Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije: (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945)
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| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Medija Centar "Odbrana"
2012
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga
1758 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Power and influence of the military diplomacy ... |
| Beschreibung: | 276 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9788633503662 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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SUMMARY
POWER AND INFLUENCE OF THE MILITARY
DIPLOMACY: MISSIONS OF VLADIMIR
VELEBIT
1943-1945
One of the stages of struggle for international recognition of the new
Yugoslavia which was waged within the ally (primarily British) policy of
compromises is the one relating to the activities of the People's Liberation
Army military mission in the West. It is the same time when fast and
enormous raise of
Josip Broz
Tito on the political and military scene of the
Second World War took part. Tito, who was jealously holding all strings of
foreign policy and selectively informing Politburo about the situation, did
not decide by chance that Vladimir
Velebit
would be the person to be sent to
the world, i. e. to the West. Vladimir
Velebit
and
Josip Broz
Tito had
cooperated even before the war in the time when
Velebit
had been regarded
as prestigious lawyer in Zagreb
—
a man of trust of the most prominent parts
of pre-war Zagreb whose father had been general in Kingdom of
Yugoslavia. Together with
Josip
Kopinic and Vladimir
Velebit, Tito
established a centre in Zagreb which exceeded the borders of Yugoslavia
but, on the other side, the center was of enormous importance in
maintaining Tito's connection with Moscow. Tito was in direct contact with
the USSR by means of the radio station belonging to the Supreme
Headquarters of the Yugoslav People's Liberation Army (YPLA) from
March,
1942
till February; after coming of the Soviet Military Mission into
the Supreme Headquarters the contact was realized via the mission and later
via the YPLA Military Mission which was sent to Moscow in March,
1944.
The mission was led by Velimir Terzic and
Milovan Djilas.
It happened even before this period (in
1942)
that Vladimir
Velebit
was given the most confidential tasks relating exchange of prisoners and
later, in the period March
-
April
1943,
he was in charge of talks with
Germans in
Gornji Vakuf,
Sarajevo and Zagreb where he made contacts
with general Glaze
fon Horstenaum.
It is not difficult to understand from
Deaken's memoirs that Vladimir
Velebit
was the person who was giving the
information concerning the measures to be taken by Yugoslav Communist
Party Central Committee (YCPCC), in fact Politburo, concerning McLain
proposals about the King, future policy toward Great Britain, Draza
195
Mihajlovic
etc. For making a final conclusion it is vital that Vladimir
Velebit
was not a man who got this important mission related to breaking
through the international isolation only in that time, but he had already been
in similar confidential missions organized by Tito.
Military missions of Vladimir
Velebit
were carried out after victory of
anti-fascist coalition powers on the Eastern front and in South Africa, which
increased interest of the parties being in war for the Balkans. It was
especially emphasized after capitulation of Italy in September
1943.
In that
political situation on international level, the leadership of the National
Liberation Movement (NLM) relying on understanding of the international
community as well as on strengthening of the movement (increased number
of combatants, enlarging of the free territory, general expansion of the
movement.) wanted to be internationally recognized. The leadership
wanted to legalize the changes that had taken place during the People's
Liberation War
1941-1943.
After these changes had been internally
legalized at the Second Assembly of Anti-fascist Council of National
Liberation of Yugoslavia (the
AVNOJ), Tito
decided to send a mission to
the West in search of international recognition of the changes. Thus, these
Velebit'
s
military missions were directly in the purpose of struggle for New
Yugoslavia's international recognition. The mission sent to the East had
similar role but they differed because the one sent to the East asked for
direct recognition of the National Committee for Liberation of Yugoslavia
(NCLY). However, their ideological ally in the East
-
the USSR, did not
want to worsen their relations with the Western allies and it did not even
think about the sole recognition but it suggested some compromises and
gave indirect support. Both missions
—
Terzic/Djilas's and
Velebit'
s
were
defined as military missions due to the international circumstances, although
real head of the mission sent to the East was
Milovan Djilas
while Vladimir
Velebit,
although holding the rank of a general, considered the matters
relating practical military cooperation with the Western allies. However,
under cover of military cooperation, he also tried to consider the issues of
political interest, emphasizing representative role of the NLM on the behalf
of Yugoslav people.
After decision (conclusion) of the Teheran Conference on the need of
helping the national liberation movements, Vladimir
Velebit
went to his first
mission to Egypt. It was in December
1943
and he met the principal ally
commander with whom he was talking about the matters concerning direct
military cooperation. At the same time, he was informing the allies about
the range of the decisions made by the Second assembly of the
AVNOJ.
196
The British policy of equidistance towards the NLM was carried out
from spring of
1944
in the direction of pressuring the Yugoslav Royal
Government of Bozidar
Puric
who was demanded to fire Draza Mihajlovic.
In February
1944,
a Soviet military mission led by General
Nicolai
Korneyev came to the Supreme HQ of the NOVJ. Tito sent a military
mission of YPLA to the USSR in March
1944
wanting to test political pulse
of his ideological ally in the East. That was the time
-
April
1944,
when
Vladimir
Velebit
went to his second mission to Algeria but this mission
was, in our opinion, only a side stop on his way to London where he spent
some time in May
1944.
It was during his stay in London that the
Government of Bozidar
Puric
fell.
Velebit
met future Prime Minister Ivan
Subasic and as the peak of his visit, he met Winston Churchill. Almost at
the same time, Stalin hosted Velimir Terzic and
Milovan
Dj
ilas
in Moscow.
The struggle for legalization of the revolutionary changes in the term
of recognition of the Constitution continuity was continued in the Vis
agreement made between Tito and Subasic which did not eliminate parallel
governments. After that, Vladimir
Velebit
went to his second mission to
London (July- August
1944)
where he faced some problems concerning his
status because British side wanted to direct the work of the mission via
Subasic'
s
Government. Vladimir
Velebit
met Winston Churchill again and
that was something the President of the Yugoslav Royal Government,
Slobodan Jovanovic, did not manage to do during his stay in London during
the war period.
Tito's meetings with Churchill in Italy in August
1944
as well as
advancing of the Red Army accelerated military resolution of the situation
in Yugoslavia. In this period (September-October)
Velebit
went for the third
time to London when the British pressure to form a common Yugoslav
government was the most intensive. The peak of the British dissatisfaction
was caused by Tito's secret visit to the USSR on 18th and 19th September,
1944.
Within the policy of compromises, the Yugoslav leader was very
smart in placing of „New" Yugoslavia between the opposed attitudes of the
West and the East, even in the conditions of their direct negotiations (the
^fifty-fifty" agreement in Moscow, October
1944).
Winston Churchill was
the first one who mentioned the agreement on equal influence in
Yugoslavia. The most convincing interpretation of this was given by
Elizabeth Barker who said that the agreement had predicted forming of a
unique government as well as supplying of the Yugoslav Army with the
naval and aviation issues from Great Britain and the army armament from
the USSR. The agreement had also tacitly predicted that the Soviet troops
197
would not move further than
Kraljevo
and Cacak, and that the British troops
would not enter inside parts of Yugoslavia further from Dalmatian coast.
Tito disturbed the established balance in the period
1944-1945
after his two
meetings with Stalin, including supplying of Yugoslav Army from the
USSR. Thus, the course of events showed that it was impossible to
implement this agreement since all the power in Yugoslavia was in the
hands of Communist Party of Yugoslavia.
Firm internal stronghold guaranteed that the country would have its
independent political appearance and this was proved after Yalta. Starting
from ideological and political point of view, Stalin believed that „New"
Yugoslavia was under his political shelter, while British side concentrated
on the arguments concerning the King in the form of Belgrade agreement
which introduced the institution of regency. The USSR strongly but
indirectly supported the way in which the NLM would behave towards
Western allies. When Yugoslav tendency to be independent emerged, and
due to unrequited investment, the USSR felt as if they were deceived after
the conflict of
1948.
In November
1944,
Velebit
was in Moscow with Subasic and Kardelj
but, unlike the two of them, he was not received by Stalin. It was
Velebit
who was accused by Stalin in
1948
to be a „British man". Stalin used
Kardelj'
s
presence to pass the message of alleged need to respect democracy
in Yugoslavia. Subasic was also present there and Stalin was purposely
talking about this topic so that Subasic could spread the conversation to the
British side.
Edvard
Kardelj wrote in his memoirs that Stalin had told him
that firstly the King should have been accepted and then rejected.
Vladimir
Velebiť s
fourth stay in London lasted from December
1944
till February
1945.
He met King
Petar
II in January
1945
when he rejected
his initiative to have a direct contact with Tito, directing his initiative to
Subasic. After arrival of Subasic and his Government in March
1945,
a
unique Government was formed and in that way a decisive step in direction
of recognition of the changes within constitutional legitimacy was made.
Velebit's activity inevitably led towards joining of the unique Government
of NCLY and Yugoslav Royal Government.
Accepting military missions of Vladimir
Velebit
meant that British
side supported NLM in their propaganda and international activities
irrespectively of the fact that the movement was controlled and led by
communists. Tito was proclaimed to be the best leader of guerilla movement
in Europe during Hitler's occupation, because YPLA chained dozens of
occupational divisions on the territory of Yugoslavia. The British side
198
helped with training of Yugoslav aviators and technicians, they co-acted in
Dalmaţia
together with YPLA units, they fortified Vis and they provided
YPLA with significant military support. The issue concerning Yugoslavia
was strongly internationalized during
Velebiť s
missions but in the terms of
interfering of both great powers
-
Great Britain and the USSR. The question
of Yugoslavia was internationalized very early
—
even in
1941
when an
international commission led by Captain Hudson came to Montenegro. It
was also internationalized by the demand to put all anti-occupational forces
in Yugoslavia under command of Draza Mihajlovic. The USSR, relied on its
exponent, did not officially support this demand put by British side and the
Yugoslav Royal Government. This question can be analyzed even in a more
detailed way: Starting from March 27th,
1941,
both Yugoslav Royal
Government and Dynasty were strongly influenced by British side, and it
was the same even later when they were hosted in London.
During his missions Vladimir
Velebit
moved in a witty way from his
military negotiations to political field. These, primarily political missions,
were „Trojan horse" which widely opened the door for international
recognition of „New" Yugoslavia. Central part in this activity had Velebit's
action which was synchronized with Tito's political elimination of Draza
Mihajlovic. As far as Subasic was concerned, we can understand from
Velebit's mail that he was totally dependent on the British side and, on the
other hand, totally unaccepted by King and influential Serbian groups. As
the last King's mandatory, he was acting in such a way that he was more
harmful than useful to the King, while NLM was used like a bridge for
giving over the constitutional legitimacy.
We can also consider Draza Mihajlovic'
s
movement as well as
activity of Yugoslav Royal Government via Velebit's missions. The
Government and Draza Mihajlovic were in discrepancy relating the winner
in the war because the USSR was also among those who were winners and
they supported their exponent in Yugoslavia. That is why the ideas that the
British policy „betrayed" general Mihajlovic, that it provided conditions for
communists to win in Yugoslavia, that Tito cheated Churchill etc. are too
simplified. Yugoslav Royal Government relied on Draza Mihajlovic and he
believed that it was a high observation post to the war plans of the allies. As
the time was passing, the Government was losing its support because it was
in foreign country, without army and in constant internal misunderstandings.
Since he was left alone, Draza Mihajlovic was not able to see the situation
in a realistic way. Having in mind all these circumstances, positions of the
199
participants as
well as role of the international factor, it can be said that
Yugoslav war denouement was totally logical.
Vladimir
Velebit'
s
missions broke the front of Yugoslav emigration.
Skillfully synchronizing his actions with Tito, he started questions of navy,
training of aviators, help of UNNRA, prisoners, getting loans, Red Cross,
etc. and all these questions were burdened with political background.
Presenting the information related to the events in Yugoslavia which were
opposite to those presented by the Royal Government,
Velebit
showed that
he was extremely capable of implementation of propaganda activities. He
made connections with Yugoslav emigration and, with Subasic's help, he
managed to include people who were working in favour of NLM into the
existing system of the Royal Government. During his visits to Alexandria,
Cairo, Algeria,
Bari,
London, etc. he made many contacts with the people
who played very important role in creation of politics toward Yugoslavia.
He met Churchill twice, (he also met Churchill during Tito's talks with
British Prime Minister in Italy, in August
1944;
however, he was only one
of the members of Tito's delegation and priority was given to the talks
between Tito and Churchill) but he missed to mention one of them in his
memoirs (July
1944)
and he was just „one step" to meeting Stalin.
The same as McLain was Churchill's man of trust, Vladimir
Velebit
was Tito's man of trust. Vladimir
Velebit
was the man whom he believed
most, but he did not create the politics
-
but its conductor, he was the one
who carried it out within the orders and instructions he was given. He was
not responsible to a body but to the person who trusted him and to whom he
was directly connected with
-
Josip Broz
Tito who was the
inspirer
and who
held all the strings of the National Liberation Movement foreign policy.
Velebit
often demanded „principal points of view" from Tito and he
faithfully carried out his political initiatives. It was
Velebit
from whom Tito
got all the necessary information important for the negotiations with Subasic
as well as for his meeting with Churchill in Italy in August
1944.
Tito kept
him far from party functions thus reducing fear of western allies that the
National Liberation Movement completely belonged to one party
(communist). Thus, Vladimir Velebit's missions broke prejudice concerning
NLM. On the other side, this opened question of his sincerity among
ideologically orthodox members of the leadership in the country and cast
resentment over him.
Vladimir Velebit's military missions obviously showed that Yugoslav
plot during the Second World War was resolved by common policy of the
allied forces of Yugoslav concept sustainability as well as for the actual
200
situation
in Yugoslavia which was dominated by military force of Partisan
movement.
1944
was crucial year for resolving of Yugoslav situation. At the
same time, a conclusion can be made that the international surrounding was
extremely important in the time when these missions were carried out; it
speaks for itself
-
when Soviet and British sides are concerned
-
that there
are only new and old interests in policy, but not friends and sincerity in the
international relations. This is also an opportunity to follow Velebit's
experience acquisition as well as diplomatic maturation. We can see the
difference between Velebit's report on the visit to Cairo in the end of
1943
and the reports made later. While the former contained some rashly made
conclusions, the latter was temperate and diplomatically mitigated.
His activities during these missions as well as a lot of experience he
acquired show us that Tito did not randomly decide to appoint him for the
mission in the USA organized in order to provide help in armament for the
Yugoslav Army in
1950/1951,
after the conflict with Stalin in
1948.
It was
the same in case of Velebit's Ambassador Appointment in London
immediately before Tito's visit and meeting with Churchill in March
1953.
It was the first time that Tito left Yugoslavia after period of five years and it
was also immediately after Stalin's death. While being an Ambassador in
London, Vladimir
Velebit
was also main Yugoslav negotiator for resolving
of „The Trieste crisis" during
1954
(January, May, October) which was the
initial „stone" in „the wall" of the Cold War.
201
С А Д
Ρ
Ж
A J
ПРЕДГОВОР
.5
УВОД
-
ЈУГОСЛОВЕНСКИ
РАТНИ ЗАПЛЕТ
.17
МИСИЈА
ВЛАДИМИРА ВЕЛЕБИТА
У ЕГИПТУ
ДЕЦЕМБРА
1943.23
МЕЂУНАРОДНИ
ПОЛОЖАЈ
НОП-а У
ЈЕСЕН
1943.23
ПРИПРЕМЕ ЗА ОДЛАЗАК
МИСИЈЕ
.28
БОРАВАК У
АЛЕКСАНДРИЈИ
И РАЗГОВОРИ СА
ВОЈНИМ
ПРЕДСТАВНИЦИМА САВЕЗНИКА
.38
ПОЛИТИЧКА СТРАНА
ОБЈАВЉИВАЊА
ОДЛУКА
АВНОЈ-а
.41
ПОЛИТИКА КОМПРОМИСА И ВЕЛЕБИТОВ БОРАВАК У
ИТАЛИЈИ
ПОЧЕТКОМ
1944.51
БРИТАНСКА ПОЛИТИКА КОМПРОМИСА
.51
ПОДРШКА ИДЕОЛОШКОГ САВЕЗНИКА
.56
ВЕЛЕБИТОВА ДЕЛАТНОСТ У ИТАЛШИ
.62
ПОЗИЦИЈА
СУПАРНИЧКОГ ПОКРЕТА
-
НА СПОРЕДНОМ
КОЛОСЕКУ
.69
ПУРИЋЕВА
НЕЗАВИДНА
СИТУАЦИЈА
.69
МИХАИЛОВИЋЕВИ
НЕСПОРАЗУМИ
СА
БРИТАНСКИМ
ОФИЦИРИМА
.73
МИХАИЛОВИЋЕВЕ МИСИЈЕ
КОД ЗАПАДНИХ САВЕЗНИКА
.78
МИСИЈА
ВЛАДИМИРА ВЕЛЕБИТА
У ЛОНДОНУ
-
MAJ
1944.89
ПРИПРЕМЕ ЗА ОДЛАЗАК И ПУ
TOB
АЊЕ
ПРЕКО
АЛЖИРА
.89
ВЕЛЕБИТОВ ДОЛАЗАК У ЛОНДОН И
ПУРИЋЕВА
ОСТАВКА
.98
КОНФЕРЕНЦИЈА
ЗА ШТАМПУ
И ДРУГИ КОНТАКТИ
У ЛОНДОНУ
.102
СУСРЕТ СА ВИНСТОНОМ ЧЕРЧИЛОМ
.105
МИСИЈА
ВЛАДИМИРА ВЕЛЕБИТА У
ЛОНДОНУ-ЛЕТО
1944.
Ill
У СУСРЕТ
ШУБАШИЋЕВОМ
КОМПРОМИСУ
.111
ВЕЛЕБИТ
ПОНОВО У
ЛОНДОНУ
.115
ТЕШКОЋЕ
У РАДУ И ПОНОВНИ СУСРЕТ СА ЧЕРЧИЛОМ
. 123
275
ВЕЛЕБИТОВА ТРЕЋА МИСИЈА
У ЛОНДОНУ
(септембар—октобар
1944).129
МЕЂУНАРОДНА СИТУАЦИЈА
И
ЗАОШТРАВАЊЕ
ОДНОСА
НОП-а
СА БРИТАНЦИМА
.129
ВЕЛЕБИТОВ
ТРЕЋИ
ДОЛАЗАК И БРИТАНСКИ ПРИТИСАК
ЗА
ФОРМИРАЊЕ ЈЕДИНСТВЕНЕ
ВЛАДЕ
.1 33
КРИЗА ВЛАДЕ И ВЕЛЕБИТОВА ДЕЛАТНОСТ У ЛОНДОНУ
.141
БЕОГРАДСКИ СПОРАЗУМ И ВЕЛЕБИТОВА ПОСЕТА
МОСКВИ
.153
БЕОГРАДСКИ СПОРАЗУМ
.153
НА „КОРАК" ДО
СТАЉИНА
.156
ВЕЛЕБИТОВА ЧЕТВРТА
МИСИЈА
У ЛОНДОНУ
(децембар 1944-фебруар
1945).359
КРАЉЕВО ОДБИЈАЊЕ
РЕГЕНСТВА И КРИЗА ВЛАДЕ
.159
ДАЉА
ВЕЛЕБИТОВА ДЕЛАТНОСТ У ЛОНДОНУ
.170
ИЗБОР
КАНДИДАТА ЗА РЕГЕНТЕ И ДОЛАЗАК
ВЛАДЕ У БЕОГРАД
. 176
ЗАКЉУЧАК
.187
SUMMARY
.195
ПРИЛОЗИ
-
ИНТЕРВЈУИ
.203
ИНТЕРВЈУ
МИЛАНА
ТЕРЗИЋА
СА ВЛАДИМИРОМ
ВЕЛЕБИТОМ:
ПИСМЕНИ
ОДГОВОРИ
ИЗ
ШВАЈЦАРСКЕ,
1991.203
ИНТЕРВЈУ
МИЛАНА
ТЕРЗИЋА
СА ВЛАДИМИРОМ
ВЕЛЕБИТОМ У БЕОГРАДУ, ФЕБРУАРА
1992.215
ИНТЕРВЈУ
МИЛАНА
ТЕРЗИЋА
СА МИЛОВАНОМ
ЂИЛАСОМ
У БЕОГРАДУ,
11.
ДЕЦЕМБРА
1991.235
ИЗВОРИ
И ЛИТЕРАТУРА
.241
БЕЛЕШКА О АУТОРУ
.251
САДРЖАЈ
.253
276 ( Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
l München |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Terzić, Milan V. 1960- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1052444571 |
| author_facet | Terzić, Milan V. 1960- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Terzić, Milan V. 1960- |
| author_variant | m v t mv mvt |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041859028 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)882162631 (DE-599)BVBBV041859028 |
| era | Geschichte 1943-1945 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1943-1945 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Jugoslawien |
| id | DE-604.BV041859028 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-10T18:02:17Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788633503662 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027303305 |
| oclc_num | 882162631 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 276 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Medija Centar "Odbrana" |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga |
| series2 | Biblioteka Vojna knjiga |
| spelling | Terzić, Milan V. 1960- Verfasser (DE-588)1052444571 aut Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) Milan V. Terzić Beograd Medija Centar "Odbrana" 2012 276 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Vojna knjiga 1758 In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Power and influence of the military diplomacy ... Velebit, Vladimir 1907-2004 (DE-588)123155800 gnd rswk-swf Volksbefreiungsarmee Jugoslawien (DE-588)4465122-3 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1943-1945 gnd rswk-swf Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Velebit, Vladimir 1907-2004 (DE-588)123155800 p Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Volksbefreiungsarmee Jugoslawien (DE-588)4465122-3 b Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 s Geschichte 1943-1945 z DE-604 Biblioteka Vojna knjiga 1758 (DE-604)BV042527829 1758 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027303305&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027303305&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Terzić, Milan V. 1960- Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) Biblioteka Vojna knjiga Velebit, Vladimir 1907-2004 (DE-588)123155800 gnd Volksbefreiungsarmee Jugoslawien (DE-588)4465122-3 gnd Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)123155800 (DE-588)4465122-3 (DE-588)4012402-2 (DE-588)4028966-7 |
| title | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) |
| title_auth | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) |
| title_exact_search | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) |
| title_full | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) Milan V. Terzić |
| title_fullStr | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) Milan V. Terzić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) Milan V. Terzić |
| title_short | Moć i uticaj vojne diplomatije |
| title_sort | moc i uticaj vojne diplomatije misije vladimira velebita 1943 1945 |
| title_sub | (misije Vladimira Velebita 1943 - 1945) |
| topic | Velebit, Vladimir 1907-2004 (DE-588)123155800 gnd Volksbefreiungsarmee Jugoslawien (DE-588)4465122-3 gnd Diplomatie (DE-588)4012402-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Velebit, Vladimir 1907-2004 Volksbefreiungsarmee Jugoslawien Diplomatie Jugoslawien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027303305&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027303305&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV042527829 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT terzicmilanv mociuticajvojnediplomatijemisijevladimiravelebita19431945 |