"Komu miła całość Ojczyzny": świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720)
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Warszawa
Wydawnictwo Neriton
2013
|
| Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Literaturverzeichnis Seite 198-210. Index |
| Beschreibung: | 228, [1] s., [4] s. tabl. (w tym kolor.), mapa [1] k. Illustrationen, Karten 25 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788375432862 |
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| 546 | |a Zsfassung in engl., russ. u. ukrain. Sprache u.d.T.: "Who cares about the wholeness of the homeland". -Zawiera aneksy | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Wstęp
........................................... 7
Wprowadzenie
..................................... 21
1.
Kontekst historyczny
............................. 21
2.
Źródła i ich autorzy
............................. 26
Rozdział I: Legitymizacja historyczna państwa
.................. 33
Li.
Etnogeneza
państwa
............................. 33
1.2.
Koncepcja narodu
.............................. 46
1.3. Koncepcja państwa
............................. 59
Rozdział
II:
Złota wolność kozacka
......................... 79
11.1. Równość
................................... 79
11.2.
Wolność
................................... 92
11.3. Ustrój
.................................... 99
Rozdział III: Państwo
-
religia
-
Kościół
..................... 111
111.1. Ostoja prawosławia
............................ 111
111.
2.
Wolność polityczna a wolność religijna
................ 120
111.3. Hetmanat a Półksiężyc
.......................... 127
Zakończenie
....................................... 141
Aneksy
.......................................... 147
Bibliografìa
....................................... 198
РеЗЮМе.........................................
211
Аннотация
....................................... 214
Abstract
......................................... 218
Indeks osób
....................................... 221
Spis ilustracji
...................................... 229
Who Cares about the Wholeness
of the Homeland . Political Awareness
and Aspirations of the Cossack Authors
(1670-1720)
Abstract
The book is based on the most important historical and political writings of the three
members of the Cossack chancellery, namely the chronicles by Hryhorii
Hrabianka (d.
1738)
and Samiilo Velychko (d.
1737)
as well as the Constitution, Manifesto and the political trea¬
tise
Vyvid Prav
Ukrainy
(Devolution of Ukraine s Rights) by Pylyp Orlyk
{1672-1742),
all
three being the representatives of the ruling and political elite of the Cossack Hetmanate
and the so-called starshyna. All three authors present similar social and political concepts
and the same system of values. Thus, the main questions are: how did they perceive them¬
selves and define as a community; how did they picture their state; what traditions did they
draw upon, what instruments did they use to defend the ideological existence of the state,
in the context of pressing offensive of Moscow
-
these questions are of paramount importance
for the understanding of the roots of modern Ukrainian nation.
The period was marked by the creation of a set of myths and symbols which sought to
uniform the past, to impose upon the people a definite vision of history imbued with com¬
mon values and cultural models; the vision which was to unite Malorussians (as they called
themselves) around Cossacks.
The key factor of the identity of the Cossack elite, the one that determined everything
else, was the way in which they perceived themselves, in which they defined themselves as
a community. An analysis of identification terms used in the chronicles allows us to state
that the expression Ukrainian nation in reference to the 17th century, as notoriously used
in the Ukrainian historiography, is erroneous if without an appropriate explanation or com¬
ment. The term Ukraine as used in the analysed texts seems to denote the territory of
Ukraine as generally understood by citizens of the Commonwealth at that time, thus exclud¬
ing both the Volhynia and Podolia provinces and Red
Rus.
Although in his Manifesto and
Vyvid
Prav
Ukrainy
Pylyp Orlyk introduces the term of Ukrainian nation , it denotes the
inhabitants of Ukraine within the abovementioned borders
-
the country described by them
as their proper homeland. They do not make claims to the other
Ruthenian
lands and they
pass over in silence any plans of
Bohdan Khmelnytsky
to incorporate them into the Ukrai¬
nian state. It could be a proof that the Cossack elite had a separate, distinct identity, as if
above the
Ruthenian
identity.
Although it would be an exaggeration to talk about the existence of the Ukrainian state
in that period
-
as we have to do with its germ only
-
there is no question that the writ¬
ings of these authors demonstrate the vitality of the idea of an autonomous state, the will to
Abstract
219
function as a distinctive nation within a sovereign state, as clearly evidenced in the preamble
to the Constitution by Pyh/p Orlyk. The authors, skilfully constructing historical arguments,
attempt to legalise the Hetmanate as a political entity and a subject of international law in
order to secure the chance of an independent existence in the future. It is the voluntariness of
the Pereyaslav Agreement that all three particularly emphasise in their legal-historical argu¬
mentation. Moreover, Velychko tries to demonstrate that the Agreement was preceded by the
settlement of its terms and conditions. This mystification, together with Orlyk s references to
the law of nations, tell of long-range thinking that was taking into consideration the opinion
of the international community of states. A strategy employed by the analysed authors was,
on the one hand, to extend the period of alleged independence of the Hetmanate, while on
the other
-
to present the Cossack state as a wholly and unvaryingly loyal partner of Mos¬
cow, which
-
unlike Moscow itself
-
had never breached the conditions of the Agreement.
To legitimise the Cossack rule in the Hetmanate territory the authors have recourse to
all sorts of arguments, presenting the genesis of Cossack power, its superiority over the
previous one, and arguing that its interests were exactly the same as interests of other social
groups. According to them, the Cossack rule was legitimised by the fact that they were
defending the
Ruthenian
nation against religious and social oppression, while being based
on ancient traditions which endorsed the most fundamental values of equality and freedom.
In this we can see a clear attempt to ideologically justify the uprising, in accordance with
a state-building principle in which the integration of the state is of paramount importance.
Thus, despite the veiled exclusion of other than Cossack ranks from the community, in the
analysed texts the Polish-Cossack conflict present in Samovydec Chronicle was transformed
into a Polish-Ruthenian conflict. To justify Khmelnytsky s actions, all three authors employ
the argument of religious community. This somehow
naïve
argumentation seems to strengthen
only their self-conviction that the right decision was taken. What is puzzling is their lack of
interest in the fate of the Eastern Church in the territories of the Commonwealth after the
creation of the Hetmanate.
There is some inaccuracy in describing the political system of the state which seems to
be a deliberate attempt to win approval of the whole Cossack community, with the superior
authority of the starshyna. It can t be overestimated what a role the myth of equality had
within the discourse of the Cossack elite. The ideological character of these writings is espe¬
cially evidenced by a discrepancy between the social reality of the Hetmanate and presented
image of social conditions, for it soon turned out that in the state created as the result of
Khmelnytsky s uprising these ideals were to apply only to a part of the community; the part
that after acquiring independence of the Commonwealth achieved an analogous status to
that of the nobility, thus so much desired golden liberty . Although Orlyk speaks against
the process of enslavement of the Cossack lower classes in point four of his preamble, he
does not condemn the emergence of the real Cossack aristocracy. The same could be said
about the chroniclers describing the Cossack world before Khmelnytsky s uprising. Vel-
ychko s idealisation of the social relations in Zaporizhian
Sich,
presented almost as the essence
of democracy, should not be regarded as a yearning for old customs and former social rela¬
tions but as his will to satisfy the aspirations of the whole community.
Hrabianka,
on the
other hand, does not conceal his dislike for
Sich.
He employs another means to unite the
Cossacks around the common ideology
-
he presents in his chronicle customs of simple
Cossacks only.
It is indisputable, however, that it was the interests of that social group that our authors
defend. It is especially evident in Orlyk s Pacts and the model of political system he presented.
22O
Abstract
The Pacts strengthen the control of the starshyna over
a hetman,
and the General Council
becomes the highest authority of the state, although it is not described as a sovereign. And
it is nowhere formally said that all members of the Council are equal, which questions the
alleged democracy of the decision-making process. The rhetoric of the Pacts clearly indicates
that the Cossack starshyna did not intend to allow anybody else to participate in a political
life of the Cossack estate. The political system described in the Pacts is in actual fact an
oligarchic republic.
One of our tasks was to examine the extent of influence exerted by the Polish political
thought on the views of the analysed authors. They were exceedingly familiar with Polish
historiography and constantly referred to it, while at the same time they fought against many
of its fundamental assumptions. And although originally the principle of equality among the
Cossack community was an independent phenomenon, it seems probable that the egalitarian
ideology of the starshyna was inspired by the ideology of the Commonwealth nobility or
even conditioned by the actual presence of the Polish and
Ruthenian
nobles among the
Cossacks. The propagation of the idea of equality parallel to the process of emergence of the
Cossack aristocracy, little different from the Polish masters , mirrors almost faithfully the
situation in the Commonwealth, where the dominant position of magnates in the second
half of the 17th century, both in the central and local institutions, went hand in hand with
the maintaining of the doctrine of noble equality. Almost faithfully, for our authors avoid
an open exclusion of other estates from the national community. What is also surprising is
their outright rejection of religious tolerance within the rights of an individual and dismissal
of republican understanding of fundamental freedoms underlying the Polish political culture.
In other words, the influence of the Polish political thought seems to be quite superficial
which, in our opinion, does not contradict
Antoni
Maczak s opinion that with the lapse of
time, the impact of Polish culture would facilitate or simply make it possible to emerge the
Ukrainian national identity 1, after the abolition of the Hetmanate.
Although Ukrainian historians often accuse
Hrabianka
and Velychko of pro-Russian
sympathy, the charge is unjust, for due to the censorship at that time it was impossible for
the chroniclers, unlike the
hetman
in emigration, to postulate openly the idea of sovereignty
of the state. Indeed, the statement made by both authors that the Russian orientation was
the only possible at that time is not equal to the opinion that it was a good choice. Besides
the fact that the open condemnation of Khmelnytsky s decision would have brought deplor¬
able consequences for them, the strategy they employed made it possible to prolong the
existence of Ukrainian statehood in the ideological field. Considering that both chroniclers
do not mention at all the blood relation between the Romanovs and the
knez
of the Rurik
dynasty
-
it was the argument which was put forward by Moscow on the day of the swearing
in ceremony
-
there is every reason to conclude that both
Hrabianka
and Velychko made
the full use of their limited political argumentation inherited after the disastrous decision
made by
Bohdan
Khmelnytsky.
(Grażyna Waluga)
1
A. Mączak, Od plemion
do
Rzeczypospolitej. Naród, państwo, terytorium w dziejach
Polski,
Warsaw,
1996,
p.
105.
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Losson, Katarzyna 19XX- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1321709595 |
| author_facet | Losson, Katarzyna 19XX- |
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| author_sort | Losson, Katarzyna 19XX- |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041840784 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)881630412 (DE-599)BVBBV041840784 |
| edition | Wyd. 1. |
| era | Geschichte 1670-1720 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1670-1720 |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV041840784 |
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| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:06:39Z |
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| language | Polish |
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| publisher | Wydawnictwo Neriton |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Losson, Katarzyna 19XX- Verfasser (DE-588)1321709595 aut "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) Katarzyna Losson Wyd. 1. Warszawa Wydawnictwo Neriton 2013 228, [1] s., [4] s. tabl. (w tym kolor.), mapa [1] k. Illustrationen, Karten 25 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Literaturverzeichnis Seite 198-210. Index Zsfassung in engl., russ. u. ukrain. Sprache u.d.T.: "Who cares about the wholeness of the homeland". -Zawiera aneksy Geschichte 1670-1720 gnd rswk-swf Kozacy / Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Kozacy / Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Historiografia / Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Historiografia / Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd rswk-swf Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd rswk-swf Kosaken (DE-588)4032542-8 gnd rswk-swf Kanzleibeamter (DE-588)1130420442 gnd rswk-swf Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 gnd rswk-swf Ukraine (DE-588)4061496-7 g Kosaken (DE-588)4032542-8 s Kanzleibeamter (DE-588)1130420442 s Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 s Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 s Geschichte 1670-1720 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027285469&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027285469&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Losson, Katarzyna 19XX- "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) Kozacy / Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Kozacy / Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Historiografia / Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Historiografia / Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Kosaken (DE-588)4032542-8 gnd Kanzleibeamter (DE-588)1130420442 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4115590-7 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)4032542-8 (DE-588)1130420442 (DE-588)4061496-7 |
| title | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) |
| title_auth | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) |
| title_exact_search | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) |
| title_full | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) Katarzyna Losson |
| title_fullStr | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) Katarzyna Losson |
| title_full_unstemmed | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) Katarzyna Losson |
| title_short | "Komu miła całość Ojczyzny" |
| title_sort | komu mila calosc ojczyzny swiadomosc i aspiracje polityczne kancelistow kozackich 1670 1720 |
| title_sub | świadomość i aspiracje polityczne kancelistów kozackich (1670 - 1720) |
| topic | Kozacy / Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Kozacy / Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Historiografia / Ukraina / 17 w jhpk Historiografia / Ukraina / 18 w jhpk Politisches Denken (DE-588)4115590-7 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd Kosaken (DE-588)4032542-8 gnd Kanzleibeamter (DE-588)1130420442 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kozacy / Ukraina / 17 w Kozacy / Ukraina / 18 w Historiografia / Ukraina / 17 w Historiografia / Ukraina / 18 w Politisches Denken Politik Kosaken Kanzleibeamter Ukraina / 17 w Ukraina / 18 w Ukraine |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027285469&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027285469&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT lossonkatarzyna komumiłacałoscojczyznyswiadomosciaspiracjepolitycznekancelistowkozackich16701720 |