Mlada Bosna:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Medija Centar "Odbrana"
2014
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga
1856 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Young Bosnia |
| Beschreibung: | 594 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9788633504164 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1815695429446139904 |
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| adam_text |
САДРЖАЈ
УВОДНА
РАЗМАТРАЊА
.9
ПОЛИТИЧКЕ
ПРИЛИКЕ НА БАЛКАНУ НА
ПОЧЕТКУ
XX
ВЕКА
.19
ОДНОС ПРОВИНЦИЈЕ
И МЕТРОПОЛЕ
-
КОЛОНИЈАЛНА
ПОЛИТИКА
.45
Царински рат
-
притисак економске
моћи Беча
.61
Младотурска револуција
-
покушај
модернизации
e
и
спасавања царевине
.66
АНЕКСИОНА
КРИЗА
-
УЗРОК ОПШТЕ
ТУРБУЛЕНЦИЈЕ
НА БАЛКАНУ.
73
Исељавање срба
из Боене и Херцеговине
под
притиском Аустроугарске
монархије.
109
НЕПРИЈАТЕЉСКО ДЕЛОВАЊЕ
АУСТРОУГАРСКЕ
ПРЕМА СРПСКОМ
НАРОДУ.
113
ЦРНА
ПРОПАГАНДА
АУСТРИЈЕ
И
НЕМАЧКЕ
-
ТАЈНЕ ПРИПРЕМЕ
ЗА НАПАД
HA
СРБИЈУ
.124
МАСОВНО
САМООРГАНИЗОВАЊЕ
И
ПРОТЕСТИ
ОМЛАДИНЕ ПРОТИВ
НАСИЉА
АУСТРОУГАРСКЕ
МОНАРХИЈЕ
.133
Активност
хрватских политичара на
стварању
Јутославије.
137
6
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
МАСОВНО
НЕЗАДОВОЉСТВО
НАРОДА
У БОСНИ И ХЕРЦЕГОВИНИ
.162
Тајно удруживање омладине
и
покретање
часописа у Босни и Херцеговини
.175
Политичко
сазревање српског
народа у
Босни и Херцеговини
.189
КОРЕНИ
НАСТАНКА ПОКРЕТА МЛАДА
БОСНА
.199
КАРАКТЕР МЛАДЕ БОСНЕ
.215
МЛАДА
БОСНА
-
ОМЛАДИНСКИ
ОСЛОБОДИЛАЧКИ ПОКРЕТ
.225
ОСНИВАЧ И
ИДЕЈНИ
BOTŞA
МЛАДЕ БОСНЕ
ВЛАДИМИР
ГАЋИНОВИЋ
.230
ВИДОВДАНСКИ
ХЕРОЈИ
.249
МЛАДА
БОСНА
-
РАСАДНИК
РЕВОЛУЦИОНАРА,
КЊИЖЕВНИКА
И
ФИЛОЗОФА
.270
САРАЈЕВСКИ
АТЕНТАТ
-
ОДГОВОР НА
АУСТРОУГАРСКО
НАСИЉЕ
.281
ОДЛУКА О АТЕНТАТУ ДОНЕТА У ЛОЗАНИ
. 296
Коначна од лука о
извршењу
атентата
на
Франца Фердинанда
.304
Пуцањ
Гаврила Принципа
.316
Ултиматум
Аустроугарске
монархије Србији.
367
Колаборација
Ватикана и Аустроугарске
монархије
у припреми
напада
на
Србију
.392
Немачки план за мутьевити
напад на
Србију
. 410
ВЕЛЕИЗДАЈНИЧКИ
ПРОЦЕСИ.
421
Бањалучки велеиздајнички
процес
.430
Млада
Босна
7
Ђачки
процеси
.465
ЗАКЉУЧНА РАЗМАТРАЊА
.478
YOUNG BOSNIA
-
SUMARRY
.490
ПРИЛОЗИ
.515
Смрт једног хероја
.519
Проглас
професора
Михајла Пупина америчким
исељеницима
из Боене и Херцеговине
.530
Наш национализам
.532
Онима који долазе
.536
Процес
Пјанић-Љубибратић
1912/1913.
године
.543
Крик
очајника
.545
Први
оригинални превод
Катехизиса
револуционара, Сергеја Нечајева
.547
Гијоова
етика
.549
Тамновање
Гаврила
Принципа у тамници
тврђаве
у
Терезијенштату
(Чешка).
574
Гаврило Принцип о политичким
стремљењима
својим
и Младе Боене
.576
Фотографије
неких
чланова
Младе Боене
.579
БИБЛИОГРАФИЈА
.582
YOUNG BOSNIA
-
SUMMARY
Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina
based on Article
25
of the Treaty of Berlin of
1878
and the
convention between Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Dur¬
ing the occupation, Austro-Hungary concurrently con¬
ducted total propaganda to persuade the Great Powers to
convert the time-limited mandate for occupation into a
permanent occupation.
Habsburg
monarchy and its allies
believed that the occupation was internationally based,
and later tried to convince the world public opinion that it
was performed on state-legal and internal basis. Accord¬
ing to the first interpretation, all legal measures of the
occupation authorities were temporary, and according to
the second one
-
permanent.
In order to define the legal status of Bosnia and
Herzegovina it was necessary to answer the question
who was the real master in these provinces. According
to the Convention of
1879,
the Sultan's name and
Turkish flags were symbols of Turkish authorities, but
everything else was wearing the insignia of the
Austro
-
Hungarian lasting presence in the provinces. Behind all
the theories that have been developed in that regard,
there laid certain political calculation, not the law. And
it was exactly that legal ambiguity which influenced the
position of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be dependent on
the relation of certain powers that violated the interna¬
tional law, and they repeatedly emphasized that their
aspirations were legally based. Serbian law school have
always supported conclusion that the Austro-Hungar-
Млада
Босна
491
ian
occupation
of Bosnia and Herzegovina had interna¬
tional legal, not state-legal characteristic, or that it was
an international and open issue and not an internal and
closed one. The same view determined the nature of the
political movement of the Serbian people in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Shortly after the military had entered
Bosnia and Herzegovina in
1878,
there was formed ad¬
ministration that had purely military characteristics.
For a certain period of time, the old Turkish dignitaries
were partially retained. As of
1
July
1879,
the military
administration grew into an order in which the main
power belonged to the Provincial Government, whose
leaders reported to joint government in Vienna. All the
time during the
Austro
-Hungarian rule, it was a gen¬
eral, who was also commander of the armed forces,
chief of the police and managed budget for that area.
Formally speaking, the laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina
were passed by a ruler based on the plan of the joint
Ministry of Finance and the Provincial Government of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the province was admin¬
istered as an annexed colony.
Viennese court was eager to implement the deci¬
sions of European power holders and only
16
days after
the completion of the work of the international meeting
in Berlin, Austro-Hungarian troops crossed the Bos¬
nian and Herzegovinian border, continuing the march
towards Sarajevo,
Mostar,
Banja Luka, Tuzla
and other
cities. Assessment of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign
Minister
Andrássy
that the occupation would be painless
and that the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina would
welcome Viennese military occupational force with
flowers, proved to be wrong. Most members of the
Catholic faith welcomed the invading troops as sav¬
iours, but members of the other two religions
-
Ortho¬
dox and Muslim, did not perceive their arrival like that.
492
Проф.
qp
Радослав
Гаћиновић
Famous Muslim resistance leader Imam
Haji
Loj o
was interned to the infamous prison in
Terezin
imme¬
diately after his arrest. Although
Andrássy
hoped for a
quick and easy occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
"with the company of soldiers and pan-music at the
forefront", the commander of the
Habsburg
troops,
General Josef
von Philippovich
had to use more than
200,000
troops who managed to
tranquilize
these two
provinces only after three months of heavy fighting.
Department of History of the Austro-Hungarian army
issued a detailed review of the operations, with precise
maps of every battle. A total of
5,198
Austro-Hungarian
soldiers were killed wounded or missing, including
178
officers. Losses of the rebels were not recorded.
Immediately after the occupation of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, the Monarchy developed diplomatic ac¬
tivities around the world in order to make the idea of
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina more elegantly
implemented into practice. The first meeting of joint
Ministers of Austria-Hungary on annexation, which
was also attended by the Hungarian ministers, was held
on
18
November
1907.
It was decided to accomplish the
annexation "when the opportunity demand and allow"
so they immediately started with the activities to create
these favourable opportunities as soon as possible, and
then to operationalize them. On
24
December
1907,
in
Croatia, the sworn enemy of the Serbs Baron
Pavle
Rauch was
appointed as ban. The authorities in Vienna
and Sarajevo did everything to undermine the relations
between Serbia and Montenegro even more in order to
make the free Serbian states inactive and mutually
compromised in the decisive moment. In Bosnia and
Herzegovina they started with mass searches, and ar¬
rests and intimidation. The famous slogan "bend or
crush" was created at that time. Nevertheless, they
Млада Босна
493
failed. The position of the Serbs was calm, but firm, al¬
though the allies on whom the Serbs counted were not
up to the expectations of the Serbian people. At that
time, at the head of the Russian Foreign Ministry there
was Alexander Petrovich Izvolsky
(Александр Петрович
Извольский),
statesman, not without talent, but too
sanguine and rash. Izvolsky, with motives that have not
yet been fully explained and understandable enough, on
2
July
1908
sent to Erental (Alois Lexa
von
Erental) a
memoir, in which he offered an agreement. In this
memoir, among other things, he raised the question of
annexation. That question, and the question of the
Dardanelles, to which the Russians had attached great
and legitimate importance for a long time, had accord¬
ing to his persistent interpretation an European character,
which could have been resolved in a spirit of friendly
reciprocity. Viennese diplomacy has long been waiting
on such an offer. The Russian offer was even more
favourable, since apart from Bosnia and Herzegovina it
also included the
Sandžak
of
Novi Pazar.
The proposal
of Izvolsky came at the same time as the news about the
revolution of Young Turks. Both events raised a lively
activity in Vienna, and in conjunction, led to a new
turnover in history. Having decided to implement the
annexation, after the Russian offer and the events in
Turkey, the Austrian Foreign Minister Erental regarded
the European situation very favourable. He was going
to make a deal with Russia, promising them friendly
attitude with regard to the Dardanelles. He had already
had the German consent. France was unwarlike and
busy in Morocco. He intended to stop Italy by leaving
Sandžak
thus assuring them that there is no intention of
further penetration, and that the annexation does not
mean for Austria any new advantage, but with this
abandonment even a sort of sacrifice. He hoped that
494
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
with such clever diplomatic move he would get the
confidence of new Turkey. For England, that was the
one that introduced the monarchy in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, he believed that they would not take any
serious steps in the context of this annexation. On
6
October
1908,
in Vienna, the Decree of Emperor Franz
Josef on the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was
promulgated. On that day, the decision was announced
by Emperor Franz Joseph himself. The Bosnian and
Herzegovinian students have stated that they would not
recognize the annexation at any cost, because it was the
simplest robbery, and "if Austria-Hungary wants to
swallow us, we will eat through its stomach".
In Serbia, the declaration of annexation caused the
greatest discontent. The whole country felt severely
affected. The blow was aimed not as much to Bosnia and
Serbia, as to the Serbian idea and the Serbian fixture.
YOUNG BOSNIA
-
YOUTH LIBERATION
MOVEMENT
The name Young Bosnia was first used by
Petar
Ko¬
cic
in Fatherland newspaper of
1907,
and then by
Vladimir
Gaćinović
in the Almanac of Education of
1910,
in article entitled Young Bosnia.
Gaćinović,
as the
founder of Young Bosnia youth liberation organization,
became its ideological leader and the most responsible
for the massive influx of members of all the nations of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The goal of the Young Bosnia
was the liberation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
unification of all Slavic peoples. This organization
fought against the
Austro
-Hungarian Empire as occu¬
piers whose authority was neither legal nor legitimate in
any case. It was imposed by force, not elected by the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The
Austro
-Hun-
Млада
Босна
495
garian monarchy, after the occupation and annexation,
violated human rights and freedoms of citizens even
more drastically than the Ottoman Empire, and these
were difficult days for all inhabitants of Bosnia and
Herzegovina. In the circumstances that reigned in that
province after the annexation in
1908,
its peoples were
brought into a situation to lose their identity and dig¬
nity under pressure.
Proud members of Young Bosnia were aware that
their peoples were enslaved, but they refused to agree to
be conquered, no matter how strong the Austro-Hun-
garian Empire was, because even the international law
approved the fight against the invaders. The assassina¬
tion of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir to the Austro-
Hungarian throne, in Sarajevo, in
1914,
was treated at
the time as the murder of any representative of the oc¬
cupying army. It should be noted that the annexation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina was not recognized by most
countries as it was carried out against the will of its citi¬
zens and the decisions of the Berlin Congress. After the
occupation and annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Austria-Hungary acted as if it was its own ethnic area,
on the one hand, and to the citizens of Bosnia and Her¬
zegovina as if they were its subjects. The monarchy ter¬
rorized everyone: Serbs, Croats and Muslims, so that
members of Young Bosnia were representatives of all
nations: Vladimir
Gaćinović, Gavrilo Princip,
Mustafa
Golubić,
Muhammad
Mehmedbašić, Danilo Ilić,
Nedeljko Čabrinović, Ivo Kranjčević, Dragutin Mras,
Drago Radović, Jovo Varagić
Milos
Vidaković,
Bořivoje
Jevtić, Dulaga Bukovac, Ibro Fazlinović,
Matej
Kordić,
Lazar Đukić, Bogdan Žerajić, Mitar Kerović, Neđo
Kerović,
Milenko
Jovanović, Branko Zagorac, Dimitrije
Mitrinović, Pero Slijepčević, Nikola Forkapić, Dragan
Kalember, Veljko Čubrilović,
Vasa
Čubrilović, Cvetko
496
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
Popovic, Trifko
Grabež, Pero Slijepčević, Ivo Andrić,
Tin Ujevic
.
Many people in the world at that time be¬
lieved that the Sarajevo assassination was an act of
revolutionary resistance to the occupying forces, re¬
calling Aod and Jael from the Old Testament and the
European tradition of tyrannicide based on the theories
of classical republicanism of ancient Greece and Rome.
Therefore, it has always been the basic historiography
rule, and so it was at the beginning of 20th century, that
the events are interpreted and evaluated in the time and
circumstances of the events themselves that are later
analysed, taking into account the opinion of the people
at that time.
Young Bosnians, considering the above theories of
tyrannicide, thought that Franz Ferdinand was the
greatest tyrant
-
a tyrant occupier. For them and for the
people of Bosnia and Herzegovina, he far surpassed in
evil all the tyrants elected by the people and because of
that they were convinced that they have a right to re¬
move him. So, the people believed that they had multiple
rights to remove Franz Ferdinand as a tyrant invader
and tyrant who annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina ille¬
gally and against the will of the people.
Young Bosnians, in their own country, were denied
free political expression, so they founded secret asso¬
ciations whose ultimate goal was the expulsion of the
Habsburg
occupation authorities from Bosnia and Her¬
zegovina and from all South Slavic states.
Gavrilo Princip,
Vladimir
Gaćinović
and their friends worked in clandesti¬
ne revolutionary youth associations, which were establis¬
hed in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slovenia,
Dal¬
maţia
and among immigrants in the United States.
The circumstances in which South Slavs found
themselves in the years immediately prior to
1914
were
very complex. Most of them sought to express their re-
Млада Босна
497
bellion
not only against the national oppression, but
also against the shackles that were suffocating life in all
areas. Analyzing the situation of that time, the cele¬
brated writer and Nobel Prize winner
Ivo Andric
wrote:
"Our whole society snores unworthily, but the writers
and revolutionaries are awake."
Members of the Young Bosnia were great patriots.
Their desire for freedom must be considered as inter¬
disciplinary, from psychological /sociological and phi¬
losophical aspects. Young Bosnians were particularly
inspired by the heroism of
Milos
Obilie,
his self-sacri¬
fice in the fight against a tyrant and tyranny.
Obilie
was
and remained a symbol of Serbian heroism and his ex¬
ample brought forth the libertarian ideals and the de¬
termination to never and by no means recognize slav¬
ery. Heroic folk songs mirrored the entire Kosovo myth
in which built motivation and fearlessness of the Ser¬
bian people for centuries. Kosovo myth developed also
a cult of revenge. Serbian epic poems were admired and
translated into different languages by the most famous
writers and poets in the world, including
Johann
Wolf¬
gang Goethe, Sir Walter Scott, Alexander Pushkin
.
The famous American journalist John Reed wrote:
"With Serbs, every peasant soldier knows what he is
fighting for. When he was a baby, his mother greeted
him, 'Hail little avenger of Kosovo!'" Great Serbian
poet, statesman and Bishop
Petar
Petrovic Njegosh
argued that anyone who overthrows a tyrant meets
God's mission.
In addition to its revolutionary character, Young
Bosnia was also a real nursery of literary talents. Lit¬
erature of Young Bosnia was largely in accordance with
the ideas of the programme of the National Unity club,
especially in programme and critical texts: propagation
of the philosophy of nationalism and democratic
politi-
498
Проф. ар
Радослав
Гаћиновић
cal doctrine,
building
national
awareness, creating a
cult of the Serbian national energy, work on the crea¬
tion of the modern national Yugoslav culture based on
the belief that national culture is impossible without a
national society, and the national society is impossible
without a national state. Strengthening national con¬
sciousness, control of foreign influences, fostering the
cult of sacrifice and the spirit of chivalry, fighting opti¬
mism, spreading the cult of freedom and unity of the
people, were aspects of consistently applied ideological
orientation, which made Young Bosnia, both intellectu¬
ally, and politically, the most active and the most com¬
petitive part of the progressive Yugoslav youth before
the Second World War. The literary elite of Young Bos¬
nia represented a new wave of young talents who grew
as giants, but most of them tragically ended their lives
in the best days of their existence. Young Bosnians con¬
veyed their ideas to masses through clandestine meet¬
ings and journals: People, Education, National Unity,
Gust, Voice of Freedom, Flame, New Srbobran
.
A well known motto of youth liberation movement
Young Bosnia was: We wish to die in life or to live in
death. It is obvious from this leading question that they
did not have any fear of death, and that the philosophy
of the necessity of dying for the future and freedom was
intrinsically woven into the conscience of these brave
and proud young men. Vladimir
Gaćinović
met with
Gavrilo Princip
for the first time in Sarajevo in flat of
Bořivoje
Jevtić,
where he normally stayed. He left a
strong impression on Young Bosnians, especially on
Mehmedbašić
and
Princip.
Historians believe that he
had a decisive influence on Young Bosnians and espe¬
cially on
Princip,
and prepared his comrades immedi¬
ately for the action. So,
Bořivoje Jevtic
writes in
1920:
"Vladimir
Gaćinović
left unusual impression on
Princip
Млада
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499
who normally looked on people gibingly
.
The first
moments with
Gaćinović
turned for
Princip
to the con¬
tinuous ones. He was with
Gaćinović
even when he was
not staying with him. He was impressed by his moral
strength as well as his apostleship passing calmly through
all the suffering in the name of the goal to which it
served, not hesitating before obstacles, not fading because
of persecution".
Based on the historical facts, and the rights of the
people in Bosnia and Herzegovina to struggle for their
existence and survival, and to have their own state,
Young Bosnia was first a youth liberation organization
and later the liberation movement. Members of the
Young Bosnia were from among Serbs, Croats and
Muslims. Therefore, at that time, most of humanity
thought that the Sarajevo assassination was an act of
liberation defensive character. Political, cultural and
every other act of violence against the people of Bosnia
and Herzegovina peaked. Such an attitude of the
Austro-Hungarian Empire towards the citizens of Bos¬
nia and Herzegovina further motivated young Bosnian
and Herzegovinian revolutionaries to fight both for the
right to existence and survival, and for the right to edu¬
cation and cultural development of young people, be¬
cause at the beginning of the twentieth century, only
30
Bosnians had academic education, and after thirty years
of Austro-Hungarian administration, in
1910,
in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, there were
87
percent illiterate po¬
pulation and only five grammar schools for a little less
than two million inhabitants.
Young Bosnians are the brightest example of brav¬
ery and determination of people to fight against power
and injustice. Examples of their struggle are those tell¬
ing that nobody who is determined to fight for the ex¬
istence and survival is small, and nobody is too big to
500
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
do everything. Young Bosnians are the brightest exam¬
ple of the struggle for the freedom of oppressed peoples
and in practice they confirmed the old saying: "You can
do as you wish, but not as long as you wish".
ASSASSINATION
-
RESPONSE TO INTOLERABLE
VIOLENCE OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARIAN
EMPIRE
The most competent historians of the twentieth
century claim that the Sarajevo assassination is an act of
liberation defensive character, whose ideas were woven
on a revolutionary policy of young people, probably the
most advanced Bosnian and Herzegovinian youth of
that time. Their patriotic consciousness, as a base, and
philosophical thought, and political superstructure, the
revolutionary spirit and pride of each of them, signifi¬
cantly contributed to the formation of their attitudes
and commitment to the fight. Some authors claim that
the organization Unity or Death politically indoctri¬
nated Young Bosnia which could be easily denied based
on the historical facts.
Bogdan
Žerajić,
a member of
Young Bosnia, tried to assassinate General
Marijan
Varešanin
on
2
June
1910,
when the Unity or Death or¬
ganization did not exist. It can be argued that the idea
of assassination emerged only in suffering chests of
proud young men from Bosnia and Herzegovina who
could no longer tolerate violence of the mighty Austro-
Hungarian monarchy.
Declaration of the Serbian Government of March
1909,
accepting the act of annexation, and passivity of
the Serbs from Bosnia and Herzegovina, were harsh
blows for
Bogdan Žerajić.
At the military preparations
in Serbia he told one of the officers that "it is necessary
to liberate or die". After his arrest,
Gavrilo Princip
in
Млада
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501
his statement said that it was as early as in
1912,
at the
grave of
Žerajić,
that he vowed to avenge him. When
Princip
first visited Serbia, he took a handful of "free
Serbian country" to Bosnia, and laid it on his grave, and
before
28
June,
Princip,
together with
Danilo Ilić
and
Nedo
Cabrino
vie visited the grave of
Bogdan Žerajić
for
the last time. During the process to
Gavrilo Princip,
on
19
October
1914,
the brochure by Vladimir
Gaćinović
about
Žerajić
entitled The Death of a Hero was read as a
literature which, according to the charges, had the im¬
pact on the offence of the accused.
Vladimir
Gaćinović
worked thoroughly on the pre¬
paration and organization of the mass uprising against
the
Austro
-Hungarian Empire. According to him, a
prerequisite for performing mass uprising in Bosnia
and Herzegovina was strong and powerful Serbia in
military and economic terms, because he realized on
time that individual actions cannot defeat the
Habsburg
occupiers. Hypotheses, according to which the Sarajevo
assassination, directly or indirectly, was inspired by
secret services of Russia, France and Britain, or similar
organizations in Germany, Hungary and Austria, have
not been confirmed by historical research and their pla¬
cement obscures important historical facts in the territory
Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Austro-Hungarian
terror at the beginning of the twentieth century.
Young Bosnians did not want any country other
than their own and freedom in it, because it is the le¬
gitimate right that must always be respected and appre¬
ciated. Science does not allow for improvisation as ma¬
licious theses about the character of Young Bosnia and
condemns any attempt at domination of politics over
science. Such theses are not harmless, but they are mali¬
cious and harmful, because they distort the role of the
Serbian people in history and lead public opinion astray.
502
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Радослав
Гаћиновић
Historian Alan
J. P.
Taylor believes that the main
reason for the decision to assassinate was the decision
of the heir to the throne to solemnly parade the streets
of Sarajevo exactly on the day when the Serbs in
churches mark the anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo
in
1389,
because it would be the same as if the English
king walked the streets of Dublin on St. Patrick's Day.
Before the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, there
were several such attempts in the territory of the mon¬
archy: on
15
June
1910, Bogdan
Žerajić
shot at General
Varesanin, Head of State; on
8
April
1912,
the young
man
Luka Jukić
tried to kill Commissioner
Slávko Cu-
vaj in Zagreb; on
3
October of the same year, Ivan
Planinšćak
tried to assassinate Cuvaj; on
5
June
1913
Stjepan
Doj cic
tried to assassinate Commissioner Sker-
lec in Zagreb, and Vladimir Sefer also intended to shoot
at Skerlec on
25
May
1914.
A series of assassinations before the action of
Young Bosnia in the territory of Austria-Hungary is
evidence of unbearable life under the
Habsburg
rule.
The decision of the assassination was made by
Gavrilo
Princip
himself when he heard that Franz Ferdinand
was coming to Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the park in
front of the today's cafe
Proleće
in Belgrade he met with
Nedeljko Čabrinović
and Trifko
Grabež,
presented
them his plan for the assassination, and they enthusias¬
tically accepted it. Although the deal was as solid as a
rock, the problems remained. How to get the money to
buy weapons? Everything had to be done in the utmost
secrecy, because
Princip
was convinced that if National
Defence came to know about the action, they would be
arrested and that the action would fail. Through Dulaga
Bukovac, Princip
came in touch with former
komita
Milan
Ciganović,
good friend of
Voj
o Tankosić,
and
asked him for help.
Ciganović
enthusiastically listened
Млада Босна
503
to the idea of
Gavrilo Princip
and immediately agreed
to help. Then the conspiratorial action of preparation
and short training in shooting started. On
27
May in
the evening, the day before the departure of young peo¬
ple to Bosnia and Herzegovina, in
Zlatna Moruna
inn
at
Zeleni
venae place Milan
Ciganović
handed the assas¬
sins four guns with four spare jackets filled with am¬
munition, six hand grenades and a sum of money. On
this occasion, he gave them also the bottles with cyano¬
gen, which means that Young Bosnians decided that the
task had to be carried out at the cost of life. However,
there were few who believed that these boys would as¬
sassinate the
Austro
-Hungarian heir to the throne.
It is possible to imagine the assassination even
without
Ciganović, Tanko
sic, and without all the others
from the circle of National Defence or Unity or Death
organization, but it is impossible to imagine it without
Gavrilo Princip,
without
Nedeljko Čabrinović,
without
Danilo Ilić,
without
Đulaga Bukovac,
without
Trifko
Grabež,
without
Vladimir Gaćinović
and the comrades.
It cannot be imagined without those peasants who were
willing to put their neck on the line and who have al¬
ways done it in the fight against the Austro-Hungarian
monarchy. Definitely, there would not be an assassina¬
tion and could not it be without the support and assis¬
tance of a large number of citizens of Bosnia and Her¬
zegovina, who provided logistical support to the assas¬
sins, hiding them, helping them to transfer and store
weapons and to come alone to the place of the assassi¬
nation unnoticed. The idea for the assassination grew in
the difficult conditions, in the turbulence that shook the
already degraded living perspective of the people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina, in resolute determination of
the most advanced Bosnian and Herzegovinian youth
of that era to fight. They considered that they do not
504
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
belong to themselves, but to the people and history.
And they did everything they could, being proudly
lonely; they gave everything that a man can give. They
were brave; they were harbingers of new struggles and
drivers of new liberation activities. Shooting at the heir
to the Austro-Hungarian throne, they shot at the evil
whose holder and the representative was he himself.
And that is the meaning of their work.
Gavrilo Princip
was arrested, as well as other assas¬
sins, they were tried from
12
to
23
October
1914,
and
judgments were made on
28
October for six conspira¬
tors:
Danilo Ilić, Veljko Čubrilović,
Alitar
Kerović, Neđo
Kerović, Miško Jovanović and Jakov Milović. Danilo
Ilić, Veljko Čubrilović and Miško Jovanović
were senten¬
ced to death by hanging. Later on, Mitar
Kerović
and
Jakov Milović
were amnestied, by the imperial intervent¬
ion, to life in prison, and Nedo
Kerović
to the sentence
of rigorous imprisonment for
20
years.
Gavrilo Princip
and
Nedeljko Cabrinović,
given the fact that the Austro-
Hungarian law considered them as minors, were sen¬
tenced to the maximum penalty of
20
years in prison.
On St. Vitus Day,
28
June
1914,
hearing the news of
the Sarajevo assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdi¬
nand, the great Serbian and world writer and Nobel
Prize winner
Ivo Andrić
packed his meagre student
bags and left Krakow. Homeland-loving patriotic feel¬
ings bring back former revolutionary to his country, to
the scene of history. Immediately upon his arrival in
Split, in mid-July, the Austro-Hungarian police arrested
Ivo Andric
and took him first to
Šibenik,
then to prison
in
Maribor,
where he remained as political prisoner
until March
1915.
Within the walls of the
Maribor
prison, where he was humiliated to the maximum ex¬
tent, Andric wrote extensively, and his works
Ex Ponto
and Unrest resurrected from that notorious prison.
Млада
Босна
505
The best evaluation of the political background of
the Sarajevo assassination in
1914
was given by one of
the participants in it: "This was without any reflection,
as when water stumbles, without any system." Although
the fact that they received assistance in weapons from
the Serbian officers should not be ignored, although
Young Bosnians would surely procure weapons and
ammunition elsewhere, all the lawsuits against the
adolescents in
1914
and in
1917
revealed not a single
organization, but a powerful movement behind the as¬
sassination. In addition to the main process against the
assassinators in Sarajevo in
1914,
there were six other
students' processes. A number of
180
accused young
persons were bought to them and some of them were
tried even twice, and there were several times more
witnesses and suspects who were released before the
final judgment. The whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina
was intertwined with the network of conspiracies and
conspiracy students.
There, to this hornet's nest, arrived as ordered, a
monarch, confident and trying to irritate people of
Bosnia and Herzegovina by all means. Upon his arrival
to
Ilidža
he ordered that all flags other than Austrian be
removed in Sarajevo, specifically pointing out that in
Austria he was not aware of any other nationality ex¬
cept for the Austrian one.
St. Vitus Day assassins changed the course of his¬
tory and impressed the world. It was logical and his¬
torically justified to preserve historic signs on the banks
of the Miljacka river, but the scientific myopia of politi¬
cians from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last decade of
the twentieth century darkened the bright moments of
the history of the Slavic peoples of the early twentieth
century. Namely, at the beginning of the civil war in
Bosnia and Herzegovina Princip's footprints were re-
506
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
moved in front of the Museum of Young Bosnia which
was then located on the bank of the Miljacka river. At
the beginning of the 21st century, this historic coastline
is called the Bank of
Kulin
Ban, and at the corner of
that street and the Green Berets Street there were steps
of the legendary Slavic hero
Gavrilo Princip
cast in the
concrete. Today, there are no more
Princip
's
footprints;
there is no museum of Young Bosnia. Islamist terrorist
groups destroyed it during the civil war in Bosnia and
Herzegovina in the last decade of the twentieth century.
The plate with the inscription: "From this place, on
28
June
1914,
Princip
expressed by his shot the people's
protest against tyranny and centuries-old aspirations of
our people for freedom" was removed from the place of
assassination. The project for construction of the Mu¬
seum of Young Bosnia was realised by
Jurij Najdhart,
renowned architect, and Radenko
Mišević,
academic
painter from Belgrade.
Princip'
s
shots did announce only the Archduke's
death, but, four years later, also the destruction of the
Habsburg
Empire, including the medieval serf system
in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Dr
Rudolf Ostler was one of defenders of Sarajevo
assassins
ex officio.
Unlike the others, he actually advo¬
cated the right of assassins and legally broke the in¬
dictment, why he was faced with mob law. His defence
was very professional, and he himself an extremely
brave man. By his interpretation of legal facts he hit the
core of the indictment and proved that the charge for
treason is not valid because the annexation of Bosnia
and Herzegovina was illegal as it was not regulated in
the Austrian and the Hungarian Parliament. He proved
that the accused could not be tried for murder of the
"heir to the throne" but only for "murder" because ac¬
cording to the then
Austro
-Hungarian law, there was
Млада Босна
507
no special protection for violence against a heir to the
throne. In his defence,
Dr
Cistler made senseless also
the second claim in the indictment, citing San Stefan
peace accord, according to which Turkey agreed in
1878
on the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but
its sovereignty remained in the hands of the sultan. In
other words, if Bosnia and Herzegovina was not in the
territorial alliance with the monarchy, it could not
break away from it and "the act intending to do it could
not be the act of treason or punishable act",
Dr
Cistler
spoke before the surprised audience. For the members
of Young Bosnia in
1937,
he said:
".
idealists in the best
sense of the word. People of importance such as crys¬
tals, light like the sun. From the purest motives. For the
noblest intentions
.
national heroes."
Museum of Young Bosnia in Sarajevo was visited
by many distinguished delegations from the world and
they highly respected the life and work of the members of
Young Bosnia. In
1954,
Museum of Young Bosnia, was
visited by Mrs Eleanor Roosevelt and according to the
memory of
Nada Đurdev,
then curator, today a retired
judge, she wrote in the Guestbook, among other things,
the following: "These young people by their sacrifice
and courage indebted the whole world and the whole
world should bow to the shadow of
Gavrilo Princip."
SERBIA IS NOT RESPONSIBLE
FOR THE ASSASSINATION
In the scientific literature, the Sarajevo assassina¬
tion is considered as part of the national movement of
the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Official Serbia
did not know about the preparations for the Young
Bosnias
assassination of Franz Ferdinand. Only Milan
Ciganović,
Voj
o Tankosić,
Dragutin Dimitrijević
Apis
508
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
and Captain
Rade Popovic,
Head of Military Intelli¬
gence Service at the border of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
knew about that. Historical facts irrefutably confirm
that the Nikola
Pašić
in person, when he got to know
about the preparations for the assassination of Franz
Ferdinand, ordered
Jovan Jovanović,
Serbian envoy to
Vienna, to immediately inform the Austrian Govern¬
ment about it. Apis also changed his mind and sent his
intelligence officers to deter
Princip
of any action
against the heir to the
Austro
-Hungarian throne.
Prin¬
cip
refused it very firmly and then he doubted the sin¬
cerity of friends from Serbia.
The
Austro
-Hungarian humiliation of Serbs, their
arrogance and cynicism, then came to the fore. They
believed that Serbs make it up, because who is the one
who may attack heir to the Austrian throne. Responsi¬
bility of the Serbian officer's organisation Union or
death for the assassination exists to the extent that it
was this organization that had been plotting plans for
the Yugoslav revolution in the Austrian rear since
1912,
in case that Austria-Hungary attacked Serbia.
The Austro-Hungarian Government did not have
any evidence of Serbia's involvement in the assassina¬
tion. As soon as the news of the death of the Archduke
arrived they immediately sent
Friedrich
von
Wisner, a
senior member of the joint Ministry of Finance in Vi¬
enna, to determine the responsibility of Serbia for the
assassination. As a conscientious public servant, de¬
voted to the idea of the rule of law and truth, Wisner,
after a detailed investigation, sent to Vienna on
13
July,
a telegram with the following contents: "There is noth¬
ing to indicate responsibility of the Serbian Govern¬
ment in organizing the murder or the preparations or
the supply of weapons. There is nothing that could
make a man to suspect something like that either. On
Млада
Босна
509
the contrary, there is evidence that, apparently, may
lead to the conclusion that such a thing is beyond any
doubt." Also, the investigating judge
Leo Pfeffer, in
his
book "The investigation into the Sarajevo assassina¬
tion", wrote that it was clear to him from the very be¬
ginning that there would be no proof of responsibility
of Serbia for the assassination in Sarajevo and that the
results obtained after a thorough investigation con¬
firmed his previous conviction.
SERBIA WAS NOT GUILTY FOR THE FIRST
WORLD WAR
-
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND
GERMANY WOULD ATTACK SERBIA EVEN
IF THERE WAS NO ASSASSINATION
Since the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in
1908,
the Austro-Hungarian Empire was constantly
preparing to attack Serbia. Viennese bourgeois states¬
man and diplomat Leopold
von Berchtold
was very ag¬
gressive towards Serbia, and his first assistant, Count
János Forgách
harboured hatred and contempt against
Serbia. Evidence for this was also his insistence that all
offices of the Austrian Government should have a
maxim at a prominent place: Serbia should be destroyed
(Serbia delenda
est).
At the Vienna court, an idea had increasingly ma¬
tured, which was especially developed by military
commanders headed by General Conrad
von Hetzen¬
dorf,
Chief of General Staff, that Serbia, as a dangerous
nationalist revolutionary nest, should be destroyed.
This idea was accepted by Erental himself. In the fall
and winter of
1908/1909,
there were several suggestions
what to do with Serbia and how to split it.
The largest number of historians in the world con¬
firm the long-time ago proven theory that the Sarajevo
510
Проф.
qp
Радослав
Гаћиновић
assassination was the trigger, not the cause of the attack
on Serbia by Austria-Hungary, which many Austrian
historians and media professionals tried to challenge.
Many facts prove that the Sarajevo assassination was
the trigger, not the cause of the war. Among them is the
one that the idea of Count Alexander
Graf von
Hoyos
Freiherr zu Stichsenstein, Chief
of Cabinet of the Min¬
ister of Foreign Affairs of the monarchy, once exposed,
was immediately accepted, that the Sarajevo assassina¬
tion should serve to "construct the war with Serbia". It
was clear also to Max Weber when he said that "the one
who wishes to present
Austro-
Hungarian ultimatum to
Serbia in
1914
(and thus the Sarajevo assassination) as a
reason for this war is just
-
imbecile". Here it is neces¬
sary to add only that
Konrad von Hetzendorf,
Chief of
the Austro-Hungarian General Staff, as early as in
1907,
pointed out in a letter that the Yugoslav problem should
be solved by "one major activity, with the ultimate goal of
annexation of Serbia". This, of course, was not the single
opinion, but widely held view in Germany and Austria-
Hungary before the First World War about "solving" the
Serbian question. The U.S. President Woodrow Wilson
was one of the advocates for the theory that the main
cause of the First World War was militarism.
For the outbreak of the First World War, just as for
any other event, there are triggers and causes, which
need to be distinguished. Ever since Aristotle these have
been two different terms. Killing in Sarajevo, the work
of a nineteen-year old boy, was just the trigger for the
war. The causes were summed by German historian
Fritz Fischer, with the entire scientific school behind
him, concluding that aspiration of Germany to become
a world power, was the only and the fundamental and
the main cause of the war. The "New course" of Kaiser
Wilhelm
II in
1892,
to economically control Central
Млада
Босна
511
Europe, together with Serbia and Bulgaria, is supported
by German ruling elite, striving to become
a "hegemon
of hegemons" and through Central Europe to control
not only Europe but the whole world.
In order to prepare for military action more effec¬
tively, Austria-Hungary and Germany have conducted
most brutal propaganda against Serbia, its people and
leadership. This is just a continuation of the established
positions, before the First World War and later, that the
Balkans, and particularly Serbia, is an "inextricable tan¬
gle of conspiracy, banditry and corruption". At the
same time, Belgrade was considered "a mixture of Asi¬
atic barbarism and dressed up European megalomania".
Therefore, it was spoken without any hesitation
that Belgrade is a "killer litter" and Serbia "insignificant
and untamed state", which, in
1915,
"lit a fire in the en¬
tire globe". They did it all in order to relieve themselves
of responsibility for the war before the European public
and to transfer it to Serbia. At the same time, they
stated that in Serbia "people are bored and living in an¬
ticipation of bloodshed and murders". Even that was
not enough, they wrote that the Serbs as a people "lack
the ability, sense of art, understanding of the social,
economic and civilizational demands of the modern
age", though everyone in the world knew that the truth
is different, and that the Serbs were the true creators of
the world science, civilization and culture.
Germany and Austria intensified launching of arti¬
cles which were insulting for the Serbs, for example,
that "Serbs are also people of lower moral values". Anti-
Serbian stance, which was formed in these countries
much earlier and which erupted in the light of day at all
times of crisis, are
anti-
civilizational, deeply encroach¬
ing on the highest values of a nation whose centuries-
old existence proved the greatest cultural and
civiliza-
512
Проф.
qp
Радослав
Гаћиновић
tional achievements. Misconduct against the Serbian
people is illustrated by the following example:
Friedrich
Naumann Stiftung (1860-1919),
conceptual predecessor
of the German liberals, in his book
Bulgarien und Mit¬
teleuropa (1916)
directly says for Serbia that it "is as an
obstacle in the way of creating Central Europe, and
therefore, as an enemy fortress in the middle of the
Central European defence system, it cannot be tolerated/'
Dissatisfaction of Austria-Hungary with the Ser¬
bian victories was obvious. The most influential per¬
sonalities of the Monarchy publicly demanded an attack
on Serbia and its subjugation to the
Austro
-Hungarian
interests. The thought of preventive war was spreading
also in the political structures that claimed that Serbia
was becoming dangerous and had to be crushed before
it started to develop further, not to affect the Yugoslav
subjects of their country.
War Party in Vienna was preparing a war against
Serbia in March
1909,
when it the mobilization of Sa¬
rajevo Corps was conducted. Then,
29
military battal¬
ions and
30,000
reservists arrived to Bosnia and Herze¬
govina. By the end of March
1909,
the greater part of
the Austro-Hungarian army was under war prepara¬
tions for the attack on Serbia. On
22
July, Gottlieb
von
Jagow, German State Secretary, told the British Member
of
Parlament
that the Austria-Hungary was determined
to liquidate Serbia and that it should not be prevented
from this, although "he does not accuse the Serbian
Government of direct interference in the conspiracy that
led to the assassination of the Archduke, but he believes
that it is partly responsible for creating the situation
which made the assassination possible, because it did
not control profligate writing in part of the Serbian press".
Serbia was not attacked in
1914
under the excuse that it
was guilty of assassination.
Млада Босна
513
In early July
1914,
when it became clear that the
war between Austria-Hungary and Serbia was inevita¬
ble, it was only a matter of time when the Bosnian gov¬
ernment would arrest all the opposition Serbs as hos¬
tages. The same fate befell the Serbian representatives in
the Croatian, Hungarian and Austrian Parliaments. In
an effort to eradicate the characteristics of the Serbian
nation and culture, on the day of mobilization, the re¬
gime closed all Serbian schools in Bosnia and Herzego¬
vina and Croatia, and had previously banned the Ser¬
bian flag. By the Order of
26
July
1914,
celebrating the
patron saint was specifically abolished, and on 6th Au¬
gust, the wearing of "Serbian caps" was banned. By Act
No.
25826
of
3
October
1914,
the Croatian Government
banned the Cyrillic alphabet in elementary schools, and
ten days after the annexation, in the secondary schools
as well. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, such an order was
issued only on
11
November
1915
and it completely
excluded Cyrillic from the official use. If it came into
force just a couple of weeks ago, the accused in
Banja
Luka
"treason" process would not, therefore, get charges
written in Cyrillic
.
Not hiding the wishes and intentions of German
capitalists and their politicians, it was written in the
German public for years about the need to conquer the
necessary "living space" in the East, at the source of
wealth of other colonial states. The fertile fields of
Ukraine and the wealth of India
-
Drang
nach Osten
(penetration to the East), were public dream of Ger¬
many. To this end, they manufactured weapons, built a
fleet, and erected factories of heavy weapons and am¬
munition. The military was valued as a major part of
the German people, much more important than the
citizens, because it was the backbone of a better life.
514
Проф. др
Радослав
Гаћиновић
And it greatest ally, or it could be said the subject,
the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, by conquering the
Balkans, was supposed to reach to
Thessaloniki.
Serbia
was the main obstacle to these domineering tendencies,
and that is why the attack on it was inevitable. They
were just waiting for a favourable moment for a light¬
ning strike of elite German and Austro-Hungarian
units. Preparations for the war were completed much
earlier than
1914.
The attack on Serbia was planned in
1908,
in
1910
and
1913.
Military historian Hew Francis
Anthony Strachan, in
2001,
stated the following:
"Het¬
zendorf
first proposed preventive war against Serbia in
1906,
then he repeated it in
1908-1909,
then in
1912-
1913,
in October
1913,
and May
1914".
Between 1st
January
1913
and 1st January
1914,
he proposed the war
against Serbia twenty-five times". For these plans,
Het¬
zendorf
had the full support of Field Marshal Count
Helmuth
von Moltke, Chief
of the German General
Staff, one of the leading members of the War Party of
the German Reich. After the end of the First World
War, at the peace conference on
28
June
1919,
the
Treaty of Versailles was concluded between the winner
countries and Germany. In accordance with that
agreement, Germany had to admit that they were the
sole culprit for the First World War. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Gaćinović, Radoslav Đ. 1955- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1146239009 |
| author_facet | Gaćinović, Radoslav Đ. 1955- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Gaćinović, Radoslav Đ. 1955- |
| author_variant | r đ g rđ rđg |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041958574 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)909907101 (DE-599)BVBBV041958574 |
| era | Geschichte 1903-1914 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1903-1914 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Österreich-Ungarn (DE-588)4075613-0 gnd Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Österreich-Ungarn Serbien Bosnien-Herzegowina |
| id | DE-604.BV041958574 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-11-14T11:01:37Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788633504164 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027401445 |
| oclc_num | 909907101 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| physical | 594 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Medija Centar "Odbrana" |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga |
| series2 | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga |
| spelling | Gaćinović, Radoslav Đ. 1955- Verfasser (DE-588)1146239009 aut Mlada Bosna Radoslav Gaćinović Biblioteka Vojna knjiga Young Bosnia Beograd Medija Centar "Odbrana" 2014 594 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Vojna knjiga 1856 In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Young Bosnia Geschichte 1903-1914 gnd rswk-swf Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd rswk-swf Mlada Bosna (DE-588)4423360-7 gnd rswk-swf Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd rswk-swf Österreich-Ungarn (DE-588)4075613-0 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 gnd rswk-swf Mlada Bosna (DE-588)4423360-7 s Geschichte 1903-1914 z DE-604 Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 g Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 s Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 s Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Österreich-Ungarn (DE-588)4075613-0 g Biblioteka Vojna knjiga 1856 (DE-604)BV042527829 1856 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027401445&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027401445&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Gaćinović, Radoslav Đ. 1955- Mlada Bosna Biblioteka Vojna knjiga Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd Mlada Bosna (DE-588)4423360-7 gnd Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4054596-9 (DE-588)4423360-7 (DE-588)4171210-9 (DE-588)4075613-0 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4088119-2 |
| title | Mlada Bosna |
| title_alt | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga Young Bosnia |
| title_auth | Mlada Bosna |
| title_exact_search | Mlada Bosna |
| title_full | Mlada Bosna Radoslav Gaćinović |
| title_fullStr | Mlada Bosna Radoslav Gaćinović |
| title_full_unstemmed | Mlada Bosna Radoslav Gaćinović |
| title_short | Mlada Bosna |
| title_sort | mlada bosna |
| topic | Serben (DE-588)4054596-9 gnd Mlada Bosna (DE-588)4423360-7 gnd Nationalbewegung (DE-588)4171210-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Serben Mlada Bosna Nationalbewegung Österreich-Ungarn Serbien Bosnien-Herzegowina |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027401445&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027401445&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV042527829 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT gacinovicradoslavđ mladabosna AT gacinovicradoslavđ bibliotekavojnaknjiga AT gacinovicradoslavđ youngbosnia |