Mieszko I: skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź?
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Zielona Góra
Wydawnictwo Fundacji Archeologicznej
2014
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 273, [6] s. il. - Ill. 21 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788393855742 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804152357861195776 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Wstęp
.................................................................................................11
Rozdział
I.
Dawne poglądy na temat początków Polski
.............................25
1.1.
Teoria Lachów skandynawskich
................................................26
1.2.
Poglądy na pochodzenie szlachty polskiej
................................29
1.3.
Polski mit założycielski
................................................................31
1.4.
Autochtonizm Słowian
.................................................................32
1.5.
Słowiański władca
.........................:....................................... 33
1.6.
Chrzest Polski
.,............................................................... 34
1.7.
„Dagome
iudex
................................................................. 34
Rozdział
II.
Zmiany w poglądach na historię Polski
.....................................37
II.l.Allochtonizm Słowian
.................................................................37
11.
2.
Grody na ziemiach polskich
.......................................................38
11.3. Piastowie, Polanie i Polonia
.......................................................40
11.4. „Dagome
iudex
-
na nowo
........................................................40
11.5. Kolejne ślady skandynawskie
...................................................41
11.
6.
Ważne pytania
..............................................................................41
Rozdział III.
Migracje ze Skandynawii
................................................................43
III.l. Twórcy Germanii
........................................................................45
ΙΠ.2.
Przybycie Gotów
.........................................................................56
III.3. W cieniu królestwa Marboda
...................................................57
111.4.
Siła Gotów
....................................................................................59
111.5. Penetracja Sarmacji
...................................................................61
111.6. Wielki konflikt
............................................................................63
111.7.
Podbój zachodniej Sarmacji
.....................................................64
Ш.8.
Imperium Hermanaiyka
...........................................................70
111.
9.
Roso wie i Wikingowie
...............................................................76
Rozdział
IV.
Słowianie w Europie Środkowej
...................................................81
I
V.l.
Przybycie Serbów i Chorwatów
...............................................81
IV.2.
Zmierzch wschodniej Germanii
...............................................83
IV.3.
Emancypacja Słowian
................................................................89
IV.4.
Pod panowaniem Awarów
........................................................104
IV.5.
Domena Samona
.........................................................................108
IV.6.
Nowe zdobycze
............................................................................110
IV.7.
Budowa grodów
..........................................................................114
Rozdział
V.
Vendland
.............................................................................................120
Rozdział
VI.
Skandynawskie modele kolonizacyjne
u schyłku I tysiąclecia
................................................................133
VI.1.
Ekspansja wewnętrzna
.........................................................133
VI.2.
Ekspansja zewnętrzna
......................................................... 135
Rozdział
VII.
Założenie Skinesge
.........................................................................142
VILI.
Kolonizacja Wielkopolski
......................................................142
VH.2.
Pierwsze zdobycze
..................................................................148
VII.3.
Źródła wzrostu potęgi
...........................................................152
Rozdział
VIII.
Dagome, władca Skinesge
............................................................160
VIII.l.
Jarl
czy słowiański kneź?
....................................................160
VIII.2.
Rządca Dagome
.....................................................................173
VIII.3.
Siła imienia
..............................................................................177
Rozdział
IX.
Wyjście z cienia
............................................................................. 181
IX.1.
Cesarska opieka
.......................................................................181
IX.2.
Chrzest Dagome i jego skutki
................................................187
Rozdział
X.
Próba portretu
................................................................................197
Rozdział
XI.
Elita władzy
.................................................................................... 212
Rozdział
XII.
Slawizacja Skinesge
.......................................................................223
Rozdział
XIII.
Twórcy polskiego mitu
.................................................................229
Zakończenie
.................................................................................. 241
Summary
........................................................................................250
Literatura
.......................................................................................257
Indeks osób
.....................................................................................265
Mapy
................................................................................................. 274
Summary
The history of Polish territories in antiquity and early Middle
Ages was written in the 20th century under strong political influ¬
ence. Poland, resurrected in
1918,
had been in need of a founda¬
tion myth permeated with the spirit of struggle for the establish¬
ment of a new state organism. This need resurfaced after
1945,
when the new state, instituted by a decision of the great powers,
was allegedly brought back to its old pre-Slavonic territories. An
outstanding Polish archaeologist Joseph Kostrzewski, together
with his spiritual heirs, presented the history of Polish territories
as the history of Slavdom. It was unanimously preached that we
had been living on Slavonic territories from time immemorial
and that the
Lusatian
culture had been the work of the genius
of our Bronze Age ancestors. Also the question of the origin of
the Slavs and their ruling elite was addressed in a rather casual
fashion. Accordingly, Mieszko I was declared the leader of Polish
Slavs who had struggled against the influx of the Germans, who
implemented their idea of Drang
nach Osten,
However, these visions are based on fragile scientific founda¬
tions and obvious facts pointing to the multiplicity of Scandina¬
vian colonisation waves onto the territories of today s Poland still
barely cut through a thick layer of mental permafrost.
250
Summary
The thesis of the Northern, non-Slavic origin of Mieszko I and
his ancestors or predecessors in power is still quite frequently
rejected by Polish historians. My supplication for its serious treat¬
ment is reinforced by the increasing number of Scandinavian
finds on Polish soil and by the changes in dendrochronological
dating of local settlements. The Piasts or
Polanians
did not exist
and the whole design of the earliest history of Poland was pri¬
marily established on the basis of the Polish Chronicle by
Gallus
Anonymous dating from the beginnings of 12th century, which is
of more literary than historical character. In light of such develop¬
ments, we need to tag the current vision of the history of Polish
origins until the mid-10th century as a scientific hypothesis, which
must ineludibly become subject to questioning and discussion.
Gall compiled his chronicle soon after the memorable defeat
inflicted by the Czech prince Bretislaus in
1038/1039
and in the
wake of earlier Slavonic folk uprisings, events which had nearly
ruined the work of Dagome-Mieszko and
Bolesław Chrobry.
In
my opinion,
Gallus Anonymus
meant to provide distraction away
from the causes of these dangerous events and to provide a writ¬
ten record in the form of a founding myth of the dynasty of the so
called Piasts, ethnically associated with the Slavs, and specifically
with their largest stratum of peasantry, rather than with Scandi¬
navian immigrant ruling aristocracy associated with the ruling
families on the territory of
Pomerania.
Scandinavian and Slavonic population settled between the
Oder and Bug rivers, as well as in
Pomerania
and Greater Poland,
as a result of numerous migration waves. The Scandinavians had
lived here continuously from the end of the Bronze Age. The Slavs
had come as late as in the 5th or 6th century AD.
The European continent, due to its small size, its geographical
conditions, dynamic migration and multiplicity of ethnic groups
has always been particularly receptive to the process of accultura¬
tion, which has been determining its ethnic makeup for at least
3000
years. The ruling elites of European countries developed as
Summary
251
a result of voluntary multi-ethnic legalised associations, or migra¬
tion processes characterised by peaceful colonisation, but also
in the wake of conquests frequently resulting in the assimilation
of conquerors into the realm of their newly acquired subjects.
Such was the case of 10th-century Russia, and in all likelihood of
Polish territories.
The territories extending between the Oder and Bug rivers
and from the Baltic Sea to the Carpathians and Silesia have for
several thousand years seen many ethnically diverse residents.
Our ancestors were of multi-ethnic origin, which in Europe has
typically constituted a norm rather than an exception.
Whatever had happened on the territory of today s Poland
from the time of Slavonic influx had not automatically led to the
establishment of the first political organisation recognised by
historical sources which later emerged as Poland. Such immedi¬
ate solution had not been favoured by a strong
ľ^-century
trend
in Slavonic migration from Polish territories towards the south
and west of Europe.
Slavonic communities were not interested in building highly
centralised political and economic organisms. It may seem sur¬
prising. However, Thietmar and Helmold left numerous descrip¬
tions indicating at a predominating reluctance among horse elites
and free peasants towards strong individualised and centralised
power. At the most, part of the decision-making powers was ced¬
ed onto pagan priests, who decided upon e.g. wars on the basis
of evidence of ritual magic.
Even the allied contact between Polabian Slavs and a strongly
centralised state of Charlemagne, to whom they owed their land
grants, increase in military potential and prosperity, failed to in¬
duce these communities to abandon the decentralised model of
political existence. Apparently, they saw it fit within their bounda¬
ries.
On sparsely populated territories between the Oder and Bug
rivers, the Baltic Sea and the Carpathian Mountains, a demo-
252
Summary
graphie
critical mass, capable of producing significant surplus
production or of acquiring significant war loot, with which to
finance the construction of a strong political entity, was miss¬
ing. Small Slavonic communities such as
Zara,
dwelling in the
conditions of economic autarky were not able to meet the re¬
quirements, and neither was the much stronger association of
the
Veleti
tribes.
Only the first historically recorded state organisation (the
10th century), labelled as the Skinesge, gave rise to the long road
to Polish statehood in the modern sense of the term. Having
emerged from the confrontation of different ethnic groups and
different social concepts, it was instituted in the wake of a single
large migration, or in more likelihood, as a result of a number of
colonisation waves from Scandinavia, which involved mergers
of free farmers, their families and squads belonging to particu¬
lar jarls into larger groups, in order to achieve objectives which
went beyond the capabilities of disassociated settlers. Within
the
Wendland,
(today s Poland), these agricultural and military
groups were possibly subjected to strong centralisation processes
as not to disperse their energy in internal skirmishes related to
the establishment of hierarchical power. The dexterity of Scan¬
dinavian military elites in agreeing on their mutual interests was
evident on the British Isles, where forces were skilfully combined
to defeat the local Anglo-Saxon kingdoms and to receive desirable
ores of gold and silver [Danegeld) from their rulers.
The creation of Skinesge executed in my opinion by the colo¬
nists from
Skåne
(southern Sweden), was primarily driven by
economic incentive. Its aim was to continuously exploit natural
resources, animals and humans. The first stage was to bring for¬
est clearings into cultivation and thus to create agriculture and
livestock as a basis for the maintenance of the influx population,
its chief or chiefs and professional warriors. However, further
development required enormous resources, much larger than
those coming from land rent and other dues. The fastest methods
Summary
253
of amassing such resources was to raid and rob the neighbours
and kidnap people for sale. This second stage had its limitations,
as robberies caused economic sterilisation on the ransacked
territories for years before they managed to rebuild their pro¬
ductivity. Thus, it proved to be much more efficient to annex the
invaded territories to the political centre located in the present-
day Greater Poland, and to comprehensively exploit them, which
yielded stable and secure income. Such collecting of lands and
people at one point became an economic necessity.
However, the strong growth mechanism of Dagome-Mieszko
and his son Boleslaw s power was not based on agriculture and
livestock, as it is indicated by large amount of Arab silver in the
form of coins found in today s Greater Poland, which provide in¬
direct evidence attesting that the political elite of Skinesge, and
certainly Dagome-Mieszko and his successors had profited from
the trade in Slavonic slaves.
Skinesge, the state created by the predecessors of Dagome-
Mieszko was a product of Scandinavian mentality. Why? Because
none of the surrounding Slavonic communities built a similar
political military organisation within
30
to
50
years. At the be¬
ginning of the second half of the 10th century, Skinesge began to
emerge from the forests of
Wendland
as a well-organised, highly
centralised and militarised structure managed by a dynamic
leader, who went down in history as Dagome-Mieszko.
The stem Dag, firmly rooted in Scandinavian mythology, in my
opinion very clearly indicates at the cultural circle from which
the first historical ruler of Skinesge and his ancestors originated.
Polish historiography exposes his name: Mieszko, as one of the
most important proofs for his Slavonic origin. Nonetheless, it
is not so obvious. The name Mieszko suddenly appeared in the
lineage of the alleged Piasts. It had not been evidenced before.
For the past
700
hundred years historians have disputed the
name s implications. An Arabic copyist noted in a report by a
Jewish traveller Abraham ben Jacob that in the tongue of West-
254
Summary
ern Slavs the word Mieszko was synonymous with anguish or
plague. So what may it attest to? In my opinion, Mieszko is not
a name of the Slavonic ruler of Skinesge, but a moniker (nick¬
name), bestowed on him by the
Veleti,
for whom after years of
ruinous raids, he had become the epitome of a calamitous plague.
Mieszko is someone who sows confusion, a nuisance. Abraham
ben Jacob may have been in possession of first-hand evidence,
as his report provides direct clues that he had travelled the Serb
territories in the present-day Saxony and Lusatia, and the lands
of
Veleti
located further north. Apparently, this moniker must
have become very popular, as the son of Dagome,
Bolesław
used
it to name his firstborn son.
On the basis of impressions recorded by Thietmar and
residu
-
ally by
Gallus Anonymus
it may be assumed that Dagome-Mieszko
was a man characterised by high levels of aggression, more of
a warrior than a ruler-diplomat. There are indications in the
sources implying that Dagome had come to power at a young
age, and as he matured, he increasingly organised raids in order
to prove his bravery. It is difficult to imagine that an adolescent
could at once become a respected leader and ruler. Most probably,
he had an experienced foster-father, an arrangement which was a
common practice recorded in Scandinavian and sometimes also
in Czech sagas, as indicated by
Kosmas.
Dagome-Mieszko s tem¬
perament and good appetite, were confirmed by Thietmar. The
ruler of Skinesge, having married the Czech princess Dobrawa
in
965,
urged her to eat meat during Lent and fulfil her marital
obligations. Apparently, he simply did not understand the need
to respect the principles of Christianity, which should not come
as a surprise, as even a year after the wedding he was still a pa¬
gan. Clearly, he was not going to be baptised of his own volition.
This religious act was rather part of a political alliance directed
against the
Veleti.
We rail to learn anything of Dagome-Mieszko s
religiosity from Thietmar, Bruno of
Querfurt
or John Canaparius,
Summary
255
let alone
Gallus
Anonymous. For
26
years from baptism until his
death, he did little to support the new religion in his country.
Dagome-Mieszko succeeded in life. He fathered male descend¬
ants, maintained power and increased his state. After the conquest
of the Lubusz Land, Silesia, part of Lusatia, Mazovia,
Pomerania
and
Małopolska,
his state, referred to in the document „Dagome
iudex as Skinesge, already had a territorial critical mass, a suf¬
ficient number of subjects, a strong squad and ample financial
resources to become an important actor in international relations
at the end of the 10th century. After the adoption of Christianity
in
966,
it gradually became an increasingly universal European
country.
256
Summary
|
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| author | Ruszczyński, Adam |
| author_facet | Ruszczyński, Adam |
| author_role | aut |
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| author_variant | a r ar |
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| bvnumber | BV041966819 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)894651535 (DE-599)BVBBV041966819 |
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| geographic | Ostmitteleuropa (DE-588)4075753-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Ostmitteleuropa |
| id | DE-604.BV041966819 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:09:26Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788393855742 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027409546 |
| oclc_num | 894651535 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 273, [6] s. il. - Ill. 21 cm |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Wydawnictwo Fundacji Archeologicznej |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Ruszczyński, Adam Verfasser aut Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? Adam Ruszczyński Zielona Góra Wydawnictwo Fundacji Archeologicznej 2014 273, [6] s. il. - Ill. 21 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Mieszko I. Polen, Herzog 922-992 (DE-588)119197804 gnd rswk-swf Slawen (DE-588)4077491-0 gnd rswk-swf Ostmitteleuropa (DE-588)4075753-5 gnd rswk-swf Mieszko I. Polen, Herzog 922-992 (DE-588)119197804 p DE-604 Ostmitteleuropa (DE-588)4075753-5 g Slawen (DE-588)4077491-0 s Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027409546&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027409546&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Ruszczyński, Adam Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? Mieszko I. Polen, Herzog 922-992 (DE-588)119197804 gnd Slawen (DE-588)4077491-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)119197804 (DE-588)4077491-0 (DE-588)4075753-5 |
| title | Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? |
| title_auth | Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? |
| title_exact_search | Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? |
| title_full | Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? Adam Ruszczyński |
| title_fullStr | Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? Adam Ruszczyński |
| title_full_unstemmed | Mieszko I skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? Adam Ruszczyński |
| title_short | Mieszko I |
| title_sort | mieszko i skandynawski jarl czy slowianski knez |
| title_sub | skandynawski jarl czy słowiański kneź? |
| topic | Mieszko I. Polen, Herzog 922-992 (DE-588)119197804 gnd Slawen (DE-588)4077491-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Mieszko I. Polen, Herzog 922-992 Slawen Ostmitteleuropa |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027409546&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027409546&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT ruszczynskiadam mieszkoiskandynawskijarlczysłowianskiknez |