Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna: međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.)
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bosnian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sarajevo
Dobra Knjiga
2013
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 390 S. Kt. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9789958271502 9789958270840 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804152126801182720 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Sadržaj
Uvodna razmatranja
..............................................................................5
SFRJ
-
država koja je lagano
odumírala
.............................................11
1.
Proces disolucije
SFRJ od
smrti Josipa
Broza Tita
do proglašenja
nezavisnosti Slovenije i Hrvatske
25.
juna
1991..................................13
2.
Uloga međunarodne diplomatije u procesu disolucije
SFRJ
...........35
3.
SR BiH od prvih višestranačkih izbora do
proglašenja nezavisnosti
7.
aprila
1992................................................74
Republika Bosna i Hercegovina od međunarodnog priznanja
7.
aprila
1992.
do
Vens-
Ovenovog plana
.........................................................115
1.
Republika Bosna i Hercegovina
nakon proglašenja nezavisnosti
.........................................................117
2.
Međunarodna
diplomatica
prema zbivanjima u Republici Bosni
i Hercegovini od međunarodnog priznanja do Londonske
konferencije
...........................................................................................128
3.
Ponovo logori u Evropi. Genocid i etničko čišćenje
........................173
4.
Međunarodna
diplomatica od
Londonske konferencije do kraja
1992.
godine
....................................................................................................181
Republika Bosna i Hercegovina i međunarodna
diplomatica od
Vens-Ovenovog plana do uspostave Federacije BiH
..........................213
1.
Vens
-
Ovenov plan i njegov utjecaj na zbivanja u Republici Bosni i
Hercegovini
...........................................................................................215
2.
Međunarodna
diplomatij
a prema zbivanjima u Republici Bosni i
Hercegovini od
Vens
-
Ovenovog plana do njegove propasti
......224
3.
Novi planovi
о
razgradnji Republike Bosne i Hercegovine
............261
4.
Međunarodna diplomatija u potrazi za mirom
................................292
5.
Savezništva i suparništva u Republici Bosni i Hercegovini. Od
sukoba do savezništva. Uspostava Federacije BiH
..........................300
Zaključak
............................................................................................339
389
ZIJAD ŠEHIĆ
Summary
............................................................................................345
Izvori i literatura
................................................................................351
Prilozi
.................................................................................................359
Index
ličnih imena
..............................................................................371
Index
geografskih pojmova
................................................................381
Spisak skraćenica
................................................................................387
Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek
München
390
Nedovršeni eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna
Summary
The general
condition of the social crisis in Yugoslavia; followed by the bre¬
akdown of the ruling ideology had created a platform which allowed nationa¬
listic forces, surprisingly fresh and aggressive, to emerge after forty years of si¬
lence. The centre of nationalistic disorder that tore Yugoslavia down was not
anywhere else but in its very leading centre
-
Serbia. That is why the eruption
successfully tore the whole political construction apart.
The Yugoslav crisis took place along with the major European changes since
1989,
which lead Europe to its internationalization. The position of
OSCE
at
the end of cold war block separation was such that they did not have any cri¬
sis plan. Therefore, putting European institutions in charge of the conflict by
the UNO at the time when the European institutions were without adequate
instruments and structures, pointed out the impossibility of achieving a peace
agreement.
Despite the united stance of European partners about conservation of Yugo¬
slavia, they did not develop an operative policy for the regulation of the conflict.
Despite the unity of European partners in the intention of conserving Yu¬
goslavia, the policy for regulating the conflict was not constituted. Instead of
taking preventive operations, the
EU
issued vain warnings. The dissolution of
Yugoslavia was the first real test of EUs political cooperation and ability to act
as an international subject. To the USA it was another chance to test its new role
in Europe, while to Germany it was an opportunity to demonstrate
iťs
political
capabilities after its unification and to move away from post-war international
political and military restrictions. It was an opportunity for the
OSCE
and UN
to test their ability to resolve peace treaties. For the most of the European coun¬
tries, the Yugoslav crisis was a background to redefine their foreign policy and
geopolitical interests after the cold war.
After the beginning of the war in Yugoslavia, the European Union acted
with it is time for Europe slogan, trying to gain primacy in solving the crisis,
as they saw the opportunity to manifest it s importance and influence in in¬
ternational politics. In their efforts to do so, the
EU
participated in three pha¬
ses of dissolution of Yugoslavia throughout
1991:
intermediation until August,
345
ZlJAD ŠEHIĆ
then at the conference in The Hague from September to November, then in
the process of coordinated recognition of the Yugoslav republics in December.
Neither coherence nor determination was shown in the policy of the European
Union in that period. Not taking any preventive measures the
EU
conducted
only declarative policy insisting on keeping the united Yugoslav state. Coor¬
dinated analysis and strategy to face the problem were absent, as there were
no commonly agreed principles by all the
EU
member states. Instead, the
EU
was conducting with partial solutions. Besides that, the
EU
lacked the political
determination to enforce adopted regulations. The role of the
EU
in the Dayton
Agreement was marginal; which exposed EU s failure in intermediation. The
operations considering the crisis management could be carried only in the case
with clearly defined strategy and united and clear political aims.
UN was not just a passive nor neutral intermediary in seeking for a peace¬
ful solution. Most of the members were rather seeking realisation of their own
interests than the solution for the crisis. When the UN insisted on Wances
plan for the occupied part of Croatia, which allowed the moving the Yugoslav
National Army to Bosnia and Herzegovina, they became accessary in Bosnia
s
destruction. Since
OSCE
and
EU
with their diplomatic approach could not
resolve the problem, by the end of September of
1991,
the UN took a part in
resolving it. The stand UN had towards Bosnia and Herzegovina changed after
Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia became members of the UN in May 22nd
1992.
Since then, wars in Croatia and Bosnia were no longer taken as civil wars, but
international war; which made YPA the aggressor. That allowed UN to impose
sanctions against Yugoslavia, since they did not comply with the resolution
725
from May 15th
1992,
which demanded Yugoslavia to end its military activities
in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Whereas the war, accompanied
with ethnical cleansing and genocide, wus continued, the YNA was declared
as the aggressor, and sanctions against Yugoslavia were enhanced. Further, the
resolutions
787
and
820
brought embargo upon the Adriatic, which was condu¬
cted by NATO and
EU.
Nevertheless, those measures could not stop the aggre¬
ssion against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Besides economy sanctions against Yu¬
goslavia, the UN applied other measures. To prevent the support to the Army
of
Republika Srpska,
the United Nations Security Council imposed the ban
of flights over B&H; which was backed by resolution
816
from March the 31st
1993.
The UNSC had formed an expert commission for documenting mass
murders of civilians; systematic rape of women and other war crimes on Octo¬
ber the 6th
1992.
Based on the first commission s reports the UNSC formed a
346
Nedovršeni eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna
Tribunal
for persecution of violators of international humanitarian rights. Line
of measures of UN for ending the conflict in RB&H, either military diploma¬
tic or economic, had limited or sometimes counterproductive effect. Especia¬
lly problematic was the mission of UNPROFOFRin Bosnia and Herzegovina,
during which many errors and mistakes occurred regarding UN safe havens.
From summer of
1992,
NATO engaged in the situation in former Yugoslavia,
but with restricted mandate, which implied Adriatic blockade for enforcement
of air blockade and protection of safe havens. Events in Bosnia and Herzegovi¬
na clearly disposed all the weakness of the mission of UNPROFOR, mostly be¬
cause of scarcely armed soldiers; with mostly hesitant leadership. It all showed
that UNPROFOR was not able to protect the UN safe havens.
During the official recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Dayton
Agreement; international diplomacy made a number of resolutions, gave opi¬
nions, issued suggestions, and passed many regulations, but with installed in¬
struments for its realisation. Different political stances of
EU
member states
and UNSC displayed their unwillingness to help bring the war to an end, be¬
cause of their own geostrategic interests. European media had been documen¬
ting crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but all the principles on which the UN
were based on were pushed aside. Interests of certain European countries were
pushed upfront. Germany had lead an anti-Serbian policy but only rhetorically
aware of its historical, constitutional and political reasons, which limited the
possibilities of its more efficient engagement. During
1992,
France had been
pro-Serbian. They advocated economic sanctions, then humanitarian inter¬
vention, and then isolating Serbia, which was counterproductive for ending
the war. Great Britain was against any kind of military engagement that would
expand out of Blue Berets mission. While the member countries of
EU
suppor¬
ted the peace process and arms embargo, the UK consistently opposed military
intervention, interceding for an assembly of political measures which contri¬
buted to the deepening of the war and confirming Serbian territorial gains. By
the end of
1993,
the total fragmentation in decision making was obvious, which
disturbed the relations between UN and NATO, which questioned the role of
NATO in the new world order after the end of the Cold War.
Failure of Yugoslav policy was marked by the manoeuvres of internatio¬
nal politics. International reactions were often late, mostly just declarative or
contradictory. Another weakness of international community was shown by
it s effort to regulate the conflict without military force. Peace forces of UN
347
ZlJAD ŠEHIĆ
charged that pacifist attempts of international community were only efficient
on the highest governmental levels. Failure of the international diplomacy was
inherent in all areas of its mechanism. Range of the resolutions of UNCS was
limited due to the political interests of its member states, that were only instru¬
ment of influencing the decisions and methods of conducting passed conclusi¬
ons. The reactions on abuse of humanitarian rights were only verbal. Besides
using vain political measures; not one European country was ready to engage
iťs
military forces for achieving peace.
USA s effort to achieve consensus on removing arms embargo within NATO
had collapsed. In the UNCS the embargo was supported by Russia and China
-
for obvious reasons
-
but also France, as well as some other non-permanent
members. Nevertheless, Americans
-
also some other observers
-
righteously
pointed UK as the main obstacle in removing the embargo. The British expla¬
ined that by stating that there is too much arms in the country anyway and by
removing the embargo, more arms would pour in which would lead to a greater
devastation, furthermore, it would disable political resolutions and they sugge¬
sted that arming Bosniaks would anger Croats and Serbs, which could lead to
retaliation over peace troops.
By the beginning of
1994,
it seamed that the engagement of world commu¬
nity in resolving the conflict in ex Yugoslavia was at its end. Looks upon the
World community as a helper and problem solver were pessimistic.
EU
member
countries were disunited, and the USA was neutral. Only Russia had deman¬
ded more active international activity. In all conferences where the mismat¬
ch between
EU, UN
and NATO on one side and Bosnian Serbs on other, the
Russian negotiators offered settling the conflict. Turnover happened in Febru¬
ary
1994,
after a bomb fired by Serbs killed
68
and wounded
197
civilians at
the market place. Since that moment, American engagement had been clearer.
Due to European failure and obvious Russian involvement, the USA saw their
opportunity to take lead in international relations, by interfering in a confli¬
ct of international importance. Latter period showed that influence of
EU
had
flunked and the role of USA and Russia was more important, as no solution was
optional without them.
UNs failure has discredited them as organisation, but the blame could be
laid upon major members of UNCS; they had evaded the solution by trying
to use UNPROFOR for something it was not prepared for, and by acting as if
they had not recognise Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state. The role
348
Nedovršeni eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna
of UN had shrunk even more after the USA did not give them, but to NATO,
the leading position, the US government being aware that they would get no
objections against such decision.
The fact that the USA and the NATO were the moving force for stopping the
war in ex Yugoslavia and for imposing peace showed that failure of European
attempts to do more about the crisis had many reasons. Lack of own security
interests and disunited stance of the
EU
member states turned to be insupera¬
ble obstacle for united engagement. Other reason for the failure of the
EU was
the lack of willingness to constitute political concept that would engage the
structures involved to seek for a solution. The structural absence of it s common
foreign policy turned to be a significant limitation of the
EU,
as the
EU
member
states could not agree upon decisions, and not having political motifs to condu¬
ct the agreed upon measures.
349
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Šehić, Zijad |
| author_facet | Šehić, Zijad |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Šehić, Zijad |
| author_variant | z š zš |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041804605 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)895257651 (DE-599)BVBBV041804605 |
| era | Geschichte 1991-1994 gnd Geschichte 1993 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1991-1994 Geschichte 1993 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 gnd Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Bosnien-Herzegowina Jugoslawien |
| id | DE-604.BV041804605 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:05:46Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789958271502 9789958270840 |
| language | Bosnian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027250092 |
| oclc_num | 895257651 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR DE-12 |
| physical | 390 S. Kt. 24 cm |
| publishDate | 2013 |
| publishDateSearch | 2013 |
| publishDateSort | 2013 |
| publisher | Dobra Knjiga |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Šehić, Zijad Verfasser aut Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) Zijad Šehić Sarajevo Dobra Knjiga 2013 390 S. Kt. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Stoltenberg, Thorvald 1931-2018 (DE-588)124409806 gnd rswk-swf Vance-Owen-Friedensplan (DE-588)1256137502 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1991-1994 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1993 gnd rswk-swf Friedensbemühung (DE-588)4155429-2 gnd rswk-swf Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd rswk-swf Desintegration Politik (DE-588)4149178-6 gnd rswk-swf Bosnienkrieg (DE-588)4345999-7 gnd rswk-swf Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Bosnien-Herzegowina (DE-588)4088119-2 g Friedensbemühung (DE-588)4155429-2 s Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 s Geschichte 1991-1994 z DE-604 Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Desintegration Politik (DE-588)4149178-6 s Bosnienkrieg (DE-588)4345999-7 s Vance-Owen-Friedensplan (DE-588)1256137502 u Stoltenberg, Thorvald 1931-2018 (DE-588)124409806 p Geschichte 1993 z Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027250092&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027250092&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Šehić, Zijad Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) Stoltenberg, Thorvald 1931-2018 (DE-588)124409806 gnd Vance-Owen-Friedensplan (DE-588)1256137502 gnd Friedensbemühung (DE-588)4155429-2 gnd Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd Desintegration Politik (DE-588)4149178-6 gnd Bosnienkrieg (DE-588)4345999-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)124409806 (DE-588)1256137502 (DE-588)4155429-2 (DE-588)4072885-7 (DE-588)4149178-6 (DE-588)4345999-7 (DE-588)4088119-2 (DE-588)4028966-7 |
| title | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) |
| title_auth | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) |
| title_exact_search | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) |
| title_full | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) Zijad Šehić |
| title_fullStr | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) Zijad Šehić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) Zijad Šehić |
| title_short | Eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji Bosna |
| title_sort | eksperiment u svjetskoj laboratoriji bosna medunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije sfrj i agresije na republiku bosnu i hercegovinu do vasingtonskog sporazuma 1994 |
| title_sub | međunarodna diplomatija u vrijeme disolucije SFRJ i agresije na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu (do Vašingtonskog sporazuma 1994.) |
| topic | Stoltenberg, Thorvald 1931-2018 (DE-588)124409806 gnd Vance-Owen-Friedensplan (DE-588)1256137502 gnd Friedensbemühung (DE-588)4155429-2 gnd Internationale Politik (DE-588)4072885-7 gnd Desintegration Politik (DE-588)4149178-6 gnd Bosnienkrieg (DE-588)4345999-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Stoltenberg, Thorvald 1931-2018 Vance-Owen-Friedensplan Friedensbemühung Internationale Politik Desintegration Politik Bosnienkrieg Bosnien-Herzegowina Jugoslawien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027250092&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027250092&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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