Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I: = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I
Црквена политика Византије од краја иконоборства до смрти цара Василија I
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Vizantološki Institut
2014
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Posebna izdanja / Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti
43 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I. |
| Beschreibung: | 382 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788683883189 |
Internformat
MARC
| LEADER | 00000nam a2200000 cb4500 | ||
|---|---|---|---|
| 001 | BV041929659 | ||
| 003 | DE-604 | ||
| 005 | 20151113 | ||
| 007 | t | ||
| 008 | 140624s2014 |||| 00||| srp d | ||
| 020 | |a 9788683883189 |9 978-86-83883-18-9 | ||
| 035 | |a (OCoLC)882162950 | ||
| 035 | |a (DE-599)BVBBV041929659 | ||
| 040 | |a DE-604 |b ger |e rakwb | ||
| 041 | 0 | |a srp | |
| 049 | |a DE-19 |a DE-12 | ||
| 084 | |a 6,15 |2 ssgn | ||
| 100 | 1 | |6 880-01 |a Komatina, Predrag |d 1984- |e Verfasser |0 (DE-588)1070765317 |4 aut | |
| 245 | 1 | 0 | |6 880-02 |a Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I |b = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |c Predrag Komatina |
| 246 | 1 | 1 | |a Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |
| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Vizantološki Institut |c 2014 | |
| 300 | |a 382 S. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 490 | 1 | |6 880-03 |a Posebna izdanja / Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti |v 43 | |
| 500 | |a In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I. | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 843-886 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 0 | 7 | |a Kirchenpolitik |0 (DE-588)4030745-1 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf |
| 651 | 7 | |a Byzantinisches Reich |0 (DE-588)4009256-2 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 689 | 0 | 0 | |a Byzantinisches Reich |0 (DE-588)4009256-2 |D g |
| 689 | 0 | 1 | |a Kirchenpolitik |0 (DE-588)4030745-1 |D s |
| 689 | 0 | 2 | |a Geschichte 843-886 |A z |
| 689 | 0 | |5 DE-604 | |
| 810 | 2 | |a Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti |t Posebna izdanja |v 43 |w (DE-604)BV000023465 |9 43 | |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| 880 | 1 | |6 100-01/(N |a Коматина, Предраг |a ut | |
| 880 | 1 | 0 | |6 245-02/(N |a Црквена политика Византије од краја иконоборства до смрти цара Василија I |c Предраг Коматина |
| 880 | 0 | |6 490-03/(N |a Посебна издања / Византолошки Институт Српске Академије Наука и Уметности |v 43 | |
| 940 | 1 | |f sla | |
| 940 | 1 | |n oe | |
| 999 | |a oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027373001 | ||
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 909 |e 22/bsb |f 09021 |g 398 |
| 942 | 1 | 1 | |c 200.9 |e 22/bsb |f 09021 |g 398 |
Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804152303451635712 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | CHURCH POLICY OF BYZANTIUM FROM THE END
OF ICONOCLASM TO THE DEATH OF EMPEROR BASIL I
SUMMARY
I. Orthodoxy re-enthroned (843-856)
The Iconoclast era of Byzantine history ended with the death of Emperor
Theophilus on January 20th, 842. His wife Theodora, who took power in the name
of their young son Michael III, devoted to Orthodoxy even during Theophilus’ life-
-time, immediately began preparing the ground for the restoration of the veneration
of icons. With this aim, she first held counsel with her associates in the state leader-
ship - the Logothete Theoctistus, Sergius Nicetiates and her brothers Bardas and
Petronas. At that meeting of the state leadership, the decision was made to renew
the cult of icons, and the Empress released from imprisonment and persecution all
monks, priests, bishops and lay people who had been persecuted for their veneration
of icons. Next she convened the Council in Constantinople where the icon venera-
tion would again be declared the official dogma of the church. The Council was held
in early March 843. Participants included representatives of state authorities, priests
and monks from the Constantinopolitan and provincial monasteries. The monks of
the Capital were led by Hilarion of the Dalmatou, and a major figure among provin-
cial monks was Simeon Stylite the Younger. The spiritual patron of them all was the
famous ascetic Joannicius. Only the Studites represented a particular fraction. At
the Council a valid Definition of faith was read and proclaimed, that is, the Horos
of the Seventh Ecumenical Council of Nicaea 787, which had restored the venera-
tion of icons after the first iconoclast period. The Council of 843 merely recalled the
decisions of the Iconoclast Council of 815, and restored the decisions of the Council
of 787. At the same Council the iconoclast Patriarch of Constantinople John VII the
Grammarian was ousted, and the monk Methodius, a candidate of the provincial
monks who also was in the Empress’s favor was chosen for the patriarchal throne.
After his election, the people gathered spontaneously in front of St. Sophia and, led
by the monks, conducted a procession that carried the icon of the Virgin and the
Christ Child to the Bronze gates. This was a symbolic act, since the absence of Icon
of Christ from the Gate had symbolized the supremacy of iconoclasm. This sponta-
neous procession was the forerunner of the later Procession of Orthodoxy. That day,
which was the Sunday of the first week of Lent and which fell that year on March
11th, became known as the Sunday of Orthodoxy.
Patriarch Methodius faced a difficult task in re-organizing the situation of the
church after the re-establishment of Orthodoxy. All the iconoclast bishops had been
356
UPKBEHA nOJIHTHKA BH3AHTHJE...
overthrown and replaced by orthodox ones. In addition, all the priests ordained by
iconoclast bishops after 815 had been deposed. Another problem arose with regard
to those priests who had been ordained prior to 815 and then fallen into the heresy
of iconoclasm. Methodius determined that such priests should be received back to
the church, if they would repent and anathematize heresy. However, for three years
after 843 very few such priests chose to take that step. On the other hand, the ortho-
dox priests who were ordained instead of the iconoclasts after 843 protested against
the policy, because they did not want those former iconoclasts to have the same
treatment and rights as they did. Eventually, the problem of those priests resolved
itself, as that generation passed away. The Studite monks had been opponents of
Methodius already at the Council of 843, when he had been elected patriarch, rather
than someone from their ranks. However, during the first two years after the Coun-
cil, relations between them and Methodius had been correct. After the transfer of
the relics of Theodore the Studite, in January 845, they began to openly attack
Methodius and to insult the memory of Patriarchs Tarasius and Nicephorus, whose
great opponent was their abbot and teacher Theodore the Studite. Thus began the
Studite schisine. The Patriarch asked for the support of the authority of St. Joan-
nicius and the imperial power, and he subsequently vanquished the leaders of the
Studites Naucratius and Athanasius, by condemning them to imprisonment in the
second half of 846. Next, the Patriarch crushed the Studite movement canonically,
composing, to mark the fourth anniversary of the re-establishment of the cult of the
icons, at the end of February 847, the famous Synodicon of Orthodoxy, by which
the Church condemned not only all former heresies, but all that had been written
and said against the saint Patriarchs Tarasius and , a provision aimed
directly against the Studites. During the entire time of the pontificate of Methodius,
the imperial government did not interfere in church affairs and consented to the
decisions of the Patriarch.
Patriarch Methodius was succeeded in July 847 by the Patriarch Ignatius.
He was the son of the former orthodox Emperor Michael I, and he had long been a
monk, but was not prominent in the events surrounding the re-establishment of the
Icon veneration and the struggles during the pontificate of Methodius. He was later
accused by opponents of having become patriarch only by the will of the empress
and of not being canonically elected by the clergy. The real causes and circum-
stances of his election are uncertain, except that at the beginning of his service he
provided a written pledge that he would never take part in any conspiracy against
the imperial power. The Studite question faded during his pontificate. As Patri-
arch Ignatius, he maintained very good relations with the Studites. At that time
the first steps were made towards revising history and deleting any indication of
Studite guilt for the schism during the time of Patriarch Methodius. A new Life of
St. Joannicius was written without the anti-Studite position of the first version, and
changes made to the anti-Studite provisions of the Synodicon of Orthodoxy, in order
CHURCH POLICY OF BYZANTIUM FROM THE END OF ICONOCLASM ...
357
to provide them with a general anti-iconoclastic character. The Studite question was
soon overshadowed by a new schism, which occurred at the very beginning of Ig-
natiius’ pontificate. It was the schism of Gregory Asbestas, Archbishop of Syracuse.
Throughout the time of Ignatius’ pontificate between 847 and 858, Gregory worked
openly against the patriarch, accusing him of betraying the memory of Patriarch
Methodius and his policies. Gregory attracted to his side many notable and influen-
tial figures, including Photius, a learned teacher at the School of Magnaura, and his
family. Both sides in the dispute brought the case of Gregory Asbestas before the
Pope, and thus the Roman Church interfered in the internal affairs of the Patriarch-
ate of Constantinople.
The first years after the turning point of 843 marked the beginning of a new
spiritual vitality in the Byzantine Empire. The generation of monks who had borne
the burden of opposition and struggle against the iconoclasts of the second Icono-
clast era vanished in coming years. A number of hagiographies and other liturgical
writings were written to honor them. However, the monks would not represent the
strength of the new era. Instead, it was the intellectuals with a rich secular educa-
tion, along with the holders of temporal power, who would plan and implement
the Church policy of the Empire in the coming years. They were educated at the
renewed School of Magnaura, initiated by the Empress’s brother Bardas, and led, in
the intellectual sense, by a former iconoclast Leo the Mathematician. That school
in the mid-ninth century gathered and educated men such as Leo the Mathemati-
cian, Photius, Constantine the Philosopher, Nicetas of Byzantium and whose work
we have to thank for the emergence of such pieces as the Library of Photius. In the
middle of the ninth century, besides the renewal of old monastic centers, new ones
were formed. The most famous is certainly Mount Athos, which was first men-
tioned as an important monastic center in 859.
II. The expansion of the Byzantine Church (856-867)
Empress Theodora, who for almost a decade and a half ruled both the state
and the church, was overthrown in early 856 after the murder of her closest associ-
ate, the Logothete of the Drome Theoctistus. The young Emperor Michael III took
over the factual government, and he would rule for the next decade with the help
of his uncle Bardas. The change in state leadership did not initially affect religious
matters, and Patriarch Ignatius had a good relationship with the new rulers. How-
ever, he soon came into conflict with Bardas. Disapproving of Bardas’ shameful
relationship with his daughter-in-law, the Patriarch withheld communion and sen-
tenced him to excommunication. Bardas then joined Ignatius’ opponents gathered
around Gregory Asbestas. However, the Patriarch’s position was not threatened un-
til he came into direct conflict with the Emperor himself. This occurred when he
358
qPKBEHA nOJIHTHKA BH3AHTHJE...
refused to tonsure the emperor’s mother, Theodora, and the Emperor’s sisters. He
was then banished from Constantinople to the Prince’s Islands in the Sea of Mar-
mara. Since he didn’t yield to the pressure to resign, a council was convened on 23
November 858, at which he was deposed on charges that he came to the patriarchal
throne uncanonically, without election. A month later, on 25 December, Photius was
appointed in his place, a layman who passed all the six required ranks of hierarchy
in just six days, and was ordained a Patriarch by Gregory Asbestas. Contrary to the
later accusations of his opponents, Photius didn’t desire that position, but he was
forced to accept it by the Emperor and Bardas. In February 859 the first council
was held in the Church of the Holy Apostles, where Ignatius was condemned and
anathematized. The emperor and Photius then sent a mission to Rome, to Pope
Nicholas I, notifying him of the changes in Constantinople and urging him to send
his legates to the council that was planned to address the case of Ignatius. The Pope
learned that Ignatius had been uncanonically overthrown and that Photius, a lay-
man, had been appointed, and he sent his legates, bishops Zacharias and Radoald
to investigate the case, but not to participate in the decision-making. In the spring
of 861, in the presence of the papal legates, the second council in the church of the
Holy Apostles was held (the First-Second Ignatius’ attitude towards the
Roman envoys was arrogant and full of disregard, which created a problem for him,
as they began to speak out against him, rather than to represent the attitude of the
Pope, that had been favorable to him. For these reasons, at this council Ignatius
was again convicted and anathematized, and the legates of the Roman high priest
confirmed the verdict. Realizing his mistake and that the Pope had in fact been on
his side, Ignatius changed his policy and petitioned the Pope for help, sending the
monk Theognostus to Rome. At the Council of Rome in 863 the Pope condemned
the actions of his legates in 861, declared Photius deposed and Ignatius restored to
the patriarchal throne of Constantinople. Relationships between Constantinople and
Rome fell to their lowest point.
During this time the Byzantine church achieved remarkable successes in for-
eign policy. Near the end of 857 or early 858, Constantine the Philosopher traveled
to the Caliph’s palace in Samarra, where he participated in a theological debate with
Muslim theologians. His mission was a consequence of a substantial theological
dispute between the Christian and Muslim empires that arose when the Caliph had
sent the emperor a letter full of challenges to the Christian faith. At the emperor’s
command, the leading theologian of Constantinople of the time, Nicetas of Byzan-
tium, compiled several theological treatises in which he rejected the claims of the
Muslim epistles and the entire teachings of Islam. The arguments that Nicetas had
made in his writings, Constantine the Philosopher presented in direct discussion
with Muslim theologians in Samarra.
The mission to Samarra was the first major endeavor of Constantine the Phi-
losopher and although new challenges soon emerged for him,, the foreign policy
CHURCH POLICY OF BYZANTIUM FROM THE END OF ICONOCLASM ...
359
of the Byzantine church of that time was conducted regardless of his activity. The
Scandinavian Varangians - Russians attacked Constantinople in the year 860. The
attack was unsuccessful, but it had a great impact on further relations with the
Russians. In fact, shortly after the attack, Russian envoys appeared in Constanti-
nople and asked that their people be baptized. The ruling circles of Constantinople
immediately sent missionaries to the land of the Russians north of the Black Sea,
who started to convert that nation. Basic Christian liturgical writings ֊ Psalms and
the Gospel were soon translated into the Russian language and alphabet, the well-
known Scandinavian runes. By the end of the first pontificate of Photius in 867, the
process of Christianization of the Russians was well under way, although the church
organizations had not yet been established.
At this time the second major mission of Constantine the Philosopher also
occurred. Shortly after the Russian attack and the arrival of the Russian envoys,
envoys of the Khazars appeared in Constantinople, asking in the name of their
Khagan that the emperor send men to their court to argue with Jewish and Muslim
scholars who had already presented themselves among the Khazars. On the way to
the Khazar court in the steppes between the Black and Caspian Sea, Constantine
stopped in Kherson in the Crimea, where he learned the Jewish and the Samaritan
language. There he encountered the activity of the Byzantine mission among the
Russians, along with the translation of the Psalms and the Gospel in Russian. His
path to Khazaria then took him from Kherson through the Cimmerian Bosporus.
After a successful debate at the Khazar court, Constantine succeeded in converting
many Khazars to Christianity, a good number of whom had already belonged to the
faith of Moses. During the mission he was in communication with the archbishop of
Bosporus, who wrote about it in Constantinople. The reply of the Patriarch Photius
to a letter of the Archbishop of Bosphorus on this topic is the only, albeit indirect,
testimony in contemporary Byzantine sources of the activity of Constantine the
Philosopher in general.
The seventh decade of the ninth century was a time of a great deal of Byzan-
tine activity, primarily that of Photius,, directed towards the Armenians, so that
they be brought to the Orthodox form of Christianity and leave what the Byzantines
viewed as their Monophysite heresy, in which they had persisted for centuries. The
most accurate testimony on that activity is to be found in the extensive correspon-
dence between the Patriarch Photius and Nicetas of Byzantium, on behalf of the
Byzantine emperor, on the one side, and the Armenian government and church
leaders - Prince Ashot Bagratuni and Catholicos Zachariah, on the other. This cor-
respondence belongs to the time when Photius occupied the patriarchal position for
the first time, between 858 and 867, more precisely, to the time between 862 and
867. However, Byzantine activity in the field of spiritual conversion of the Arme-
nians began earlier, before the middle of the year 861, when Photius wrote about it
for the first time in a letter to Pope Nicholas I, inspired by the great success of the
360
fiPKBEHA nOJIHTHKA BH3AHTHJE...
Byzantine army led by the emperor’s uncle Petronas, on the eastern border. In those
circumstances the Armenian province of Taron came under stronger Byzantine in-
fluence and it was the Taronites who, of the Armenians, most readily embraced Or-
thodoxy. Byzantine efforts did not stop there - they aimed at converting the whole
of Armenia. At the Council of Širakavan in 862, canons were adopted by which
the Armenians fully accepted the orthodox view of Christ’s nature formulated in
Chalcedón in 451. However, the canons of Širakavan remained little more than a
“dead letter”, because no one in Armenia intended to truly and earnestly accept and
implement them. The struggle continued through the aforementioned correspon-
dence between the Byzantine and Armenian churches and state authorities, with
the participation of leading theological experts from both sides, such as Nicetas
of Byzantium and Master Sahak. Finally, beyond the conversion of the Taronites,
Byzantine efforts did not achieve greater success among the Armenians.
The last and most famous mission of Constantine the Philosopher was in
Great Moravia. In 863 the Moravian Prince Rastislav, trapped between the Franks
and Bulgarians, addressed Emperor Michael III asking him to send teachers for
his already baptized people in the native Slavic language. Constantine was more
than suited for that task. As a native of Thessalonica, he had perfect knowledge of
the Slavic language. Before he set off for Central Europe, he compiled the Slavic
alphabet and began to translate liturgical books into the Slavic language. He and his
brother Methodius stayed in Moravia for a little more than three and a half years,
until the end of 866 or early 867. During that time he developed a Slavic liturgy, but
also helped the Moravians develop their state, creating for them the oldest Slavic
juridical monument -the Law for the Judgment of people, based on the Byzan-
tine Ecloga. In addition to the Moravian Prince Rastislav, Constantine’s activity
was supported by the Prince of the Pannonian Slavs Kocelj. However, his activity
caused resentment among the Frankish and Latin bishops who openly attacked the
Slavic liturgy, basing their views on the ideology of Trilinguism - that the liturgy
was allowed only in three languages, Hebrew, Greek and Latin - which was revived
in the West exactly at that time, as a consequence of the open attacks of the Byzan-
tine Emperor Michael III against the Latin language, expressed in a letter from the
emperor to the pope between 862 and 865. Returning from Moravia, Constantine
and Methodius, via Venice, went to Rome, where they were warmly received by the
new Pope Hadrian II, who allowed and blessed the use of the Slavic language in
liturgy. It was there that Constantine the Philosopher ended his life, in 869.
During Constantine’s stay in Moravia, the Byzantine authorities organized
and conducted the mission of the Christianization of the Bulgarians. Bulgarian
Prince Boris wished to be baptized in 864 and wrote about it to the East Frankish
King Louis the German, his ally in the fight against Rastislav of Moravia. At the
height of the conflict with the Church of Rome, Byzantium could not allow a single
nation at the doorstep of Constantinople to be converted to Christianity thanks to
CHURCH POLICY OF BYZANTIUM FROM THE END OF ICONOCLASM ...
361
Rome and to come under the pope’s influence. After its great victory over the Mus-
lims in 863, the Empire possessed sufficient military force to pressure the Bulgarian
prince. Unable to confront them militarily, Prince Boris was forced to ask for the
baptism from the Byzantines. He was baptized and named after his godfather, the
Byzantine Emperor Michael, Byzantine missionaries came to his country and be-
gan to teach the people. He himself had the best teacher of religious education - the
Patriarch Photius, who sent him a famous epistle in which he explained the basics
of the Christian faith, as well as the task of a Christian ruler.
With its missionaries in Bulgaria, among the Russians, the Khazars, in Great
Moravia, and with the Muslims defeated and the Armenians compelled to at least
partially and temporarily abandon their heresy, Byzantine church policy was in
864-866 at the height of its power. However, much of it soon went downhill. Bul-
garia was the first to slip from the hand of Byzantine church politics, when Prince
Boris addressed the pope, in response to the revolt of the boyars who sought the
restoration of the pagan religion. Pope Nicholas I sent his missionaries to Bulgaria
in November 866 and with them one hundred six answers to the questions of Boris.
When they arrived in Bulgaria, Boris drove all the Byzantine missionaries out of
the country, and the Roman missionaries continued their work among the Bulgar-
ians. Provoked by this, Photius deepened his conflict with Rome and the pope. In
the summer of 867 he held a council, designed as an ecumenical one, in which Ro-
man interference in Byzantine affairs in Bulgaria was convicted, but also, for the
first time, certain aspects of the rites of the Roman church were labeled as heretical.
The addition of the filioque in the Creed, which was used sporadically in the West,
was taken as an unforgivable heresy of the entire Roman Church. Finally, the Pope
himself was anathematized and declared overthrown. These decisions were sent to
the Frankish emperor Louis II, who was then in conflict with the pope himself, in
order that he conquer Rome and expel the pope. Photius then tasked himself and
his church with regaining Bulgaria. This, however, he was not able to accomplish,
because he soon fell victim to new political realities.
III. The Emperor’s Church (867-886)
Substantial changes at the top of state government in Constantinople deci-
sively influenced the church’s policy, at least in terms of internal policy. Emperor
Michael III fell under the influence of the capable Basil the Macedonian. During
the invasion of Crete in April 866 the two eliminated the emperor’s uncle, Bardas,
and upon the return to Constantinople, Michael crowned Basil emperor and his
co-ruler. While Michael was alive, Basil was unquestionably to follow his policy
on church plans. However, on the night of 23/24 September 867, Basil murdered
his benefactor and took over the supreme authority. This immediately affected the
362
UPKBEHA nOJlHTHKA BH3AHTHJE...
church. Patriarch Photius condemned Basil’s act and, calling him a thief and a mur-
derer, refused to give him communion. In this, he repeated what Ignatius had done
to Bardas, and shared his fate. The emperor swiftly deposed Photius and sent him
under guard to the monastery Skepis. Ignatius was brought back to Constantinople,
but was not restored to his throne until two months later, on 23 November 867,
on the ninth anniversary of his deposition. In the meantime, the emperor and the
most distinguished state dignitaries met to decide what to do about the issue of the
leader of the church. The restoration of Ignatius was the only logical choice in the
circumstances of the emperor’s conflict with Photius, but it was not an act that had
been planned for. Renewal of friendship with the Roman Church was not the reason
for Basil’s act, nor did he need an alliance with the western emperor more urgently
than the western emperor needed the help of the Byzantine fleet in the fight against
the Arabs in southern Italy. The emperor addressed the Pope at the beginning of
868 only to report the changes within the Church of Constantinople. It was only
at the instigation of Patriarch Ignatius, who wanted Photius to be canonically, by
the church, and not only by the emperor, punished for his transgressions, that the
emperor approached the Pope with a desire that he send his deputies to a council
which would debate the issue of Photius. With the same intention the emperor also
approached the Eastern patriarchs. The council was held in Constantinople between
October 869 and February 870, in the presence of Roman and Eastern legates. It
was presided over either by the emperor, or by some of his dignitaries, who regu-
larly attended each session of the council. The Emperor did not want the council to
simply adopt the conclusions of earlier councils of Roman and Eastern churches on
the condemnation of Photius, but insisted that Photius be brought before the coun-
cil, have his case fully investigated and be given a fair trial. Nevertheless, Photius
was condemned by the council. There, Theodor Crithinus, the last of the icono-
clasts, was also convicted. Thus, yet another goal of Byzantine church policy of the
mid-ninth century was achieved - the decisions of the Council of 843 received the
Ecumenical approval that they lacked.
At the very end of the council, the envoys of the Bulgarian Prince Boris ap-
peared in Constantinople. His relations with the Roman Church had quickly dete-
riorated, as early as the end of 867, when the pope refused to appoint his chosen
candidate among the Roman missionaries as Archbishop of Bulgaria. Byzantine
diplomacy took advantage of these circumstances and urged the Bulgarian prince to
send envoys to Constantinople, so that they could present before the Byzantine, Ro-
man and Eastern legates the question of whether Bulgaria by right should belong to
the Church of Rome or to the Church of Constantinople. In the discussion that took
place according to the emperor’s arrangement, the eastern legates were placed in the
role of judges in the dispute between the Roman and Constantinopolitan churches.
They ruled in favor of Constantinople. Subsequently, the Bulgarian prince banished
from his country the remaining Roman missionaries and allowed the return of the
CHURCH POLICY OF BYZANTIUM FROM THE END OF ICONOCLASM ...
363
Byzantine clergy. They immediately proceeded with the organization of the church
in Bulgaria. The Church in Bulgaria did not receive on that occasion autocephaly or
autonomy, but became an integral part of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, and its
territory was organized into a number of metropolitanates. All of them, however,
constituted one diocese, and a metropolitan of the main metropolitanate was the
exarch of the Diocese of Bulgaria, in the way that the Metropolitan of Caesarea
in Cappadocia was the exarch of the Diocese of Pontus, and the Metropolitan of
Ephesus was exarch of the Dioceses of Asia. Pope Hadrian II did not approve this
development, but both he and his successor, John VIII, initiated tremendous efforts
and rich diplomatic strategies, lasting a decade, in order to persuade the Bulgarian
prince to come back under the leadership of the Roman Church.
Between Bulgaria and Rome lay the areas of the South Slav peoples, Serbs
and Croats, who had been since the seventh century in contact with the Empire and
both Church canters. The emperor and writer of the tenth century, Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitus attributed to his grandfather, Emperor Basil I, a decisive role in
the conversion of the Serbs and Croats. However, a detailed examination of the data
and the circumstances of the time leads to the conclusion that the Serbs and Croats
had already been baptized before the beginning of the reign of Basil I, and that
Christianity had already begun to spread even among the Neretljans {Pagans). This
indicates that Basil I did not organize a mission of Christianization of the Serbs and
Croats. Information about that in the writings of Porphyrogenitus came from the
work of his father, Emperor Leo VI, the well-known Tactica. There were also data
that Emperor Basil baptized some Slavs. However, these data do not relate to the
Serbs and Croats, but to the Slavs in Greece, that is, in the Peloponnese.
Continuing the policy of the external ecclesiastical and cultural expansion
of his predecessors, Emperor Basil devoted special attention to the arrangement of
religious affairs within the Empire, that is, he dealt with the issue of the remaining
non-Christian and heretical communities, in order to eradicate them and convert
them to Christianity. He took steps to convert the remaining Slavic pagans in the
Peloponnese, and the last of the Greek pagans in the Peloponnesian Peninsula of
Maine. His most radical move in this regard was a large scale forcible conversion
of the Jews, carried out in 873/874, which, because of the method in which it was
implemented, caused uproar even within the Byzantine Church. Finally, Basil in-
flicted a decisive defeat to the members and followers of the Paulician heresy, who,
organized within their small theocratic “republic “, had for two centuries caused
troubles in the Byzantine-Arabian border region to the east. Basil’s war effort
initially took their last leader Chrysocheir in 872, and then in 878 their strongest
foothold Tefrica fell. After that, many of them converted to Christian orthodoxy,
although they were not completely destroyed either as a movement or as heresy,
and in the following centuries they would spread the seeds of their heresy up to the
shores of the Atlantic.
364
JJJPKBEHA nOJIHTHKA BH3AHTHJE...
The consequence of the great successes of Byzantine ecclesiastical politics of
the sixties and seventies of the ninth century was the expansion of the jurisdictional
area of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, since the areas in which the Byzantine
church developed successfully were simply included within the Patriarchate of
Constantinople. That was the case with Bulgaria in 870. A developed church orga-
nization under the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople was established
within the territory of the Khazars, after the success of the mission of Constantine
the Philosopher. At the end of his first pontificate in 867, Photius intended to send
the bishop the Russians as well, and that was accomplished by Emperor Basil I and
Patriarch Ignatius in the seventies. At that time, for the first and the only time in
history, the Church of Cyprus, an autocephalous church since 431, also became part
of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. That was made possible when Cyprus came
under direct political rule of the Empire during the reign of Basil I, after two centu-
ries of prevailing Arabian influence. Finally, Basil attacked the right of the Roman
Church in the territory hitherto incontestably Roman. Using his political power, he
attempted to draw Dalmatia and Croatia to the Patriarchate of Constantinople. But,
in this field Basil’s ecclesiastical policy did not provide lasting results. Christianity
also soon gave way among the Khazars and the Russians, and with it the church or-
ganization disappeared. Cyprus soon came again under Arabian rule, and the local
church regained its autocephaly. Croatia and Dalmatia confirmed their allegiance
to the Pope in 879.
The conflict of Basil and Photius in 867 had been primarily personal. Conse-
quently, it eventually faded and the relationship between them gradually changed.
For the active church policy which he pursued, Basil could not deprive himself of
Photius’ great ability. Already at the council of 869/870, the emperor had wanted
to ensure a fair trial for the former Patriarch. Photius still had plenty of supporters
among the influential people who surrounded the emperor. It is possible that one of
them was his brother Tarasius, and that he was the patricius and antypatos Tarasius,
who was present at several sessions of that council. At the height of imperial action
against the Paulicians in 871-873, Photius returned to politics, publishing a new
version of his earlier treatise against the Paulician heresy. At that time, he compiled
a Laudatory Poem in Honor of Basil I, in order to approach the emperor and return
to his favor. Soon after, a complete reconciliation between him and the Emperor
occurred. Photius returned to Constantinople, and the Emperor entrusted him with
the upbringing and education of his sons. After that Photius reconciled also with
old Ignatius. When Ignatius died on 23 October 877, Photius re-occupied the pa-
triarchal throne without obstacle. The emperor and he then addressed the pope to
send new deputies to Constantinople, in order to organize a new council, at which
Photius would be officially recognized by all the churches, and the decisions of the
Council of 869 /870 against him withdrawn. The pope posed a set of conditions un-
der which he would be willing to do this, the most important of which was that the
CHURCH POLICY OF BYZANTIUM FROM THE END OF ICONOCLASM ...
365
Byzantine priests and bishops withdraw from Bulgaria and that Photius relinquish
all his rights to that country. The council lasted from November 879 to March 880.
The main role now belonged to Photius. Emperor Basil was overcome with grief
over the loss of his eldest son and heir, Constantine, in early September 879, and did
not take as active a part in the council as he had a decade earlier. Photius achieved
the recognition of the Roman and Eastern churches as the lawful patriarch. As for
Bulgaria, he accepted the conditions of the pope and relinquished his right to conse-
crate bishops in Bulgaria. However, the council did not decide that Bulgaria belong
to the Church of Rome, but stressed that the issue of determining jurisdictions fell
within the exclusive competency of the emperors.
After the council of 879/880, Photius was again at the height of his power. The
emperor was no longer capable of pursuing the policies he had led up to that time, and
he increasingly relied upon the patriarch, even in public and civic affairs. It could be
said that in the last years of the reign of Basil I, the impact of the Patriarch Photius
on state policy was greater than the impact of the emperor on church policy. Photius’
influence is undeniable in the emperor’s great enterprise of the purification of the old
law, and it was particularly reflected in the Nomocanon of Photius and in the ideology
of the symphony of imperial and patriarchal authority, expressed in the Epanagoge.
This symphony of the emperor and the patriarch was reflected also in the field of
foreign policy, when with joined forces they accused the Roman Church of canonical
trespasses regarding the election and enthronement of Pope Marin I in 882.
Although during those tumultuous events in Constantinople and the Byzantine
church, Methodius of Thessalonica, the brother of Constantine the Philosopher, had
been a bit forgotten and neglected, he was the last performer of the Byzantine mission
among the Slavs of Central Europe. After Constantine’s death in 869, Pope Hadrian
II appointed him Archbishop of Pannónia and sent him to the Slavic prince of Pannó-
nia Kocelj. After Kocelj’s death in about 875, Methodius transferred the center of his
activities further north, to Moravia, where Prince Svetopluk ruled at that time. In that
capacity, Methodius continued the work his brother had started in the previous decade
- the teaching of Slavic priests, translating liturgical books into Slavic and further
developing Slavic literacy. His efforts would develop into the Slavonic church. In
882,after all the troubles faded away, Methodius was remembered in Constantinople
and the Emperor and the Patriarch invited him to visit, which he did. He died upon his
return to Moravia in 885, and soon after his pupils were expelled from the area by the
Frankish clergy and the new Pope Stephen V, who was a fierce opponent of the Slavic
liturgy. They fled to Bulgaria, where their Slavic literacy and liturgy was to find the
most suitable ground for further development.
After the council of 879/880, although the Patriarch of Constantinople had
relinquished his right to ordain bishops in Bulgaria, the country did not return to the
jurisdiction of the Roman Church. At the council, the bishops concluded that the de-
cision on that matter belonged exclusively to the emperor. Apparently, the emperor
366
LJPKBEHA nOJIHTHKA BH3AHTHJE ...
did not want to make a decision in favor of Rome. The decision he made was the
best possible for the Empire and the Byzantine church under those circumstances.
The Bulgarian Church gained autocephaly (independence) in relation to the Patri-
archate of Constantinople and received the same status as the Church of Cyprus
had enjoyed since 431. Its bishops were given the right to elect their own head ֊ the
Archbishop. Continuity to its previous position was secured in all else — the already
ordained Byzantine bishops remained in the country and with them the immediate
spiritual influence of Constantinople. The liturgy was still held in Greek, but in 893
it was replaced by the Slavic language, which was brought by Methodius’ disciples
from Moravia, although that did not change the essence of the service of God and
of the Church in Bulgaria. It remained fully Byzantine.
Emperor Basil I died on 29 August 886. His successor, Leo VI, shortly after-
wards overthrew Photius from the patriarchal throne and raised his younger brother
Stephen to that position. Although there was not much left of the impressive foreign
policy successes of the past three decades — Great Moravia, the Russians and the
Khazars, Croatia and Dalmatia all left the Byzantine ecclesiastical sphere, while the
laws about the conversion of Jews were revoked, yet the results of the church policy
of that period were visible. The Empire was religiously homogeneous within its
borders, and Bulgaria, the most dangerous foreign competitor, was under its strong
spiritual influence. No less important was the fact that the Church of Constanti-
nople now acted completely independently of the Roman and Eastern Patriarchates.
САДРЖА1
СПИСАК СКРАЪЕНИЦА............................................. 9
ПРЕДГОВОР........................................................... 22
I. ПОНОВО УСТОЛИЧЕНО ПРАВОСЛАВЛ Е (843-856) ........................ 27
Увод ............................................................... 27
Kpaj иконоборства ................................................. 29
Царица Теодора и н»ени сарадници .............................. 30
Сабор из 843.................................................. 38
Литща православна.............................................. 50
Изазови Методщевог патрщархата...................................... 54
Свргаваьье клира.......................................... 54
Студитски раскол............................................... 62
Патри)арх Ипьатще измену сукоблъених фракцща ....................... 80
Избор Игшшца за патри)арха ............................... 80
Ипьатизева политика према бившим иконоборцима и Студитима .... 85
Раскол Григоре а Азвесте.................................. 88
Патриарх Ипьатще и Рим ........................................ 91
Преврат у Цариграду....................................... 93
Духовна средина православног Цариграда......................... 94
Нова генерацща учених монаха............................ 94
Магнаварска школа ........................................ 97
Почеци Свете Горе Атонске ................................. 101 II.
II. ЕКСПАНЗША ВИЗАНТШСКЕ ЦРКВЕ (856-867)...................... 103
Фошщев раскол................................................. 103
Игн ати)ев пад и устоличеше Фотща......................... 103
Интервенщца Рима ........................................ 116
Сабор у Цркви Светих Апостола 861......................... 120
Последние сабора из 861................................. 127
Константин Философ на калифовом двору........................... 134
ІеванІ)е.іье иза Госшо/ъубиве Пучине: хазарска мисща и
йрво кршійеѣе Руса......................................... 144
Руси под Цариградом........................................ 145
Почетак хазарске миси]е Константина Философа............... 148
Руска слова Константина Философа и византийка миси)а код Руса ... 151
Константин Философ на двору хазарског кагана............... 157
Фотще и Іермени: Прошив jepecu шеойасхиша....................... 164
Хронологи)а византи)ско-)ерменске преписке у време Фотща и Ашота I 165
Византи)ски во]ни продор у делове JepMeHnje и сабор у Ширакавану . 171
Византи)ско-)ерменска полемика након сабора у Ширакавану... 177
Великоморавска миси)а Константина и Методи)а ................... 183
Припремаше миси)е.......................................... 186
Солунска 6pafra у Моравско]................................ 191
Покрштаваше Бу гара ............................................ 196
Околности и време покрштаваша Бугара ...................... 197
Византийска мисща у ByrapcKoj ............................. 203
Фотще на врхунцу и іьегов пад................................... 212
Смрт кесара Варде.......................................... 212
Преокрет у ByrapcKoj.......................................... 213
Римска миси)а у ByrapcKoj..................................... 218
Фотщев одговор: Окружна йосланица и сабор из 867. ......... 220
IIL ЦАРЕВА ЦРКВА (867-886)......................................... 225
Фошщев раскол и сабор из 869/870................................ 225
Свргаваше Фотща и Игшатщев повратак....................... 225
Обнавшаше веза с Римом ....................................... 229
Сабор из 869/870.............................................. 232
Бугарско црквено йишаьье .......................................... 236
Питаше Бугарске на сабору 869/870............................. 237
Организаци)а цркве у ByrapcKoj после 870..................... 241
Папска дипломатка у борби за повратак утица)а у Бугарско).. 252
Питанье улоге Василща I у покрштавашу Срба и Хрвата............. 261
Вести Константина Порфирогенита о покрштаваньу Срба и Хрвата . . . 261
Питаше византийке власти над далматинским градовима, Србима
и Хрватима у IX веку..................................... 266
Подаци о хришйанству код Срба и Хрвата пре времена Василка I.... 272
Порекло Порфирогенитових вести о покрштавашу Срба и Хрвата
у време Васили)а I ...................................... 283
Унутраїшьа хомогенизащф .......................................... 285
Покрштаваше Словена у Грчко) и на Пелопонезу ............. 286
Последней Jenunu - Маиіьани на Пелопонезу.................... 290
Покрштаваїье Jespeja......................................... 293
Борба против павлик^анске jepecH............................. 299
Ширен е ]урисдикционог нодруч]а Цариградске патрщаршще ........... 303
Мишройолщ а Гоіиц/е и организаци]а цркве ме!)у Хазарима... 303
Руски архиейиской ........................................... 312
Црквена „анекслуа“ Кипра..................................... 314
Покута] потчиїьаваїьа Далмаціє и Хрватске Цариградско»)
патри]арши]и............................................ 318
Фотщев повратак и сабор из 879/880................................ 320
Фоти)ев повратак у Цариград и цареву милост ................. 320
Сабор из 879/880............................................. 323
Решеше Бугарског йишагьа..................................... 325
Патрщарх и цар.................................................... 328
Ooraje и законодавство Васшпца I ............................ 328
Рим у немилости цара и патріарха............................. 331
Делатност Св. Методща и ра!)ан е словенске цркве ................. 334
Методике као apxnjepej Панон^е............................... 334
Методще у Моравско] ......................................... 338
Методиева посета Цариграду и іьегова смрт.................... 341
Аутокефална Бугарска црква........................................ 344
Постанак бугарске аутокефалности............................. 344
Организацща аутокефалне Бугарске цркве ...................... 348
Резултати византщске црквене политике 886. године................. 352
SUMMARY........................................................... 355
РЕГИСТАР.......................................................... 367
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Komatina, Predrag 1984- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1070765317 |
| author_facet | Komatina, Predrag 1984- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Komatina, Predrag 1984- |
| author_variant | p k pk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041929659 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)882162950 (DE-599)BVBBV041929659 |
| era | Geschichte 843-886 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 843-886 |
| format | Book |
| fullrecord | <?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><collection xmlns="http://www.loc.gov/MARC21/slim"><record><leader>02868nam a2200505 cb4500</leader><controlfield tag="001">BV041929659</controlfield><controlfield tag="003">DE-604</controlfield><controlfield tag="005">20151113 </controlfield><controlfield tag="007">t</controlfield><controlfield tag="008">140624s2014 |||| 00||| srp d</controlfield><datafield tag="020" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">9788683883189</subfield><subfield code="9">978-86-83883-18-9</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(OCoLC)882162950</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="035" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">(DE-599)BVBBV041929659</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="040" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-604</subfield><subfield code="b">ger</subfield><subfield code="e">rakwb</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="041" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">srp</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="049" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">DE-19</subfield><subfield code="a">DE-12</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="084" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">6,15</subfield><subfield code="2">ssgn</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="100" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="6">880-01</subfield><subfield code="a">Komatina, Predrag</subfield><subfield code="d">1984-</subfield><subfield code="e">Verfasser</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)1070765317</subfield><subfield code="4">aut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="245" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="6">880-02</subfield><subfield code="a">Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I</subfield><subfield code="b">= Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I</subfield><subfield code="c">Predrag Komatina</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="246" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="264" ind1=" " ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Beograd</subfield><subfield code="b">Vizantološki Institut</subfield><subfield code="c">2014</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="300" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">382 S.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="336" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">txt</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacontent</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="337" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">n</subfield><subfield code="2">rdamedia</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="338" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="b">nc</subfield><subfield code="2">rdacarrier</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="490" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="6">880-03</subfield><subfield code="a">Posebna izdanja / Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti</subfield><subfield code="v">43</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="500" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I.</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="648" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Geschichte 843-886</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="650" ind1="0" ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Kirchenpolitik</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4030745-1</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="651" ind1=" " ind2="7"><subfield code="a">Byzantinisches Reich</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4009256-2</subfield><subfield code="2">gnd</subfield><subfield code="9">rswk-swf</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="0"><subfield code="a">Byzantinisches Reich</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4009256-2</subfield><subfield code="D">g</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="1"><subfield code="a">Kirchenpolitik</subfield><subfield code="0">(DE-588)4030745-1</subfield><subfield code="D">s</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2="2"><subfield code="a">Geschichte 843-886</subfield><subfield code="A">z</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="689" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="5">DE-604</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="810" ind1="2" ind2=" "><subfield code="a">Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti</subfield><subfield code="t">Posebna izdanja</subfield><subfield code="v">43</subfield><subfield code="w">(DE-604)BV000023465</subfield><subfield code="9">43</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Abstract</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="856" ind1="4" ind2="2"><subfield code="m">Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment</subfield><subfield code="q">application/pdf</subfield><subfield code="u">http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA</subfield><subfield code="3">Inhaltsverzeichnis</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="880" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="6">100-01/(N</subfield><subfield code="a">Коматина, Предраг</subfield><subfield code="a">ut</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="880" ind1="1" ind2="0"><subfield code="6">245-02/(N</subfield><subfield code="a">Црквена политика Византије од краја иконоборства до смрти цара Василија I</subfield><subfield code="c">Предраг Коматина</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="880" ind1="0" ind2=" "><subfield code="6">490-03/(N</subfield><subfield code="a">Посебна издања / Византолошки Институт Српске Академије Наука и Уметности</subfield><subfield code="v">43</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="940" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="f">sla</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="940" ind1="1" ind2=" "><subfield code="n">oe</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="999" ind1=" " ind2=" "><subfield code="a">oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027373001</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="942" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="c">909</subfield><subfield code="e">22/bsb</subfield><subfield code="f">09021</subfield><subfield code="g">398</subfield></datafield><datafield tag="942" ind1="1" ind2="1"><subfield code="c">200.9</subfield><subfield code="e">22/bsb</subfield><subfield code="f">09021</subfield><subfield code="g">398</subfield></datafield></record></collection> |
| geographic | Byzantinisches Reich (DE-588)4009256-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Byzantinisches Reich |
| id | DE-604.BV041929659 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:08:34Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788683883189 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027373001 |
| oclc_num | 882162950 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-12 |
| physical | 382 S. |
| publishDate | 2014 |
| publishDateSearch | 2014 |
| publishDateSort | 2014 |
| publisher | Vizantološki Institut |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti |
| spelling | 880-01 Komatina, Predrag 1984- Verfasser (DE-588)1070765317 aut 880-02 Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I Predrag Komatina Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I Beograd Vizantološki Institut 2014 382 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier 880-03 Posebna izdanja / Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti 43 In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I. Geschichte 843-886 gnd rswk-swf Kirchenpolitik (DE-588)4030745-1 gnd rswk-swf Byzantinisches Reich (DE-588)4009256-2 gnd rswk-swf Byzantinisches Reich (DE-588)4009256-2 g Kirchenpolitik (DE-588)4030745-1 s Geschichte 843-886 z DE-604 Vizantološki Institut Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti Posebna izdanja 43 (DE-604)BV000023465 43 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis 100-01/(N Коматина, Предраг ut 245-02/(N Црквена политика Византије од краја иконоборства до смрти цара Василија I Предраг Коматина 490-03/(N Посебна издања / Византолошки Институт Српске Академије Наука и Уметности 43 |
| spellingShingle | Komatina, Predrag 1984- Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I Kirchenpolitik (DE-588)4030745-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4030745-1 (DE-588)4009256-2 |
| title | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |
| title_alt | Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |
| title_auth | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |
| title_exact_search | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |
| title_full | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I Predrag Komatina |
| title_fullStr | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I Predrag Komatina |
| title_full_unstemmed | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I Predrag Komatina |
| title_short | Crkvena politika Vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara Vasilija I |
| title_sort | crkvena politika vizantije od kraja ikonoborstva do smrti cara vasilija i church policy of byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor basil i |
| title_sub | = Church policy of Byzantium from the end of iconoclasm to the death of emperor Basil I |
| topic | Kirchenpolitik (DE-588)4030745-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kirchenpolitik Byzantinisches Reich |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027373001&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000023465 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT komatinapredrag crkvenapolitikavizantijeodkrajaikonoborstvadosmrticaravasilijaichurchpolicyofbyzantiumfromtheendoficonoclasmtothedeathofemperorbasili AT komatinapredrag churchpolicyofbyzantiumfromtheendoficonoclasmtothedeathofemperorbasili |