembrance. Such a specific quality, however, is subjected to patterns of pro¬ duction and use, of popularization and forgetting, common to the political memory topoi ofall official representations of cultures. The choice of event itself shows a dependence on common stereotypes of official memorial policy and its instructional activity. It rests on the conviction that there are events in history which may be interpreted as important for a certain community and its political future. The basic category in terms of recognition of the importance of such an event is the state. This was the cate¬ gory introduced into the philosophy of history in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, at the time of the creation of the modern European states. There are two models for identifying these historical events. According to the first one, their importance is recognized at the time of occurrence, while according to second one, they are recognized later, on the basis of the effects they have produced. The meeting held on Palm Sunday before the local church in Takovo in 1815 belongs to the latter type of important events. Contemporary sources barely mentioned it, which resulted in the event only later being transformed into an important one. Its transformation was a guided process controlled by the ruling political élite of the time, primarily by Prince Miloš Obrenović himself. This fact conditioned the initial interpreta¬ tion of the event and determined the emphasis on its importance within the common framework of monumentalized state historiography created during the Princes first reign. The Principality of Serbia belonged among the young European states, which, as part of the process of forming an official collective culture, established a standardized pattern of organized memory, the celebration of which was based on the festival calendar principle. Palm Sunday was one of the most important newly established feasts, by which the day of the beginning of the struggle for freedom which resulted in the creation of the Principality was commemorated. The idea of freedom lost and restored was a key category in the construction of such a memory topos. The idea has always been given a col¬ lective rather than an individual meaning and a pronounced political significance. The basic ideologi¬ cal principle in the transformation of the chosen event into the date of the beginning of the liberation struggle for the establishment of the state, is by interpreting such a beginning in terms of a restoration. The progressionist construction of the past of so-called small nations was based on a tripartite mytho¬ logical structure of a Golden Age, its Fall and Restoration. This provided an ideology of continuity for newly formed states, based on the idea of the restoration of old glory. In this way, the chosen date 520 THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY was interpreted as the beginning of the restoration of the Golden Age. As early as in the pre-national period, the perception of Serbian history was formed in accordance with such a pattern. The period of the mediaeval Nemanjićs was considered to be the Golden Age of the Serbian Kingdom, and the Battle of Kosovo its collapse. Consequently, the Ottoman rule was considered to be the period of slavery, and the uprisings at the beginning of the 19th century as the beginning of the struggle for liberation. It was an ideological construct, the truthfulness of which was not challenged. With an historical structure so defined, the only question was that of the officially chosen event to mark the beginning of the new Golden Age. The answer was not found quickly or easily, and the final outcome was determined by the political rise of Miloš Obrenović. Previous interpretations, which favored Djordje Petrović Karadjordje and the capture of Belgrade on the Day of St. Andrew the First-Called in 1806, were consciously pushed away, making room for the Meeting in Takovo on Palm Sunday 1815 as the day when the straggle for freedom began. The transformation of this event into the day of the beginning of the struggle for libera¬ tion started as early on as the first years of Prince Miloš rule, and received its basic formulation in the historiographies published during the 1820s and 1830s. The introduction of the chosen event into the official public collective memory imposed the neces¬ sity of its standardized interpretation. In accordance with the opinions of the time, the venture was aimed at the historiographers of the state-building national history. It was a new historiographie dis¬ cipline which had just started to form at the time of the creation of nation-states. Entrusted by Prince Miloš with this work, Vuk Stefanović Karadzic wrote his official biography, including the description of the Meeting at Takovo. Shortly after, the same event was described by Leopold von Ranke and Sima Milutinovic Sarajlija. Their historiographie works had a different destiny and influence in the forma¬ tion of the official memory of the Takovo Uprising, despite the fact that their structures were basically similar. All three texts were based on the ideas of German historicism, which considered historiography as a conjunction of science and art. The selection of documents for the interpretation of the event was in the charge of science, while its transformation into narrative was in the charge of literature. The composition of the description itself was closely connected with the creation of the monumentalized narrative of important historical events from the state s past. Essentially, it was the rhetorical creation of an historiographical topos, a specific verbal icon. The ruling élite, the creator and controller of the official collective memory, was trying to impose a standardized narrative, which would be treated as the canon. However, its formation was rarely shown to be unambiguous. Unlike the uniqueness of the historical event, its transformation into historiographical topos was multiple and ambiguous. This is the reason why there are several narratives for the one historical event. In the official culture of memory, an historical idea becomes an instrument for the ideological usage of the past which is being interpreted. As a result, a new political mythology of modern nation-states is constructed, based on Herders critique of Enlightenment rationalism. Myth is accepted as a justifiable tool in understanding the meaning of the past. Consequently, an historiographical topos becomes the basis for the further creation of mythological interpretations of an event. The power of the mytholo- gized memory topos rested on the fact that it contributed to the transformation of the event from the past into a live and always politically manipulable mental image. Political myth is imagined expansion, a sort of legendary narrative, which interprets the past through belief in the future. Like any other myth, it is constructed from a series of mental images, which dynamically follow, overlap and become imbued with other myths, thus creating an ever-changeable political mythology. In such elusive inconstancy there is a fundamental constant, based on the codes intended for recording and further transfer of the message. In the case of the Takovo Uprising, it is the mythological topos of the Serbian Palm Sunday as the sacralized beginning of the Restoration of the Golden Age. The construction of the Takovo myth stemmed from an historiographical topos, which is the basis on which its alleged historical truthfulness is supported. The further use of the mythological topos reveals a rational system of thinking. It proposes THE TAKOVO UPRISING ..... SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY 521 itself as an autonomous and independent entity, self-contained in its own system of belief, which does not need any other foundation. A mythological topos becomes the independent basis for the further construction of a political myth, which is afterwards included under the wider scope of the organized political mythology of the official culture and its strategy of remembrance. However, the connection between the historiographical and mythological topoi - between the Takovo Uprising and the Serbian Palm Sunday - is never completely broken. The historiography is the mandatory mediator between history and modern political myth. The basic problem in the transformation of the Takovo historiographical topos into a mythological one was the necessity to contract time and space. The events which took place in Gornja Crnuća and Takovo are linked into a unique mythological vision according to which Prince Miloš Obrenović, in front of the church in Takovo after the liturgy on Palm Sunday, declared the beginning of the uprising and raised the flag of freedom. Essentially, it was an archetypal image of the hero based on the ancient myth of Hercules at the crossroads, uncertain which path to take - the path of Pleasure or of Virtue. An old pattern, frequently used in the propaganda programs of rulers representations, was modernized and adjusted to contemporary state-building needs. Miloš Obrenović had to choose between slavery and freedom, and chose the latter definitively. Such a mythological interpretation of the event had many manifestations, and was the most consistently represented visually - by patriotic icons, which were mass-produced and sold for the promotion of the official interpretation of the memory topos. The first among them was a lithographic composition by Stevan Todorović, shortly after followed by lithographs patterned on the models of Vinzenz Katzler and Pavle Jovanović. The visual icons, as well as the verbal, were a constituent part of the memory topos and its ideological dynastical-monarchical usage in official symbological politics. The introduction of the memory topos into the sphere of public respect was primarily aimed at the production of civic loyalty, necessary for the establishment of the political legitimacy of the power and authority of a ruler and the hereditary rights of the dynasty. These were very real questions in all the newly established nation-states. In the Principality of Serbia, however, they were of particular impor¬ tance, because its ruler was not a descendant from the established ruling family, but a popular leader who arose during the struggle for freedom. That reduced the power to be derived from any reference to the divine origin of his authority, on which the representatives of old European dynasties relied. The missing authority of heavenly origin was replaced by the will of the people. The idea of the popular state and popular ruler was the key point of the symbological politics of the Principality, which later became the Kingdom of Serbia, during the entire rule of the Obrenović dynasty. The basic ideological framework for its interpretation was the myth of the Takovo Uprising as the beginning of the restora¬ tion of the Golden Age. The official political culture of the Obrenović dynasty interpreted the Meeting at Takovo as the eternal alliance between the popular ruler and the people, which enabled the transfer of Prince Milos legitimate authority to his descendants. To this patriotic ideology of legitimacy the Christianized idea of a God-chosen people and its ruler was added, which resulted in the transforma¬ tion of the historiographical topos of the Takovo Uprising into the mythological topos of the Serbian Palm Sunday. It was the reason for the placing of the mythological structure of the topos in the strategic epicenter of the symbological politics of the Obrenović dynasty. The Takovo memory topos, like any other topos of similar mythological structure, was no merely basic factor in the symbological political language of the official culture. The usage of the topos was not limited to the ideological promotion of its historical, chronological or spatial component. The inner structure of the mythological memory topos consisted of ideologically correlated symbols. Each of them introduced its own meaning into the mythological construction of the topos, while their compression and fusion created a new substance. This gave the meaning to the memory topos, and enabled its use as an independent ideogram. The ideogram itself, on the other hand, transferred its meaning to each of 522 THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY the constituent symbols, thus creating the opportunity for independent uses in separate contexts. The structure of the Takovo memory topos was also constructed from a series of symbological elements, in the first place with the ideas of the Takovo Hero, the Takovo Sun, the Takovo Flag, the Takovo Cross and the Takovo Holy Tree. Each of these symbols had its own meaning, to be used in the symbological politics of officially sanctioned culture independently and in different contexts. The political power of the topos rested on the opportunities of such a structural communicational usage of symbols. The crucial moment for the introduction of the memory topos as a permanent feature of the collec¬ tive memory was its official declaration as a public holiday by Prince Miloš Obrenović in 1836. By the same act, three public holidays were introduced: Palm Sunday, the Day of St. Andrew the First-Called, and Theodore s Saturday. It was the first official declaration of public holidays in the Principality of Serbia. On Palm Sunday, the beginning of the liberation struggle against the Turks was celebrated, on the Day of St. Andrew the First-Called, the issue of the Sultans second Hatt-i Sharif to Serbia and the Berat confirming Prince Miloš as a hereditary ruler, and on Theodores Saturday, the Princes birthday. All three newly introduced holidays were oriented towards the celebration of the rulers political body , which, in the case of Prince Miloš, was more than complex. The legitimacy of his authority was based on a dual status. The status of hereditary ruler of the vassal Serbian Principality he obtained by Otto¬ man legal acts issued in 1830. The status of popular ruler he obtained at the Meeting in Takovo held in 1815. The symbological meaning of both events was important for the legitimacy of his political body, concretely celebrated by the third public holiday, his birthday. The idea of Prince Miloš as a popu¬ lar ruler, based on the ideology of the nation-state, was more important and far-reaching, which was the reason to favor Palm Sunday over the Day of St. Andrew the First-Called. It is noticeable that all three newly introduced holidays were celebrated on Christian feasts, which was not a coincidence. The Church had a highly developed annual calendar of memorial liturgical celebration, formed as a complex ritual. At the time, the Church was the only institution of the young Serbian Principality which had the instruments required for the mass organization of the people and planned production of the collective memory. Religious patriotism, at the same time, was one of the basic elements of the construction of the official state-building ideology. For that reason, the Church for a long time remained the principal element in the public celebration of the official memory topoi. The official form of the celebration of public holidays gradually became more complex, especially in the capital, where the Court was included. The festive arrival of the ruler from the Palace to the Cathedral Church was symbologically interpreted as the reproduction of Prince Miloš arrival from Crnuća to Takovo, where he proclaimed the Uprising after the liturgy in the local church. The circumstance that the celebrated event took place on Palm Sunday, the day of Christ s Entry into Jerusalem, was the basis for the symbological interpretation of the Serbian capital as a national Zion, and of Prince Miloš as a God-chosen popular leader. The rulers ideology transmitted this interpretation to the Prince s descendants, which gave the capitals celebration a pronounced dynastical character, which lasted until the May Coup d Etat and the extinction of the House of Obrenović. The celebration of the Serbian Palm Sunday in the capital was the pattern for the whole Principality, later the Kingdom of Serbia, and taken care of by the Church. The official ecclesiastical celebration with liturgy and thanksgiving service, followed by an appropriate patriotic speech, was synchronized into a unique chronotope throughout the whole Kingdom. The beginning, progress and duration of the liturgy with thanksgiving service were followed by the ringing of church bells, which was precisely regulated by the law and mandatory for all churches in the state. The bells were accompanied by a volley of firearms from a platoon of riflemen. In the capital and garrison towns, cannons were fired, while in other towns rifles and mortars were used. Where there were no garrisons, the gunfire salutes were the responsibility of the civil and church authorities. By such a synchronized official celebration of the Serbian Palm Sun¬ day, organized into a unique chronotope, the entire body of the state was united both symbologically THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY and formally. The liturgy was followed by a public celebration in the open air which would last well into the night. This part of the celebration was less organized than the church service, which does not mean that it did not exist or was not expected. Special attention was given to the lighting of fires, the symbol of the birth of a new period. Taking part in the public celebration was considered not only a mark of dynastic loyalty but also an act of patriotic and national affirmation. The celebration in the capital was carefully observed by the official press, which published the panegyric texts for the occasion. Another novelty introduced into the symbological politics of the representational culture of the Serbian Principality was closely related to the chronological structure of the Takovo memory topos. It was the Jubilee Celebration of the 50* anniversary of the Uprising, which took place in the capital in 1865. A big public feast of a pronounced dynastical character was organized in Topčider. The central part of the celebration was the bestowal of the newly instituted Order of the Takovo Cross. As Serbia was still a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire, the organization of the celebration to mark the Upri¬ sing, and especially the establishment of an Order, were strongly opposed by the Ottoman authorities. The European powers also were not predisposed towards the venture. However, the celebration took place nevertheless, and the medals of the Order, although officially considered to be memorial medals, were given to all living participants of the Takovo Uprising. After the Jubilee Celebration, the Takovo Cross was not bestowed until the beginning of the Serbian-Turkish war of 1876, when Prince Milan Obrenović officially gave it the status of an Order. Admission to the Order was hereditary and granted by the ruler, until the May Coup d Etat, when it was suppressed. The development of memory was also characteristic of the time structure of the Takovo topos. Thus the memory of the withdrawal of the Turkish troops from Serbia and their surrender of the keys of Belgrade to Prince Michael in 1867 was officially celebrated together with the Serbian Palm Sunday, after Prince Michael s assassination. The spatial memorization of the topos rested on the idea of a state as a sacralized territory which had its memorial places where important events had taken place. In such a symbological territorial structure, Takovo was given a central place. The Takovo local church of St. George was interpreted as the Serbian Mother of Churches - the Serbian Zion in other words, the place where the struggle for religious and political freedom began and where the Serbian state was born. Gradually, the original myth was tied in with the tradition that the Uprising was declared under the Takovo Oak, an old village pedunculate oak known as „zapis (literally inscription ). During the second reign of the Obrenović family, the tradition became more popular, which resulted in the transformation of the Takovo Oak into the national and dynastical Holy Tree. While visiting Takovo in 1865, Prince Michael Obrenović pur¬ chased the piece of land around the tree and fenced it off, after which the newly formed memorial site was called the Princes Meadow (Kneževa livada). As the oak started to wither, a cutting from the tree was planted next to it, symbolically continuing its life. With the development of patriotic pilgrimages, visitors started to take acorns from the Takovo Oak as patriotic memorabilia, in order to plant them and produce scions. One of these scions was transferred to Belgrade in 1900 and planted in the center of the Court Garden. This ritual expressed the idea of the eternal restoration of the holy national and dynastic tree, while the Obrenović Belgrade court was transposed to the rejuvenated and restored Takovo. The symbolism of the act had a deeper and more ancient origin, based on the cosmological symbology of the Court Garden as a dynastic, monarchical, state and national earthly heaven and restored Golden Age, with a Holy Tree at its center. A similar ideological interpretation was given to the memorial in Takovo. In 1887, a monument was erected next to the Takovo Oak. The erection was initiated four years before by the head of the Rudnik district, although the official symbological politics emphasized that it was erected by the grateful peo¬ ple of the Rudnik district. The monument, in the shape of an obelisk, bore chiseled on it verses by the poet Ljubomir Nenadović, glorifying the event and its hero, Miloš Obrenović. It was the usual way of marking a memorial place at the time, highly developed in the Principality of Serbia as well. Later, King 524 THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY Alexander Obrenović built an elementary school in Takovo in 1890, dedicating it to the memory of the Uprising and Prince Miloš. The local authorities responded to the gift by the erection of a palace in Takovo, given to the King in 1901. With this act, the Takovo memorial was ideologically completed and intended for transformation into a memorial park. As the palace was supposed to become a place where ruler and people could meet, Queen Draga furnished it to serve that purpose. However, the course of events was changed by the May Coup d Etat. The Takovo Uprising memory topos was an outcome of the state-controlled symbological politics of the Obrenović family. As a result of their efforts, it was introduced into the officially sanctioned culture and declared a public holiday. Despite the introduction of other public holidays as well as a National Day into the Principality (later Kingdom) of Serbia, the Serbian Palm Sunday did not lose its stand¬ ing or popularity. It remained the most respected public holiday, and celebrated the beginning of the liberation struggle, the ideological interpretation of which was placed at the center of the symbological politics of the Obrenović dynasty. When in the May Coup d Etat of 1903 the dynasty became extinct, the Takovo memory topos lost its importance in the official symbological politics and its memorial culture. The process of the active and systematic disremembrance of the Takovo memory topos began when the Karadjordjević dynasty came to power. The deconstruction of the topos was as complex as its construction. One of the reasons for such complexity was the fact that not all its constituent segments were suppressed equally. The official public celebration of the Serbian Palm Sunday was immediately discontinued, which resulted shortly after in the holiday being forgotten in the state-controlled structure of remembrance. The mythological con¬ struction of the topos and its usage in the symbological politics of the representational culture were suppressed in a similar way. The process of the deconstruction of the historiographical topos was more complex. It was essential to explain that the Meeting at Takovo was not the important historical event which marked the beginning of the restoration of the Serbian Golden Age, and to replace it with ano¬ ther event, more suitable for the symbological politics of the Karadjordjević dynasty. Basically, it meant the construction of a new memory topos for the beginning of the restoration of the Golden Age and its implementation into the revised interpretation of the monumentalized state history. The task was mostly carried out by the eminent and influential Stojan Novaković, with his book The Resurrection of the Serbian State . Novaković strategically introduced the terms First and Second Serbian Uprisings, joining them into a whole by means of Leopold von Rankes vision of the Serbian Revolution. He fa¬ vored an emphasis on the First Serbian Uprising. Consequently, the Meeting at Orašac held at the Feast of the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple (Sretenje) in 1804, when Djordje Petrović Karadjordje was elected Leader of the Uprising, was declared to be the beginning of the new Golden Age. However, the Karadjordjevićs did not treat Orašac the same way the Obrenovićs treated Takovo. In their symbologi¬ cal politics, the main memory topos was Topola, the old Karadjordje Fort. The Meeting at Orašac was constructed as the main memory topos of the beginning of the liberation struggle as late as after World War Two. It certainly had neither a dynastic nor monarchical character, but was interpreted in accor¬ dance with the Marxist theory of the unbroken revolutionary aspiration of conscious people. Thanks to the distinguished and influential historian Vasa Čubrilović, the 150th anniversary of the First Serbian Uprising was officially celebrated in 1954, when a memorial monument was erected in Orašac. By a new Law on national and other holidays in the Republic of Serbia, enacted in 2002 and still in effect, though slightly revised, Sretenje was declared to be the Serbian National Day, on which the anniversaries of two events are celebrated: the beginning of the First Serbian Uprising at Orašac on February 14,1804, and the adoption of the first Serbian Constitution in Kragujevac on February 14,1835. The construction of the Meeting at Orašac into a memory topos marking the beginning of the liberation struggle, completed almost a century later with the declaration of Sretenje as the Serbian Na¬ tional Day, permanently affected the destiny of the Takovo memory topos in the symbological politics THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY 525 of the culture as it was officially represented. It was no longer interpreted as an important event of the monumentalized state history and was not allowed entry into the closed circle of officially most signifi¬ cant memories. At the time when the memorial monument was built at Orašac in 1954, the old Takovo monument on the Prince s Meadow dedicated to the Uprising, was being nationalized and given to the Takovo agricultural centre. The remnants of King Alexander s residence, devastated and set fire to in World War One, were used for the building of the same agricultural center. However, this does not mean that the Takovo memory topos has been completely suppressed and forgotten. Public remem¬ brance was restored at a local patrimonial level, which can be traced back to as early as the period of the creation of the sub-communist nationalism developing from the 1970s onward. The more intensive local restoration of the public remembrance of the Meeting at Takovo coincided with the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia and the expansion of nationalism. The restoration took place in two phases. The first was initiated by the community office at Takovo in the late 1970s, and the second by the municipality of Gornji Milanovac in the late 1980s. Although ideologically different, they are formally connected. While the first restoration was based on the ideas of sub-communist na¬ tionalism developed within the former Yugoslavia, the later was related to the process of the restora¬ tion of the Serbian national state. The crucial breaking point which separated these two phases was the official Jubilee Celebration of the 175th anniversary of the Second Serbian Uprising in 1990. It was the first Jubilee Celebration of the Takovo Uprising since 1865, when the 50* anniversary was celebrated, and the first official celebration since the May Coup d Etat in 1903. However, the restoration of local remembrance of the Takovo Uprising did not mean the revival of the old mythological memory topos from the 19th century, formed in accordance with the symbological politics of the Obrenović dynasty. It fell into oblivion, as its ideological basis was not in compliance with the understanding and needs of the official culture of the Republic of Serbia. The local restoration of the remembrance of the Takovo Uprising took place within the framework of a redefined official historiography, formed during the last decade of the 20* century. The Takovo Uprising has been interpreted as the Second Serbian Uprising and understood as a part of the Serbian Revolution, which began in Orašac at Sretenje 1804 and was completed in Kragujevac at Sretenje 1835. The understanding of the three-decade-long Serbian Revolution resulted in the constitution of a complex memorial structure within the framework of which numerous local memorial sites were in¬ cluded, with the aim of their integration in the revived national state-building idea. To these percep¬ tions, taken from the state by the local culture of remembrance, the reconstruction of the old memorial site in Takovo was adjusted, and given the new name of The Second Serbian Uprising Memorial site . Within its framework, the memorial Museum of the Second Serbian Uprising was opened in 1994, with a permanent exhibition which represents a current ideological view of the Takovo memory topos. It is in compliance with the interpretation of the Serbian Revolution found in the newly formed official historiography. The local memory topos does not argue with the official one, nor does it challenge it or aspire towards a pluralistic view of the past. There is no essential difference between the central and the local memory topoi; which does not imply that the Takovo memory topos has the same meaning and importance in both cases. In the representational culture of the Republic, the remembrance of the Takovo Uprising is perceived as one of the historiographical topoi of a lengthily extended revolutionary process. Within the framework of the local memory, it has been given much more importance and an additional mythological dimension aimed at the glorification of the Takovo region, and of Prince Miloš and the Obrenović dynasty. The direct dependence on the central pattern has been overcome in favor of the creation of an autonomous local collective memory, which has become more pronounced since the political changes of 2000. In 2001, Palm Sunday was declared the Municipality Day of Gornji Milanovac, which resulted in the local remembrance of this event being officially transformed into the central point of the organization 526 TM TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY of the memorial structure of the Rudnik-Takovo region. Soon after the institution of a new municipal holiday, the question of its celebration was raised on the occasion of the 15 о4 anniversary of the town in 2003. Though in appearance this question was merely formal, it was burdened with a serious dilemma. The Takovo Uprising was declared on Palm Sunday, April 11 (April 23, New Style), 1815. The strong connection between the day when the Uprising was declared and the Christian Feast was of the utmost importance for the creation of a mythological memory topos, the proclamation of a public holiday and its introduction into the collective memory of the official culture of the Obrenović dynasty. Since Palm Sunday is a movable feast, the public celebration of the Uprising has been adjusted to that fact and given the form of the Serbian Palm Sunday. After the May Coup d Etat, the holiday was suppressed and the mythological memory topos based on it was dismantled, whereas the day when the Uprising was declared began to be interpreted and celebrated as an historical event. Ideologically, it was no longer understood through the prism of the beginning of the restoration of the Golden Age and was less sym- bologically related to the Christian feast. The restoration of the memory in the form of a Municipality Day has raised the question of what the object of the celebration is: an historiographical or a mythological memory topos - Takovo Uprising or Serbian Palm Sunday? The existing dilemma could be resolved by the separation of these two constructs. The mythological memory topos and the public holiday of the Serbian Palm Sunday have fallen into oblivion since the May Coup d Etat and have not been restored, even with the latest local restorations. Basically, these restorations can be considered to be the revival of the collective memory of the Takovo Uprising as an event important for local history, although with a strong inclination that it be evaluated in a similar way within the Serbian Revolution, i.e. within the context of the state-building national past. Consequently, a central place in the restoration has been given to the historiographical topos - the Takovo Uprising - which has also been adjusted to the vision of the nation state being restored through a lengthy revolutionary process. However, the renewal of this celebration is considered to be more the constitution of a new memory topos, than the reorganization of the old topos as formulated in the of¬ ficial historiography of the Obrenović dynasty. Insisting on the idea of the restoration of an authentic tradition results in nothing other than the reestablishment of the discontinued past, though adjusted, inevitably, to the imperatives of the present day. By celebrating the day when the Second Serbian Uprising was declared, the local community points to its role in the process of the Serbian Revolution and the creation of a state. In this way, it is strategi¬ cally incorporated into the memory system of the official culture of remembrance. Celebrating the event as the Municipality Day of Gornji Milanovac, the local community legitimizes the past at a local level and establishes the continuity of its own historical identity. Gornji Milanovac has been symbologically interpreted as the historical center of the region, while its development into a regional center has been strongly connected with the declaration of the uprising in neighboring Takovo. The Municipality Day is the central holiday in the region, around which a complex memorial structure, based on memorial sites, is constituted. Local institutions are the producers of the organized local remembrance. Consequently, they are entitled to interpret the relationship between the local and the general public remembrance. Their synchronization is more or less dependent on the relationship between the local political esta¬ blishment and the central authorities, and vice-versa. Finally, there is the question of the presence of central and local dimensions of public remembrance in the collective memory. Part of the answer derives from the fact that the democratization of society - or, more precisely, the establishment of the multi-party system - has changed to a great extent the old monolithic concept of the officially sanctioned culture of remembrance. The other part of the answer lies in the nature of the modern media. State control over the mass media has been considerably trans¬ formed since the political changes in 2000. The introduction of commercial liberalism has resulted in a radical change in the prevailing guidance of the mass media towards the representation of the state and THE TAKOVO UPRISING - SERBIAN PALM SUNDAY the symbological politics of its representational culture. The media, guided by economic interests, have suppressed the values supported by the state, including its understanding of the culture of remembrance, and placed themselves at the service of the mass audience and their tastes and requirements. It has in addition been followed by the economic interests of advertisers, in particular on TV channels which have been supplying these advertisers with a public more than supplying the public with a program. The state-aided programs have also been overcome by the same logic of activities: their service to the daily politics of the ruling party and its coalition partners does not require the systematic organization of a strategy for the official culture of remembrance, or for its research and presentation at the central or local level. The public culture of remembrance, including the Takovo memory topos, has been formed by the electronic media. The official memory has become only one of the possible visions of the past.
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author	Timotijević, Miroslav 1950-2016
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era_facet	Geschichte 1815
format	Book
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physical	596 pages Ill. 29 cm
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publisher	Istorijski Muzej Srbije [u.a.]
record_format	marc
spelling	Timotijević, Miroslav 1950-2016 Verfasser (DE-588)141627654 aut Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture Miroslav Timotijević The Takovo uprising - serbian Palm Sunday Beograd Istorijski Muzej Srbije [u.a.] 2012 596 pages Ill. 29 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfasung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The Takovo uprising - serbian Palm Sunday Geschichte 1815 gnd rswk-swf Religion and cultural memory / Serbia Kriegsbeginn (DE-588)4133592-2 gnd rswk-swf Repräsentation Soziologie (DE-588)4202023-2 gnd rswk-swf Zweiter Serbischer Aufstand (DE-588)4289476-1 gnd rswk-swf Symbolische Politik (DE-588)4277311-8 gnd rswk-swf Kollektives Gedächtnis (DE-588)4200793-8 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Takovo (DE-588)4217638-4 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Kollektives Gedächtnis (DE-588)4200793-8 s Symbolische Politik (DE-588)4277311-8 s Repräsentation Soziologie (DE-588)4202023-2 s Takovo (DE-588)4217638-4 g Zweiter Serbischer Aufstand (DE-588)4289476-1 s Kriegsbeginn (DE-588)4133592-2 s Geschichte 1815 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027530210&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027530210&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Timotijević, Miroslav 1950-2016 Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture Religion and cultural memory / Serbia Kriegsbeginn (DE-588)4133592-2 gnd Repräsentation Soziologie (DE-588)4202023-2 gnd Zweiter Serbischer Aufstand (DE-588)4289476-1 gnd Symbolische Politik (DE-588)4277311-8 gnd Kollektives Gedächtnis (DE-588)4200793-8 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4133592-2 (DE-588)4202023-2 (DE-588)4289476-1 (DE-588)4277311-8 (DE-588)4200793-8 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4217638-4
title	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture
title_alt	The Takovo uprising - serbian Palm Sunday
title_auth	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture
title_exact_search	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture
title_full	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture Miroslav Timotijević
title_fullStr	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture Miroslav Timotijević
title_full_unstemmed	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture Miroslav Timotijević
title_short	Takovski ustanak - srpske Cveti
title_sort	takovski ustanak srpske cveti o javnom zajednickom secanju i zaboravljanju u simbolicnoj politici zvanicne reprezentativne kulture
title_sub	o javnom zajedničkom sećanju i zaboravljanju u simboličnoj politici zvanične reprezentativne kulture
topic	Religion and cultural memory / Serbia Kriegsbeginn (DE-588)4133592-2 gnd Repräsentation Soziologie (DE-588)4202023-2 gnd Zweiter Serbischer Aufstand (DE-588)4289476-1 gnd Symbolische Politik (DE-588)4277311-8 gnd Kollektives Gedächtnis (DE-588)4200793-8 gnd
topic_facet	Religion and cultural memory / Serbia Kriegsbeginn Repräsentation Soziologie Zweiter Serbischer Aufstand Symbolische Politik Kollektives Gedächtnis Serbien Takovo
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027530210&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027530210&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
work_keys_str_mv	AT timotijevicmiroslav takovskiustanaksrpskecvetiojavnomzajednickomsecanjuizaboravljanjuusimbolicnojpoliticizvanicnereprezentativnekulture AT timotijevicmiroslav thetakovouprisingserbianpalmsunday

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