Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Kraków
Wydawnictwo Libron - Filip Lohner
2014
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bibliogr. s. 539-573. Indeks |
| Beschreibung: | 593, [1] s. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788364275401 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1806961912933515264 |
|---|---|
| adam_text |
SPISTREŚCI
WSTĘP
11
ROZDZIAŁ
1
Transformacja systemowa a demokratyzacja w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej
ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Serbii i Chorwacji
25
1.1.
Negocjacje terminologiczne
26
1.2.
Od tranzycji do konsolidacji systemu demokratycznego
33
1.3.
Wskaźniki poziomu konsolidacji
39
1.4.
Trudna
І
niepewna droga do konsolidacji demokracji
44
1.5.
Typy przemian i ich wpływ na przebieg procesów transformacji i konsolidacji demokracji
50
1.6.
Między reformą a rewolucją
54
1.7.
Determinanty transformacji w państwach postkomunistycznych
61
1.8.
Podsumowanie
66
ROZDZIAŁ
2
Demokratyczna transformacja a stanowienie konstytucji w Serbii i Chorwacji
73
2.1.
Procedura uchwalania ustawy zasad niczej
-
uwagi wstępne
73
2.2.
Serbska konstytucja z
28
września
1990
roku
77
2.3.
Chorwacka konstytucja bożonarodzeniowa z
22
grudnia
1990
roku
78
2.4.
Prace nad nową ustawą zasadniczą w Serbii po tak zwanym demokratycznym przełomie
84
2.5.
Prace nad nowelizacją konstytucji Chorwacji po tak zwanym demokratycznym przełomie
88
2.6.
Podsumowanie
91
ROZDZIAŁ
3
Konsolidacja parlamentaryzmu
93
3.1.
Znaczenie konsolidacji parlamentaryzmu
-
uwagi wstępne
93
3.2.
Funkcjonowanie Skupsztiny w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
94
3.3.
Funkcjonowanie
Saboru
w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
100
3.4.
Skupsztina po demokratycznym przełomie
113
3.5.
Sabor po
demokratycznym przełomie
126
3.6.
Podsumowanie
135
ROZDZIAŁ
4
Konsolidacja instytucji głowy państwa
139
4.1.
Wybór systemu rządów w procesie demokratycznej transformacji.
Semiprezydencjalizm
-
walory i zagrożenia
139
4.2.
Pozycja i funkcjonowanie prezydenta Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
145
4.3.
Pozycja i funkcjonowanie prezydenta Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
159
4.4.
Pozycja prezydenta Serbii po
2000
roku
171
4.5.
Zmiana pozycji prezydenta Chorwacji po
2000
roku
190
4.6.
Podsumowanie
20?
ROZDZIAŁ
5
Tworzenie i stabilność rządów w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach
1990-2010 205
5.1.
Funkcjonowanie rządów Serbii do
2000
roku
206
5.2.
Funkcjonowanie rządów Chorwacji do
2000
roku
215
5.3.
Rządy Serbii po
2000
roku
221
5.4.
Rządy Chorwacji po
2000
roku
243
5.5.
Podsumowanie
271
ROZDZIAŁ
6
Władza sądownicza w Serbii i Chorwacji
w latach
1990-2010 -
trudna droga do niezależności
275
6.1.
Władza sądownicza w Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
277
6.2.
Władza sądownicza w Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
285
6.3.
Władza sądownicza w Serbii po demokratycznym przełomie
295
6.4.
Władza sądownicza w Chorwacji po demokratycznym przełomie
302
6.5.
Podsumowanie
309
ROZDZIAŁ
7
Konsolidacja systemów wyborczych Serbii i Chorwacji
313
7.1.
Systemy wyborcze w procesie demokratycznej transformacji
-
uwagi wstępne
313
7.2.
Zmiany systemu wyborczego w Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
319
7.2.1.
Pierwsze wolne wybory
319
7.2.2.
Wybory konstytuujące
325
7.2.3.
Przedterminowe wybory parlamentarne w
1993
roku
335
7.2.4.
Czwarty cykl wyborczy w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
338
7.3.
Zmiany systemu wyborczego w Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
345
7.3.1.
Pierwsze wolne wybory
345
7.3.2.
Konstytuujące wybory
350
7.3.3.
Trzeci cykl wyborczy
359
7.3.4.
Zmiany ordynacji i wybory do Izby Żupami w
1997
roku
367
7.3.5.
Ostatnia nowelizacja ordynacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
-
zmiana modelu wyborczego
369
7.4.
System wyborczy Serbii po tak zwanym demokratyanym przełomie
372
7.4.1.
Wybory tak zwanego demokratycznego przełomu
-
pierwsza pokojowa zmiana władzy
372
7.4.2.
Przedterminowe wybory w grudniu
2003
roku
375
7.4.3.
Zmiana ordynacji wyborczej i wybory parlamentarne w styczniu
2007
roku
378
7.4.4.
Przedterminowe wybory
-
maj
2008
roku
381
7.5.
System wyboray Chorwacji po tak zwanym demokratyanym przełomie
387
7.5.1.
Wybory tak zwanego demokratycznego przełomu
-
pierwsza pokojowa zmiana władzy
387
7.5.2.
Wybory parlamentarne w listopadzie
2003
roku-druga pokojowa zmiana władzy
391
7.5.3.
Zmiany ordynacji oraz wprowadzenie regulacji dotyczących finansowania
kampanii wyborczych
394
7.5.4.
Trzeci cykl wyborczy po tak zwanym demokratyanym przełomie
-
wybory parlamentarne w
2007
roku
396
7.6.
Podsumowanie
400
ROZDZIAŁ
8
Konsolidacja systemów partyjnych Serbii i Chorwacji
403
8.1.
instytucjonalizacja partii i systemów partyjnych
-
uwagi wstępne
403
8.2.
Kształtowanie się systemu partyjnego w Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
412
8.2.1.
Typologie systemu partyjnego Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
419
8.2.2.
Podziały ideologiczne
424
8.2.3.
Przeszkody w procesie instytucjonalizacji
431
8.3.
Kształtowanie się systemu partyjnego Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
432
8.3.1.
Podziały ideologiczne
438
8.3.2.
Typologie systemu partyjnego Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
443
8.4.
Serbski system partyjny po demokratycznym przełomie
447
8.4.1.
Typologie systemu partyjnego Serbii po tak zwanym
demokratycznym przełomie
451
8.4.2.
Problemy z instytucjonalizacją systemu partyjnego i partii politycznych
453
8.4.3.
Podziały ideologiczne
458
8.5.
Chorwacki system partyjny po demokratycznym przełomie
459
8.5.1.
Typologie systemu partyjnego Chorwacji po tak zwanym
demokratyanym przełomie
460
8.5.2.
Problemy z instytucjonalizacją systemu partyjnego i
partit
politycznych
464
8.5.3.
Podziały ideologiczne
469
8.6.
Podsumowanie
470
ROZDZIAŁ
9
Nieformalni aktorzy serbskiej i chorwackiej sceny politycznej
-
stabilny czy destabilizujący element systemu?
475
9.1.
Kształtowanie się tak zwanych nieformalnych sił sprzeciwu
w Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
479
9.2.
Kształtowanie się tak zwanych nieformalnych sił sprzeciwu
w Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
485
9.3.
Zagrożenie ze strony nieformalnych aktorów politycznych
po tak zwanym demokratycznym przełomie w Serbii
486
9.4.
Zagrożenie ze strony nieformalnych aktorów politycznych
po tak zwanym demokratycznym przełomie w Chorwacji
495
9.5.
Podsumowanie
499
ROZDZIAŁ
10
Konsolidacja społeczeństwa obywatelskiego
-
problemy i wyzwania
501
10.1.
Kształtowanie się społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Serbii w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
504
10.2.
Kształtowanie się społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Chorwacji w latach dziewięćdziesiątych
511
10.3.
Społeczeństwo obywatelskie Serbii od demokratycznego przełomu
516
10.4.
Społeaeństwo obywatelskie Chorwacji od demokratycznego przełomu
521
10.5.
Podsumowanie
527
ZAKOŃCZENIE
531
BIBLIOGRAFIA
539
WYKAZ SKRÓTÓW
575
INDEKS
579
SPIS TABEL
587
SUMMARY
589
SUMMARY
The subject of this book is the process of democratic transition in Serbia
and Croatia in the period between
1990
and
2010.
The main aim of the fol¬
lowing analysis was to answer the question of whether the process of demo¬
cratic transition has resulted in consolidation of the political systems of the
two countries in question, or whether they are still in the consolidation phase.
The term democratic transition in the title of the monograph, which is
synonymous with the term
démocratisation,
is used to mean the process of
changes whose basic aim is establishing a consolidated democratic system.
The term transition bears a different meaning, since it is more often used
to describe a change of political system, but not necessarily to a democratic
one, as emphasised, for example, by Thomas Carothers in his famous paper
"The End of the Transition Paradigm". Carothers challenged the most wide¬
spread paradigm in transitology, developed in the early
1970s
by
Dankwart
Rustow (sometimes even named the intellectual father of transitology),
based on the assumption that transition should be seen as a three-phase,
linear process, starting with the splits within ruling elites and culminating
with the establishment of a democratic regime. As Carothers pointed out,
many so-called transition countries do not strictly follow this path, and
they very often remain stuck in a grey zone, neither classic authoritar¬
ian nor fully democratic. It is also important to notice that nowadays the
consolidation of democracy is rather seen as a separate process, but
-
to
be honest
-
definition and operationalisation of the term still creates dif¬
ficulties for researchers. As Adam
Przeworski
vividly put it, consolidated
democracy exists when "the democracy becomes the only game in town"
and the institutions (understood from a neo-institutional perspective as
collection of rules determining behaviour of political actors) begin to play
a more important role than the will of the actors. The very term democracy
is used according to Robert
Dahľs
concept, meaning liberal democracy, or
in other words
polyarchy.
Joseph Schumpeter's procedural definition of de¬
mocracy, which is commonly used in transitologist literature, is considered
too narrow to be useful in the discussion of regime changes.
589
SUMMARY
The subject of the research was the process of the evolution of political
systems of Serbia in the period
1990-2010
and their transformation from
a totalitarian system to a quasi-democratic one, also called authoritarian,
and then to a democratic one. In order to conduct the research, the Ger¬
man scholar Wolfgang
Merkeľs
theory of a wide range of determinants of
consolidation of a democratic system was applied, which was created in
the spirit of Dahl's definition of democracy (polyarchy) and popularised by
Klaus
von Beyme.
In accordance with the assumptions of the theory, which
are widely discussed in the theoretical chapter, an attempt was made to
examine the level of consolidation achieved by the political systems of the
surveyed countries in the following four areas:
-
the constitutional-organisational (including the consolidation of the
basic institutions representative of the principle of the separation of powers)
-
the representation of interests (including the electoral and party systems)
-
the consolidation of behaviours of unofficial political actors lacking
electoral legitimacy (often known as veto powers or veto players)
-
the consolidation of civil society.
The basic hypothesis of the research is that the examined regimes are only in
the phase of the consolidation of democracy. In order for these regimes to be
considered as consolidated democratic regimes, it is essential to eliminate
the discrepancy between legal regulations and their common usage.
Démoc¬
ratisation
examined from a neo-institutional perspective can be regarded
as successful when the role of the institutions is more important than the
will of the actors, or when so-called informal democracy (to use the words
of
Artur Wołek)
is replaced by a formal system. The main method used in
the research was a comparative analysis based on a large collection of pri¬
mary sources, including official (above all constitutions and election laws,
which underwent frequent changes in the
1990s),
government and party
documents (such as texts of the prime ministers
exposés
and party mani¬
festos and statutes) as well as original Serbian and Croatian press articles.
The book consists
ornine
chapters. The first, theoretical one, is devoted
to the evolution of transitology research in the last three decades, and an
important part in it is played by the problem which we can name as "termi¬
nological negotiations" between researchers. In my analysis I try to point
out changes in the meaning of the main terms used in this research, such
as transition, transformation, consolidation and
démocratisation.
I also
attempt to bring closer to the readers the dispute between Serbian and
Croatian political scientists concerning both the delineation of the phases
of
démocratisation
in their countries and determination of its advancement.
590
SUMMARY
In my opinion, this kind of dispute, common not only for researchers from
these two post-Yugoslav states, can be understand as a feud between adher¬
ents of Schumpeter's (procedural) and Dahl's (liberal) theory of democracy.
The next nine chapters are analytical in character, and are devoted to the
question of the introduction and operation of the key political institutions
(including their design and redesign, above all during the
1990s),
distin¬
guished on the basis on
Merkeľs
wide range of determinants of the con¬
solidation of a democratic system. The second chapter is therefore devoted
to the proceedings leading to the adoption of the new constitutions and
its later amendments, next to the operation of the parliaments. The fourth
and fifth chapters are devoted to the functioning of the executive power,
including heads of states and governments. In the sixth chapter I analyse
the operation of the judicial authorities. The seventh chapter focuses on the
functioning of the electoral systems, the eighth the party systems, the ninth
the behaviours of unofficial political actors, and the tenth and last civil so¬
ciety. All of these chapters were written according to the author's intended
scheme, contrasting the period of the
1990s,
when politics was dominated
by the presidents in power, Slobodan Milosevic and
Franjo
Tuđman,
and
the period after the so-called democratic turn, which means the watershed
elections in
2000,
when in both countries broad pro-democratic coalitions
came to power.
The summary highlights the ineffective functioning of institutions in both
countries, as well as the shortcomings of virtually every level of consolida¬
tion identified by
Merkel.
The weakness of constitutional consolidation in
the first of the periods studied, the
1990s,
sprang mostly from the armed
conflicts going on at the time. These helped the presidents to retain their
dominance, claiming much wider powers for themselves than was foreseen
by the constitutions in place at the time. Buoyed by the wide support they
had in society, the presidents tried to gain control over not only the govern¬
ment and parliament, but also the judiciary and media. Later, the decisive
factor in the weakness of consolidation in this field seems to be the elites'
lack of political culture. Good examples are the taking of votes from mem¬
bers of the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) in
2002,
or the trick played by
Vojislav
Koštunica's
party on its former coalition partner the Democratic
Party (DS) after the
2007
parliamentary elections in an effort to keep the
position of prime minister for itself. In general, it is important to note that
the formation of broad coalition governments whose constituent parts were
divided by an ideological gulf, along with the low level of political culture
among the leading political actors, led to numerous conflicts and govern-
591
SUMMARY
ment
crises, often resulting in the disintegration of ruling coalitions. On the
other hand, when seeking a solution for these disputes, the coalition part¬
ners did not hesitate to test their powers by transgressing the laws in place.
Furthermore, in both countries a threat for the success of the principle
of the separation of powers is the strong executive, which often margin¬
alises the role of the legislative, and also sometimes
-
recently more often
in Serbia
-
attempts to subdue the judiciary. Of course, the domination
of the government in the legislative process is also a common trend in
so-called old or well-established democracies. However, the scale of this
procedure is much larger for Serbia and Croatia, since it is no rarity for as
many as
90%
or more of all laws to come from government bills. Add to
this the fact that so-called emergency legislation is employed equally fre¬
quently
-
which firstly marginalises the opposition's role and secondly re¬
veals the sham nature of parliamentary committees
-
and the true picture
of the parliamentary system in these countries does not inspire optimism.
A further problem in Serbia is the existence of laws that strictly subordinate
members of parliament to the parties on whose lists they were elected. Lo¬
cal researchers consider this a real threat to the principle of free voting that
is so crucial to democratic countries. One must add, though, that years of
criticism of this approach from the
EU
has led the Serbian government to
slowly change the controversial regulations.
A problem common to both countries in terms of consolidation of rep¬
resentation of interests (encompassing the electoral and party system) is the
increasing partitocracy. This appropriation of the state and its institutions
(particularly political, but also economic
-
e.g. the strong politicisation of
state-owned enterprises) by parties poses a major obstacle on the path to
consolidation of the democratic regime. For now, at least, in neither country
is there much in the way of a civil service corps, since elections are usually
followed by wholesale purges in all institutions associated with the ruling
coalition. There have also been cases -recently in Serbia
-
of parties at¬
tempting to take control of formally independent
NGOs in
search of addi¬
tional funding sources. In Croatia meanwhile, Prime Minister
Ivo Sanader
oversaw a huge pyramid of clientelism and corruption in his almost six years
in office. As
Mirjana Kasapović
points out, this marginalised legal political
institutions, replacing the previous fragile democracy with one of
Merkeľs
types of defective democracy, so-called tutelary democracy. A further major
problem is the low level of institutionalisation
(Merkel
would say consoli¬
dation) of the party system and the parties themselves. However, whereas
in Serbia after
2000
at least two new, relevant parties emerged (the results
592
SUMMARY
of the
2012
elections suggested that there is a real chance for a third one),
to date the Croatian party system has been marked by greater stability. In
the December
2011
parliamentary elections in Croatia, though, two new
parties joined those existing since the
1990s
in winning seats in the
Sa¬
bor,
including one founded by a retired priest from
Dalmaţia
(not the first
manifestation of his political activity). Furthermore, until
2008
in Serbia
a significant stumbling block was the existence of strong anti-system parties
with the support of almost
30%
of voters. These seem to have disappeared
with the split in the radical camp (Serbian Radical Party
-
SRS) and
Tomis¬
lav Nikolić's
foundation of the new Serbian Progressive Party
-
SNS. The
biggest hurdle for the institutionalisation of the parties themselves today
seems to be the phenomenon
oí
personalisation of politics
—
as well as the
related increase in the powers of leaders at the cost of other party structures.
Electoral systems seem much more stable than party systems, but in
this area too there are certain problems. One of these in Croatia is without
doubt the large discrepancy between the good statutory regulations and
their practical implementation (e.g. the laws on control of election cam¬
paign funding). The situation in Serbia looks worse. Until recently, even at a
formal level solutions at odds with democratic rules continued to function.
In this context, we can cite the practice, applied for years and sanctioned by
the constitution, whereby members of parliament signed blank resignation
letters when taking office. This in fact denied them independence and meant
that they were rigidly subordinate to party structures, and especially lead-
ers.
We can also mention the rules of division of seats in parliament won
by specific lists, guaranteeing party leaders not only complete autonomy
over their division, but also almost a carte blanche to take seats away from
members who had lost their trust.
At the level of consolidation of informal behaviour of political actors,
a significant problem, especially in Serbia, was the existence of so-called
veto players. In this case they were represented by the members of the intel¬
ligence agencies, who in defending their position perpetrated the murder of
Prime Minister
Zoran Đinđić,
thus ha'mpering both the promised reforms
of the uniformed services and the
démocratisation
process. In Croatia too
the problem of veto players arose after the democratic breakthrough, but
here the situation was soon normalised thanks to the president's quick and
courageous decision to pension off any generals questioning the legitimacy
of the new government.
There are important differences between the two countries when it comes
to consolidation of civil society. The most important one is the fact that
593
SUMMARY
in Serbia it took until
2009
for the normalisation of the sector to occur. In
Croatia, meanwhile, a larger problem was the fact that those in power did
not conform to the adopted regulations. A significant similarity between
the two countries is the large (and ever growing) number of functioning
NGOs
(no means a desirable syndrome, according to researchers of such
issues) as well as the type of work they do. Other common characteristics
are a low level of involvement of citizens in their activity (they are still per¬
ceived as elite organisations) and weak trust in them. They are still not seen
as so-called upholders of democracy in the social consciousness, and this
is a problem. From this point of view, the situation of the
NGO
sector in
Serbia is further complicated by the politicisation, and even particisation,
of many organisations. Although formally they are independent, in practice
they are used by parties to obtain additional funding sources.
Nevertheless, despite all the deficiencies mentioned above, one can no¬
tice that although Croatia is at a more advanced stage of consolidation of
democracy than Serbia, neither of these regimes can be called a consoli¬
dated democracy. In my opinion, they are both on the right track, but the
process of consolidation will still require considerable efforts. Although
transitologists often downplay the external factor, it is also worth noting
that it plays a pivotal role in the process of
démocratisation,
largely because
both countries aspire to join the European Union. In many places in the
monograph I emphasised the role of European institutions which, by exert¬
ing pressure on both countries, have proven to be effective instruments for
changing undemocratic and discriminatory regulations. Nevertheless it is
also worth mentioning that the
EU
has not treated both examined coun¬
tries equally, as clearly shown, for example, by their pathways to starting
pre-accession negotiations.
l
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
1 München |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika 1981- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1053979959 |
| author_facet | Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika 1981- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika 1981- |
| author_variant | d m w dmw |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041986418 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)884872331 (DE-599)BVBBV041986418 |
| era | Geschichte 1990-2010 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1990-2010 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Serbia / 1992-2006 jhpk Serbia / polityka i rządy / 1992- jhpk Chorwacja / polityka i rządy / 1991- jhpk Serbia i Czarnogóra / polityka i rządy / 2003- jhpk Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbia / 1992-2006 Serbia / polityka i rządy / 1992- Chorwacja / polityka i rządy / 1991- Serbia i Czarnogóra / polityka i rządy / 2003- Kroatien Serbien |
| id | DE-604.BV041986418 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-08-10T01:26:06Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788364275401 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027428749 |
| oclc_num | 884872331 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 593, [1] s. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo Libron - Filip Lohner |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika 1981- Verfasser (DE-588)1053979959 aut Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz Kraków Wydawnictwo Libron - Filip Lohner 2014 593, [1] s. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bibliogr. s. 539-573. Indeks Geschichte 1990-2010 gnd rswk-swf Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd rswk-swf Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd rswk-swf Serbia / 1992-2006 jhpk Serbia / polityka i rządy / 1992- jhpk Chorwacja / polityka i rządy / 1991- jhpk Serbia i Czarnogóra / polityka i rządy / 2003- jhpk Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Kroatien (DE-588)4073841-3 g Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 s Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 s Geschichte 1990-2010 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027428749&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027428749&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Mikucka-Wójtowicz, Dominika 1981- Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4124941-0 (DE-588)4175047-0 (DE-588)4073841-3 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 |
| title_auth | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 |
| title_exact_search | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 |
| title_full | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz |
| title_fullStr | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz |
| title_full_unstemmed | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 Dominika Mikucka-Wójtowicz |
| title_short | Demokratyczna transformacja w Serbii i Chorwacji w latach 1990 - 2010 |
| title_sort | demokratyczna transformacja w serbii i chorwacji w latach 1990 2010 |
| topic | Demokratisierung (DE-588)4124941-0 gnd Politischer Wandel (DE-588)4175047-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Demokratisierung Politischer Wandel Serbia / 1992-2006 Serbia / polityka i rządy / 1992- Chorwacja / polityka i rządy / 1991- Serbia i Czarnogóra / polityka i rządy / 2003- Kroatien Serbien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027428749&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027428749&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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