Verfügbarkeit: Od minulosti k dnešku

Od minulosti k dnešku: dějiny českých zemí

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Bibliographische Detailangaben
Hauptverfasser:	Rychlík, Jan 1954- (VerfasserIn), Penčev, Vladimir 1957- (VerfasserIn)
Format:	Buch
Sprache:	Czech
Veröffentlicht:	Praha Vyšehrad 2013
Ausgabe:	Vyd. 1.
Schlagworte:	Geschichte Böhmische Länder Tschechien Tschechoslowakei
Online-Zugang:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Beschreibung:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Beschreibung:	685 S.
ISBN:	9788074293870

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Datensatz im Suchindex

_version_	1816329873693605888
adam_text	OBSAH Úvod ČESKÉ ZEMĚ A JEJICH DĚJINY . 15 Kapitola 1 ČESKÉ ZEMĚ NA POČÁTKU DĚJIN (DO VZNIKU ČESKÉHO STÁTU) . 24 Keltové . 27 Germáni . 29 Stěhování národů . 31 Langobardi . 32 Slované . 34 Sámova říše . 37 Ve stínu franské říše . 39 Vznik velkomoravské říše a její rozvoj . 41 Rostislav I. a Svatopluk . 44 Počátky křesťanství a cyrilometodějská mise . 46 Zánik velkomoravské říše . 50 Kapitola 2 VZNIK ČESKÉHO STÁTU . 53 Geneze českého státu . 53 Svatý Václav . 56 Konsolidace českého státu . 59 Kapitola 3 ČECHY A MORAVA V DOBĚ KNÍŽECÍ . 63 Oslabení českého státu na počátku 11. století . 63 Břetislav I. Přechodné upevnění českého státu . 66 Vratislav II. a Břetislav II . 70 Období anarchie . 74 Soběslav I. a upevnění českého státu . 77 Vladislav II . 78 Rozvrat českého státu na konci 12. století . 80 Sociální a hospodářské poměry v 10.-12. stol . 83 Kapitola 4 ČECHY KRÁLOVSKÉ (ČESKÝ STÁT ZA POSLEDNÍCH PŘEMYSLOVCŮ A PRVNÍCH LUCEMBURKŮ) . 89 Hospodářské a sociální poměry v českých zemích ve 13. století . 89 Politický vývoj českých zemí za posledních Přemyslovců. Přemysl Otakar 1 . 93 Václav I. a Přemysl Otakar II . 97 Braniborská okupace. Vláda Václava II . 102 Václav III. a vymření Přemyslovců . 106 Bezvládí a nástup Lucemburků . 107 Vláda Jana Lucemburského . 108 Jan Lucemburský a markrabě Karel . 111 Samostatná vláda Karla IV. . 113 Kapitola 5 DOBA HUSITSKÁ, VĚK PODĚBRADSKÝ A JAGELLONSKÝ (FORMOVÁNÍ ČESKÉ STAVOVSKÉ MONARCHIE) . 118 České země za Václava IV. . 118 Sociální poměry na konci 14. a počátkem 15. století . 122 Církevní poměry . 123 Předchůdcové Husovi a zdroje husitismu . 125 Jan Hus . 126 Koncil kostnický . 130 Počátek husitského hnutí . 132 Jan Žižka z Trocnova . 138 Křížová výprava proti husitům roku 1420. 140 Sněm čáslavský . 143 Druhá křížová výprava . 144 Porážka krajních husitských radikálů . 145 Husitství vletech 1422-1434. Spanilé jízdy a další křížové výpravy . 148 Koncil basilejský . 151 Basilejská kompaktáta . 152 Bitva u Lipan a konec husitských válek . 153 Důsledky husitských válek . 155 Hodnocení husitství . 156 Albrecht II. a bezvládí 1439-1448. 159 Vláda Jiřího z Poděbrad . 162 Jagellonci na českém trůně. Vznik české stavovské monarchie . 167 Náboženské poměry v českých zemích. Počátky Jednoty bratrské . 168 Sociální změny za vlády Vladislava II. Postavení poddaných a měst . 172 Vymření Jagellonců po meči . 175 Kapitola 6 ČESKÉ ZEMĚ SOUČÁSTÍ HABSBURSKÉHO SOUSTÁTÍ (OD MOHÁČE К VESTFÁLSKÉMU MÍRU) . 177 Volba Ferdinanda Habsburského českým králem . 177 Vláda Ferdinanda Ï . 179 České stavovské povstání 1546-1547. 182 Politické a náboženské poměry na počátku druhé poloviny 16. stol . 185 Maxmilián II. a Česká konfese . 187 Rudolf II . 190 Dlouhá turecká válka . 193 Rudolfův majestát . 194 Matyáš II . 197 České stavovské povstání 1618-1620. 198 Bitva na Bílé hoře. Vítězství Habsburků a prosazení absolutismu . 202 Třicetiletá válka . 208 Mír vestfálský . 212 Důsledky třicetileté války a „bělohorský mýtus" . 214 Kapitola 7 OD VESTFÁLSKÉHO MÍRU К OSVÍCENSKÉMU ABSOLUTISMU (1648 -1790). 217 Charakter období po třicetileté válce . 217 Státoprávní vývoj . 218 Vzestup významu katolické církve . 221 Rekatolizace. Postavení Židů . 223 Hospodářské, sociální a etnické poměry . 227 Švédsko-polská válka a konec plánů české emigrace . 235 Války s Francií Ludvíka XIV. Válka o dědictví španělské . 236 První turecká válka a rekatolizace v Uhrách (na Slovensku) . 237 Thökölyho povstání a velká turecká válka . 240 Povstání Ference II. Rákoczyho. Vpád kuruců na Moravu . 243 Turecké války za vlády Karla VI . 244 Válka o dědictví polské . 245 Velké nevolnické povstání 1680. Robotní patenty . 246 Povstání Chodů . 247 Nástup Marie Terezie. Válka o dědictví rakouské . 250 Likvidace státoprávní samostatnosti českých zemí . 255 Pokusy o znovuzískání Slezska . 257 Osvícenské reformy Marie Terezie . 261 Reformy Josefa II . 264 Kapitola 8 OD ABSOLUTISMU К REVOLUCI. VZNIK NOVODOBÉHO ČESKÉHO NÁRODA . 270 První fáze národního obrození . 270 Války s revoluční Francií a jejich vliv na české země . 275 Vznik Rakouského císařství. Napoleonské války a české země . 279 Vídeňský kongres . 286 České země v době Metternichova absolutismu . 287 Druhá fáze českého národního obrození . 290 Slovanská a slovenská otázka . 296 České země v předvečer revoluce 1848. 300 Kapitola 9 OD REVOLUCE К DUALISMU . 303 Charakter revoluce 1848 a její specifika v Rakousku . 303 Počátky revolučního hnutí v českých zemích . 304 Česko-německý konflikt . . 308 Slovanský sjezd a Svatodušní povstání . 310 Potlačení revoluce. Nástup Františka Josefa 1 . 313 Kroměřížská a oktrojovaná ústava . 316 České země v období tzv. Bachova absolutismu . 318 Pád Bachova absolutismu. Říjnový diplom . 324 Únorová ústava . 327 Česká politika v době platnosti únorové ústavy. Staročeši a mladočeši . 329 Rakousko-pruská válka a její důsledky . 333 Rakousko-uherské vyrovnání a prosincová ústava . 336 Kapitola 10 ČESKÉ ZEMĚ V RÁMCI RAKOUSKA-UHERSKA (1867-1914) . 339 Obecná charakteristika poměrů v Předlitavsku . 339 Hospodářský, kulturní a sociální vývoj českých zemí . 343 Česká politika po rakousko-uherském vyrovnání . 348 Fundamentální články . 349 Drobečková politika a pád staročechů . 352 Vznik sociální demokracie a její postoj к národnostní otázce . 357 Česká politika pod vedením mladočechů . 360 Rozštěpení politické scény . 362 Česko-německé jazykové boje. Moravský pakt . 365 Volební reforma 1905 a její důsledky . 367 České země před první světovou válkou . 370 Slovenská otázka . 371 Zahraničněpolitické otázky . 377 Kapitola 11 VZNIK ČESKOSLOVENSKÉHO STÁTU (1914-1918). 381 Počátek první světové války . 381 české země na počátku první světové války . 383 Válečné operace v letech 1914-1917. 385 Postoj Čechů к válce . 389 Zahraniční protirakouský odboj . 392 Zahraniční odboj a revoluce v Rusku . 396 Domácí odboj . 398 Pokusy Karla I. o ukončení války. Česká politická aktivita v letech 1917-1918. 400 Na cestě к samostatnému československému státu . 403 Vyhlášení samostatnosti československého státu . 407 Kapitola 12 MEZI DVĚMA VÁLKAMI . 409 Formování československého státu . 409 Politický vývoj . 414 Ústava z 29. února . 415 Komunistický pokus o převrat . 418 Hospodářský a sociální vývoj meziválečného Československa . 422 Náboženské poměry . 425 Vnitropolitický vývoj Československa . 426 Domácí vývoj ve třicátých letech . 430 Zahraniční politika . 434 Mnichov a zánik první republiky . 437 Druhá republika . 443 Vídenská arbitráž . 448 Zánik druhé republiky . 449 Hodnocení meziválečného období . 451 Kapitola 13 DRUHÁ SVĚTOVÁ VÁLKA A OBNOVENÍ ČESKOSLOVENSKA . 456 Protektorát Čechy a Morava . 456 Protektorátní vláda, fašistické skupiny a problém kolaborace . 458 Počátky odboje . 460 První fáze druhé světové války. Vznik československé armády v zahraničí . 462 Okupační režim a domácí odboj po vypuknutí války . 464 Československá otázka jako problém mezinárodních vztahů . 469 Vstup SSSR do války. Reinhard Heydrich . 471 Okupační režim a odboj v závěrečné části války . 476 Československý vojenský odboj v SSSR . 479 Zahraniční odboj a SSSR . 481 Slovensko za druhé světové války . 482 Slovenské národní povstání . 485 Ztráta Podkarpatské Rusi . 490 Moskevská jednám a košický vládní program . 491 Pražské (květnové) povstání . 494 Druhá světová válka a odboj jako zdroj legitimity poválečných režimů . . 496 Kapitola 14 OD DIKTATURY К DIKTATUŘE . 498 Třetí republika . 498 Uzemní změny a národnostní poměry . 499 Soudní postih kolaborantů . 504 Hospodářský a sociální vývoj . 507 Politický vývoj třetí republiky . 509 Státní převrat 25. února 1948. 512 Transformace politického a hospodářského systému . 516 Ústava 9. května . 518 Kapitola 15 POD VLÁDOU RUDÉ HVĚZDY (KOMUNISTICKÁ DIKTATURA V ČESKOSLOVENSKU) . 520 Charakter let 1948-1953. 520 Hospodářský, sociální a kulturní vývoj 1948-1953. 521 Politický vývoj 1948-1953. 527 Církevní politika . 528 Třetí odboj . 531 Politické represe . 532 Období tání . 538 Rok 1956 a nástup neostalinismu . 542 Režim Antonína Novotného . 544 Ústava 11. července . 546 Hospodářský, sociální a politický vývoj v šedesátých letech . 548 Pád režimu Antonína Novotného . 553 Pokus o reformu . 555 Sovětsko-československá jednání . 559 Sovětská okupace Československa . 562 Počátky normalizace . 566 Vznik československé federace . 568 Nástup Gustava Husáka a politika „zostřené normalizace" . 570 Období nehybnosti . 574 Represe a opozice proti normalizačnímu režimu . 576 Období přestavby a režim Miloše Jakeše . 580 Pád komunistického režimu . 582 Kapitola 16 ROZPAD ČESKOSLOVENSKA . 588 Hospodářský a sociální vývoj v letech 1990-1992. 588 Zahraniční politika . 592 Vnitropolitický vývoj . 592 Slovensko-česká jednám o státoprávním uspořádání . 595 Volby 1990. 596 Česko-slovenská jednání v roce 1990 . 598 Rozklad OF a VPN. Vznik HZDS . 600 Slovensko-česká jednání o státní smlouvě . 601 Rozpad Československa . 603 Ústava České republiky . 609 Závěr SAMOSTATNÁ ČESKÁ REPUBLIKA . 612 Demografické a národnostní pomery České republiky . 612 Dotváření ústavního systému . 614 Politický vývoj za koaliční vlády ODS (1993-1998). 615 Vláda ČSSD (1998-2006). 619 Politický vývoj 2006-2013. 622 Přehled panovníků, hlav státu a předsedů vlád . 627 Přehled použitých pramenů a literatury . 655 Rejstřík . 665 Summary . 680 680 Summary SUMMARY This book deals with the main issues surrounding Czech history from the Early Modern Age to the present. The first problem is the overall issue of how long the Czech state lasted, as well as the issue of its continuity, or to be more precise, the issue of the interruption of its continuity. The Czech Republic is actually a very young state: it was established on 1st January 1993 as a result of the peaceful division of Czechoslovakia into the independent Czech and Slovak Republics. Clearly, however, there is not a single Czech in the Czech Republic who sees the Czech state as a new one that only came into being in 1993. All Czechs surely see the Czech Republic as a continuation of Czechoslovakia, or as a reduced Czecho¬ slovakia. Hence they do not see the date of establishment of the current Czech state as 1st January 1993, but as 28th October 1918. It is certainly not by chance that even in the Czech Republic this day is a state holiday that is celebrated as independence day, even though in reality it is not the day that saw the establish¬ ment of the Czech Republic, but Czechoslovakia, i.e. the state that ceased to exist as of 31st December 1992. However, not even 28th October 1918 is understood to be the date on which a new state was established, but rather reestablished, i.e. it used to exist here a long time ago. This perception was indeed all part of the Czechoslovak foundation legend: 28th October 1918 was perceived to be the counterweight to 8th November 1620, the Battle of the White Mountain, which was generally (and from an objective standpoint basically incorrectly) considered to be the end of the independence of the medieval and Early Modern Czech state. For example, the first Czechoslovak President T. G. Masaryk stated that Czechoslovakia was a revival of the former Bohemian and Greater Mora¬ vian state, though let us leave aside the viability of Masaryk's ideas for the time being,949 and let us rather ask the question: if Czechoslovakia was a revival of an ancient Czech state, when did this original Czech state disappear? In 1918, 28th October was made out to be "redress for the White Mountain" and "liberation 949 It should immediately be pointed out that Masaryk's idea was quite unworkable as a basis for a multinational Czechoslovakia, because the other nations in the republic besides the Czechs could not identify with it. The Slovaks, who were considered at that time to be part of the state Czecho¬ slovak nation, found this idea to be unacceptable, because the Slovaks had never been part of the medieval Czech state and they considered it foreign. Summary 681 from three hundred years of subjugation", so the answer to this question was seemingly straightforward. But only seemingly. Let us disregard this objectively quite unjustified cliché regarding the "three hundred years of subjugation" (there was nothing of the kind) and let us focus on the actual date, for upon closer enquiry we find something interesting: the end of Czech independence can be placed in the year 1490 (with the creation of the Bohemian-Hungarian Union and the transfer of the royal seat to Buda), 1526 (with the Habsburg accession to the Czech throne), 1620 (the Battle of the White Mountain), 1749 (closure of the Czech Court Chancellery) or even 1804 (the establishment of the Austrian Empire) - but we might also see things in such a way that at least at the legal level the Czech state never actually ceased to exist. Besides, all Czech historical law, the foundation of Czech politics in the latter half of the 19th century, was based on the latter premise. We can quite reliably place the origins of the Czech state sometime at the end of the ninth or the beginning of the tenth century, but we cannot precisely determine its end or decline. The very idea of Czechoslovakia as a continuation of the defunct Czech state, which was generally accepted in Czech circles after 1918, is thus quite problematic: it is indeed indisputable that the core of the state comprised three historical Lands of the Bohemian Crown, but then the new republic also included territories that had never belonged to the Czech state, whose inhabitants (despite the artificial theory of Czechoslovak- ism) had nothing much in common with Bohemia. Hence Czech statehood has indeed existed for over a thousand years in a basically continuous form, although over the years this has fundamentally changed and the statehood itself has been repeatedly subsumed within other state entities. Another problem is the relationship between the medieval Czech state and the Holy Roman Empire and that of the Czech monarch to the Roman Emperor (and to the German kings). Since the Middle Ages the Czech state was part of the Holy Roman Empire, which presented 19th century historians with a specific problem, as German historians at the time described this empire as a medieval German state (as they do to some extent to this day). The Latin term Germa¬ nia, applied to this empire but perceived in the Middle Ages to be primarily a geographical designation of Central Europe, was identified with the German Deutschland— Germany, as it was known in the 19th century, even though it was a qualitatively quite different category. During the Middle Ages Bohemia est Ger- maniae pars (Bohemia is part of Germania) really did apply and the inclusion of the Czech state within "Germania" as a geographical unit was not placed in doubt by anybody even in Bohemia itself: for example, we find this geographi¬ cal definition of Bohemia in the introduction to Cosmas's Chronicle from the early 12th century. However, in the 19th century the concept of the Holy Roman Empire as a medieval German state, and the questions surrounding the Czech lands' affiliation to it gave rise to certain political conclusions which in the con¬ text of the emerging modern nations and national state-building programmes presented ethnic Czechs with a specific problem. In practice this German "his¬ torical approach" meant that the Czech state was also going to belong to the 682 Summary forthcoming united Germany, which German policies had been striving for since the early 19th century. The need to include the Czech lands in this future united Germany was also supported by natural law, i.e. the fact that at least one third of the population of the Czech lands were ethnic Germans. Thanks to František Palacký, the Czechs had already clearly rejected the option of joining a future united Germany in 1848, because they would have found themselves in the position of a relatively small minority. In the given situation the only suitable argument against the inclusion of the Czech lands in a uniting Germany could be a plan that to the greatest possible extent conceived Czech development to be quite independent and separate from that of the Reich. Czech historians quite logically attempted to trivialize the Czech state's previous affiliation to the Holy Roman Empire. During the Middle Ages Czech rulers did not see any limitation to their sovereignty in the affiliation of their lands to the Holy Roman Empire, but quite the reverse, they saw an opportunity to influence events beyond the borders of their own possessions. It is beyond dispute that at least from the end of the 12th century the Czech state had always made up a unit that was special in its own way within the Holy Roman Empire, which was made evident by the very fact that its ruler had the title of king. In practice this undoubtedly meant he was an entirely independent monarch. Nevertheless, a rather sensitive question still remained: was there not after all some difference between the Czech state and the Polish and Hungarian states, which were not part of the Holy Roman Empire? It could not be denied that until quite late into the modern age some Czech rulers had indeed received the Czech lands from the Emperor as a fief and thus actually acknowledged their dependence. And if this was indeed the case - when did this dependence then come to an end? Or was its end only de facto and did it simply lose importance by the fact that as the modern era got under way, the feudal system in practice disintegrated entirely and lost any real content, and from the mid-16th century the Roman emperor and Czech king were as a rule one and the same person? As a result of the need to create a stronger confederation of states that was able to confront the Turkish advance into Central Europe, in 1526 the Lands of the Bohemian Crown were united with the Austrian and Hungarian lands in the form of a personal union. Under the Habsburg dynasty the embryo of the subsequent Danubian Empire thus came into existence, for which the name of Austria caught on over time throughout Europe, although this was not officially used until 1804. The original personal union, i.e. the very loose association between three crowns gradually began to turn into a real union, i.e. a confed¬ eration of states with specific joint state bodies and by the latter half of the 18th century a fairly centralized state with its centre in Vienna. The fact that from the latter half of the 16th century the Habsburgs at the same time continuously held the title of emperors of the Holy Roman Empire meant, in the words of Czech historian Josef Pekař - the title of Czech king receded to some extent into the background for the Habsburgs, because they attached greater value to the imperial title. However, the Habsburgs remained Czech kings and from the Summary 683 legal standpoint they continued to rule in the Czech lands as hereditary Czech kings. The activities of the Habsburg monarchs in the international arena also affected the Czech lands and their inhabitants one way or another. They were the ones who contributed to a large extent in all the wars that the Habsburgs waged and it was Czechs who fought in them to no small degree. In some cases the fighting took place on the territory of the Czech lands, whose fate depended on the result of the war (this applies particularly in the case of the Wars of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years' War during the reign of Maria Theresa in the mid-ieth century). Here the third problem arises: to what extent is Czech history also Austrian history, and vice versa - to what degree are the fortunes of the Habsburg state a part of Czech history? In the past Czech historiography had a tendency to artificially take Czech history out of the context of Habsburg Empire history. For example the Turkish wars in the 17th and 18th centuries and the Estates Uprisings in the Hungarian lands were neglected, as if they did not have anything to do with the Czech lands at all. But this approach is not appropriate. The history of the Habsburg Empire after 1526 and even after 1620 or 1648 is undoubtedly also Czech history. Hence this book aims inter alia to bring back this Austrian history as an integral part of Czech history. The problem also has its internal political dimension. The Czech lands developed within the Habsburg Empire over four centuries, which is a very long period of time. Within the Austrian constitutional system, the Czechs learnt to make use of their consti¬ tutional freedoms and political rights in the 19th century and established their first associations and political parties, as well as building themselves an entire system of national institutions. Every new regime needs to define itself to some extent in relation to the previous regime, so clearly the Czechoslovak Republic deliberately depicted former Austria in dark colours. There was also much talk of the need to "de-Austrianize". But the fact remains that the continuity between Austria (though not Hungary!) and Czechoslovakia was much greater than the discontinuity. The Czechoslovak Republic may well have extended the rights and liberties of its citizens, but it basically took over the system involved from Austria (Cisleithania), just as it took over the entire legal system. Nowadays almost one hundred years after the end of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, there is no longer any need to adopt a negative view of any kind towards it. Quite the reverse, there is a great need to see all the positive elements that it brought with it. The First World War brought about the disintegration of Austria-Hungary. One of the new states that was built out of its ruins was Czechoslovakia, which emerged from the union of the Czech lands and Slovakia. Ever since the early 11th century Slovakia had been under the Hungarian crown and it had never been an independent unit within the Hungarian lands. From the 19th century its Slav population was considered in the Czech lands to be a Czech tribe, just like the Czech-speaking Moravians and the Silesians - until 1914 the term Czech "Čechoslované" (Czechoslavs) and later "Čechoslováci" (Czechoslovaks) was applied to them. The Slovaks themselves, with a few exceptions, did not consider themselves to be Czechs, though the theory of a united Czechoslovak nation 684 Summary ("Czechoslovakism") served as a basis for the emergence of a joint Czechoslovak state as a "national state of the Czechoslovak nation". Between 1918 and 1939 Subcarpathian Ruthenia was also attached to Czechoslovakia, although it was always considered to be an autonomous part. Hence in 1918 Czech statehood was subsumed in the minds of the Czechs under Czechoslovak statehood, with which the Czechs identified. Metaphorically speaking, the High Tatras had also become their mountains, and its highest peak Gerlach (2,655 metres above sea level) was now the highest mountain for Czechs too, while they also now saw the Danube and its tributaries the Váh, Nitra and Hron as "our" rivers. This was to the great dislike of the Slovaks, who had never thought or felt that way. The surrounding world also understood Czechoslovakia to be an enlarged Czech state. Everything that was Czechoslovak was considered to be Czech and the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia were described as Czechs. The loss of Subcar¬ pathian Ruthenia in 1945 and the break-up of Czechoslovakia at the end of 1992 were not considered on the Czech side to be the birth of a new state, but only a reduction in its size. Its statehood essentially (qualitatively) remained the same. From the Czech standpoint the establishment of Czechoslovakia was definitely a successful project, and indeed, the only possible project in the given circumstances, as the only alternative was a German Mitteleuropa, which was hard for the Czechs to accept. The new state also brought with it a great deal for the Slovaks and Subcarpathian Ruthenians, but was it of benefit to the other nationalities in the republic? The modern-day Czech Republic is essentially a state that is nationally homo¬ geneous. Ignoring the various diasporas, the only compact minority is made up of Poles in Teschen Silesia in the north-east of the country (the Poles refer to this area as Zdolie, i.e. the land beyond the River Olza, which separates the Czech Republic from Poland there). However, national homogeneity only applies in the case of the independent Czech Republic after 1993. Both Czechoslovakia and the Czech lands before 1918 were nationally heterogeneous. In the Czech lands the German speakers were most notable, making up approximately one third of the overall population. The mountainous borderland was primarily German until 1946, when the great majority of ethnic Germans was expelled in the wake of the Second World War. However, the German-speaking population only acquired a clear German national identity at the turn of the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries. Until that time the Germans had often also considered themselves to be Czechs or rothir Bohemians and Moravians, though of course only in a territorial sense. The German-speaking inhabitants of Bohemia, Mora¬ via and Silesia had played some role in the overall historical development of the Czech lands since the 13th century, when colonists from the German lands had begun to pour into the country. František Palacký had called his synthesis The History of the Czech Nation in Bohemia and Moravia, i.e. the subject of his history was the Czech nation, while he considered the main issue of Czech history to be Czech-German "colliding and co-residing". This idea was rejected by Jaroslav Goli and his pupils, particularly Josef Pekař. Influences of romantism that had Summary 685 come to the Czech lands via the Germans, undoubtedly had a positive influence on Czech development. However, although Palacký's idea had been rejected by the end of the 19th century, phoenix-like it rose again in the 20th century, particu¬ larly as a reaction to the problem of Czech-German relations, and so it survives in a way and to some extent to this day. The importance of ethnic Germans for the Czech lands was forgotten during the 20th century and the Germans were mostly only referred to here when they had a negative effect from the standpoint of Czech endeavours. But the fact is that the German population was of great importance within the history of the Czech lands, and from the cultural and eco¬ nomic point of view the Germans were of great benefit historically. The Germans in the Czech lands never considered themselves to be a minority, but part of the Czech, Moravian and Silesian provincial nation, and subsequently as a national group or another provincial nation. In other words, the Germans belong to Czech history just as the Czechs do. This book is deliberately not conceived as a history of the Czech nation, but as a history of the territory belonging to the Czech state. Where necessary, the fortunes of the individual national groups are analysed separately. The question of relations between Czech and Slovak history is complex. While Czechoslovakia was in existence, Czech history and Slovak history were normally viewed up to 1918 in parallel, and their points of contact were delib¬ erately highlighted. Politically, the fact was stressed that since the creation of the Czech-Hun¬ garian personal union in 1490 the Czech lands and Slovakia were actually under the rule of the same monarchs, which continued to be the case under the Habsburgs, i.e. after 1526. During the interwar period in particular, but also later, a construct of Czechoslovak history was artificially created for the entire historical period from Great Moravia ("the first common state of Czechs and Slovaks") to the present, with the establishment of Czechoslovakia made out to be the natural culmination of Czech and Slovak national history. This conception is highly problematic. Until the creation of Czechoslovakia, Slovak history had been a part of the political history of Hungary, with very few points of contact with Czech history. Czechoslovak history can only really be referred to for the 1918-1992 period. Of course, this does not mean that before this date Czech development was not affected in some cases by developments in Slovakia and vice versa. Czechoslovakia undoubtedly has its pre-history. Hence we only deal with Slovak history in this book if it relates to developments in the Czech lands, as it did e.g. in the 19th century. Of course, within Czechoslovakia (1918-1992) the Slovak factor cannot be ignored and so the book also refers to developments in Slovakia to the necessary extent. Г'-
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spelling	Rychlík, Jan 1954- Verfasser (DE-588)124696236 aut Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí Jan Rychlík ; Vladimir Penčev Vyd. 1. Praha Vyšehrad 2013 685 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Böhmische Länder (DE-588)4069573-6 gnd rswk-swf Tschechien (DE-588)4303381-7 gnd rswk-swf Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 gnd rswk-swf Böhmische Länder (DE-588)4069573-6 g Tschechoslowakei (DE-588)4078435-6 g Tschechien (DE-588)4303381-7 g Geschichte z DE-604 Penčev, Vladimir 1957- Verfasser (DE-588)1033525278 aut Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027275602&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027275602&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Rychlík, Jan 1954- Penčev, Vladimir 1957- Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí
subject_GND	(DE-588)4069573-6 (DE-588)4303381-7 (DE-588)4078435-6
title	Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí
title_auth	Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí
title_exact_search	Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí
title_full	Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí Jan Rychlík ; Vladimir Penčev
title_fullStr	Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí Jan Rychlík ; Vladimir Penčev
title_full_unstemmed	Od minulosti k dnešku dějiny českých zemí Jan Rychlík ; Vladimir Penčev
title_short	Od minulosti k dnešku
title_sort	od minulosti k dnesku dejiny ceskych zemi
title_sub	dějiny českých zemí
topic_facet	Böhmische Länder Tschechien Tschechoslowakei
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027275602&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027275602&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
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