Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije - INIS
2012
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Studije i monografije
85 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., serb.. - Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Serbischer Zivil/Kulturplan der Milan Nedic-Regierung ... |
| Beschreibung: | 598 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788670051126 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text |
СРПСКИ ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН ВЛАДЕ М.
НЕДИЋА
САДРЖАЈ
ПРЕДГОВОР
.
VII
ПРВИ ДЕО: СРПСКИ ЦИВЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН
-
СТУДИ
JA.17
ИДЕОЛОШКЕ ОСНОВЕ СРПСКИХ КОЛАБОРАЦИОНИСТА
.19
Гордо
таворење:
Срби и криза
међуратног
југословенског друштва
.21
Између
Светог Саве
и фашизма: српске и
југословенске
десничарске
организације
у
међуратном
периоду
и
њихова идеологија
.24
СРБИЈА
ПОД НЕМАЧКОМ ОКУПАЦШОМ
.40
Окупација
и
колаборација.
43
Савет комесара
—
прва колаборациона управа
.46
Влада
Народног спаса генерала Милана
Ђ. Недића
.51
Велибор
Јонић
и Владимир
Велмар-Јанковић:
главни
креатори српске културне политике под
окупацијом
.54
КОНЦЕПТ СРПСКОГ ЦИВИЛНОГ/КУЛТУРНОГ ПЛАНА
.69
Генеза Српског цившшог/културног плана
.69
Биолошки сектор Српског цивилног/културног плана
.79
Духовни
сектор Српског цивилног/културног плана
.82
Економски сектор Српског цивилног/културног плана
.87
Технички сектор Српског цивилног/културног плана
.90
Српски
цивилни/културни
план и послератне власти
у
Југославији
.92
ЗАКЉУЧАК
.96
ДРУГИ ДЕО:
ИСТОРИЈСКИ
ИЗВОРИ
О
СРПСКОМ ЦИВЛИНОМ/КУЛТУРНОМ ПЛАНУ
.103
I
ДОКУМЕНТА ВЕЗАНА ЗА ГЕНЕЗУ И
РАЗВОЈ
СРПСКОГ ЦИВИЛНОГ/КУЛТУРНОГ ПЛАНА
.105
II
СРПСКИ
ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ
ПЛАН
-
БИОЛОШКИ СЕКТОР
.162
III
СРПСКИ
ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ
ПЛАН
-
ДУХОВНИ
СЕКТОР
.239
V
Александар Стојановић
IV
СРПСКИ ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН
-
ЕКОНОМСКИ СЕКТОР
.315
V
СРПСКИ ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН
-
ТЕХНИЧКИ
СЕКТОР
.339
VI
ИЗВЕШТАЈИ
ФАКУЛТЕТА УНИВЕРЗИТЕТА
У БЕОГРАДУ
О
ИСТОРИЈАТУ
И ТРЕНУТНОМ
СТАЊУ
ПОЈЕДИНИХ
НАУКА У
СРБИЈИ
.392
-
Пољопривредни
факултет
.392
-
Медицински факултет
.424
—
Филозофски факултет
.447
-Теолошки факултет
.491
—
Правни факултет
.500
-Технички
факултет
.538
SERBIAN CIVIL/CULTURAL PLAN
OF MILAN NEDIC'S GOVERNMENT
.568
SERBISCHER ZIVIL / KULTURPLAN
DER
MILAN NEDIC
- REGIERUNG.574
ПОПИС
СКРАЋЕНИЦА
.581
ИЗВОРИ И ЛИТЕРАТУРА
.583
ИНДЕКС ИМЕНА
.590
VI
Александар Стојановић
SERBIAN CIVIL/CULTURAL PLAN
OF MILAN NEDIC'S GOVERNMENT
The overall experience of the Serbian people concerning their in¬
tegration into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia
could be described as difficult and disappointing to some extent. The
desire for a united, centralized state the Serbian people were used to
during their historical development met with the strong opposition of
mainly Croat political leaders, but also with a number of global dis¬
turbances such as the Great Depression and World War II, which neg¬
atively affected the development of Yugoslav society. Looking beyond
the state-building framework, we can see that the Yugoslav inter-war
society tried to skip a few steps in its cultural and civilizational devel¬
opment and raise, practically overnight, an agricultural, illiterate and
poor society (and such were the societies of the Kingdom of Serbia,
Montenegro, Macedonia and parts of Croatia) to the cultural level of
developed European countries. However, many mistakes were made
along the way: transformation process started without an appropri¬
ate material basis; certain segments of foreign cultural models were
randomly chosen and adopted while still trying to create an artificial,
imposed by repression, integral Yugoslav nation, Yugoslav racial type
and its indigenous culture. All this had a very negative effect to the
internal development of a society, cultural policy and cultural iden¬
tity. Serbian right-wing was partly the product of dissatisfaction with
government and parliamentary dysfunction, and partly the result of
the wave of European right-wing political movements in the King¬
dom of Yugoslavia. It mostly operated within the cultural framework,
and was more a conglomerate of independent intellectuals gathered
around certain journals, than a group of organized political parties
and organizations. Despite the well-developed ideology that covered
a wide range of ideological and political elements, the actual political
influence of the Serbian right-wing at the national level was negligi¬
ble. This was proven by the election results of the strongest Serbian
right-wing organization, Yugoslav national movement
"Zbor"
which
were at the level of a statistical error. The Serbian right-wing ideol¬
ogy reached the peak of its social influence on two occasions: during
the promotion of integral Yugoslavism (during the personal regime
of King Alexander) and during the occupation, when a number of
prominent right-wing politicians were occupying leading positions in
the collaborative structures.
568
СРПСКИ ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН ВЛАДЕ М.
НЕДИЋА
World War
II
revealed many flaws in the interwar Yugoslav so¬
ciety, whose system (both military and civil) fell apart in less than
twenty days. The ruling elite, whose incompetence came to light, did
not have enough dignity to stand by the people and serve the sen¬
tence, but boarded the plane and left the country together with King
Peter II. The way the Croats saw a common state became painfully
clear when in April war they committed a mass desertion and trea¬
son. They declared the Independent State of Croatia, while the war
was still going on (although
Dr
Vlatko
Macek,
the most outstanding
political representative of the Croatian people supported the govern¬
ment of General Simovic while it was in the country). In the days
before and during the war the foreign agents were very actively in¬
volved (British and Comintern, as well as German) likewise their Yu¬
goslav collaborators, who decided to leave the destiny of their people
and country to the foreign centres of power and their interests. The
occupation revealed the differences in character and financial status
of people: while some were desperately struggling to survive and not
to freeze during the winter, others acquired wealth by black market
trading and speculations. Driven by material gain or personal revenge,
many citizens were busy denouncing to the Belgrade Special Police
or Gestapo. Many prominent citizens completely withdrew from the
public life, but there were a considerable number of those who were
engaged in collaboration, guided by patriotic and national feelings
and the desire to save what can be saved, or by the unfulfilled per¬
sonal ambition and Germanophilia. All these phenomena were mostly
relics of inter-war Yugoslavia.
Besides the enormous destruction, genocide and casualties, the
World War II also brought about the possibility of radical transfor¬
mation of society that would not have been possible at the time of
peace. The Yugoslav society and the Yugoslav state between the wars
were certainly "mature" for this transformation. The fact is that both
resistance movements, as well as collaborative structures in Serbia,
recognized the need for change and were actively engaged in out¬
lining the post-war reform. Chetnik movement advocated a monar-
569
Александар Стојановић
chical
system, but also planned the change of internal organization,
one of the goals being to punish the Croats and Muslims because of
their treason and their crimes in the territory of the Independent
Croat State. Even this movement, which during the war was an of¬
ficial branch of the Royal Yugoslav government, deemed a pre-war
Kingdom of Yugoslavia an unacceptable form of government for
the future. The Communist Resistance Movement, which eventually
evolved into the National Liberation Movement, expanded its social
and military influence using the discontent with the old system. They
came out with the concept of a federal republic, the recognition of
all nations and their characters, standing in the way to the "hegemo¬
ny", eliminating social differences and injustice. Collaborative struc¬
tures, led by General Milan Nedic as a Prime Minister, supported the
abandonment of the Yugoslav idea and the return to the traditional
foundations of Serbian society and statehood. Partly because of the
war and occupation (and partly because they were aware of the il¬
legitimacy of their position) they could not use standard political
means and institutes. Their efforts towards the social transforma¬
tion focused on the sphere of cultural policy, which was extensively
developed and conducted at the Ministry of Education and Religion
during the occupation. The Cultural policy of the Serbian govern¬
ment during the occupation was pursued consistently, at all levels,
and with the clear aim of radical social transformation, as the only
way for Serbian people to survive. Such policy engaged many promi¬
nent right-wing politicians and revived certain ideological concepts
created in the inter-war period. Thus, under the new circumstances,
Serbian national and cultural values such as the way of St.
Sava,
Ser¬
bian nationalism, the tradition of Serbian villages and farmers' way
of life, family, and cooperatives were once more marked as basic val¬
ues. They strongly criticized the internationalism of any kind, under
the pretext that it "destroyed" the Serbian way of life, "seduced" the
youth and put it at the service of foreign interests (especially those of
masonry and communism). The ultimate goal of this cultural policy
was the post-war return to a unitary Serbian state with a monarchi¬
cal form of government and feudal parliamentary system. Such an
ideological concept was materialized in the form of a Serbian peas¬
ant cooperative state, whose establishment was supported by Nedic
himself whereas the ideological background was mostly taken from
the inter-war political activity of the Yugoslav national movement
"Zbor".
This state was conceived as a purely Serbian, ultra-conserva-
570
СРПСКИ ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН ВЛАДЕ М.
НЕДИЋА
tive
organie
community with the King at the head. The whole na¬
tion was supposed to be organically connected and organized into
cooperatives, which would have an economic and political role in the
country. The Assembly, which was to be more advisory than legisla¬
tive authority should include members of all classes and professions.
Since Serbia was generally a peasant country, the highest authority
(excluding a monarch) would belong to peasants, and the distribution
of goods would be done through cooperatives under strong state con¬
trol, in order to protect peasants from speculators and the cruelty of
liberal capitalism. Generally speaking, the peasantry in the ideology
and propaganda of Nedic's government was more privileged than the
working class was with the Communists. Although the
reorientation
to the agricultural production and a strong work ethic propagated
by Nedic's government were in compliance with Hitler's new world
order and the place of Southeast Europe as a producer of primary
products and raw materials, it seems that the ideological and cultural
concepts of Serbian collaborators were developed much more under
the influence of their dissatisfaction with the inter-war situation in
the country and society, than under the pressure of the occupiers. On
the other hand, one cannot overlook the fact that Nedic himself in
a memorandum to General Paul
Bader
requested the Axis powers to
support the creation of such a state during the war.
The project of Serbian Civil/Cultural Plan was developed apart from
the ideological concept of Serbian peasant cooperative state, with the
main aim to solve practical problems in the lives of Serbian people,
raising their overall biological, civilizational and cultural level. While
the concept of peasant cooperative state was led by the government,
with substantial support of several ministries and other government
agencies (primarily the Ministry of National Economy, Ministry of
Internal Affairs and Advertising Administration), the project of Ser¬
bian Civil/Cultural Plan was mainly developed within the Ministry
of Education and Religion, and was meant to remain secret until the
beginning of its implementation. It was developed at the initiative
of the Assistant Minister Vladimir Velmar-Jankovic as a part of the
overall government's cultural policy. Although this fact has never
been mentioned in the Yugoslav and Serbian historiography, based
on the archival sources, it can be concluded that the Plan was one of
the main triggers of the University reform. Although
200
problems
of the Serbian national life were identified, the Plan finally included
176 (169
sectoral and
7
cross-sectoral problems). During a year and a
571
Александар Стојановић
half of its development, the Plan included the statements and guide¬
lines for more than two thirds of the problems defined in the Plan.
The part of Serbian intellectual elite invested a great effort in the
development of this mainly apolitical and useful project, applicable
to any social system. The analysed material related to Serbian Civil/
Cultural Plan offered the conclusion that the associates, beside com¬
pletely original solutions and the theoretical variants, often provided
very simple and practical solutions in their papers and guidelines, or
simply suggested a way of keeping professional and personnel policy
in their scope of work. In this way, the Plan incorporated a scien¬
tific and professional legacy of a generation of Serbian intellectuals
working at the University of Belgrade. Considered in the historical
context of the inter-war development, this legacy was not insignifi¬
cant. Although many University professors who were the associates
of the Plan were punished by the post-war government or labelled as
collaborators and
Germanophiles,
their biographies leave an entirely
different impression. Most of them were people of integrity, eminent
experts and proven national workers. Although some of them studied
in Germany and Austria-Hungary (and probably because of this were
considered
Germanophiles),
the history has shown that they were
among the most prominent national activists: among the members of
"Young Bosnia" who were arrested during the "grand treason" affair,
the volunteers in the Serbian army and the medical service in World
War I, and among the prisoners in German camps after the April war.
The reform done by Jonic and Velmar-Jankovic significantly freed
the Belgrade University from Masonry, left-wingers and Anglophiles
even though the teachers who stayed were more Francophiles and
Anglophiles, than
Germanophiles,
which is supported by the fact that
they were under constant surveillance of the enemy intelligence serv¬
ices. Their post-war public appearances, memoirs and literary works
clearly show that they did not believe in the triumph of the Axis nor
wished for it and that since
1943
they were fully aware of the Al¬
lies' victory. Another part of the University professors and associates
from the period of occupation had undergone a different treatment
by the post-war government. So, most of the staff of the Medical and
Technical Faculty who participated in the development of Serbian
Civil/Cultural Plan continued working at the University, were fully
incorporated in the new social system and reached the peak of their
careers in that system. Another fact that needs to be pointed out is
the inconsistency with which the new government judged one's in¬
volvement in the occupation and treated such persons with no ra-
572
СРПСКИ ЦИВИЛНИ/КУЛТУРНИ ПЛАН ВЛАДЕ М.
НЕДИЋА
tional
explanations thereof. Based on the comparative analysis of
the destinies of prominent representatives of the Serbian urban and
intellectual elite, some trends could be recognized, especially in re¬
moving prominent Serbian nationalists from the faculties of social
and humanistic sciences (this practice endured for years), but also
in the existence of uncontrolled waves of revolutionary repression
in the first months after liberation, in which the Serbian urban elite
was seen as a "class enemy". Such treatment created some new and
deepened some old divisions in the Serbian society.
The post-war government accomplished many of the goals estab¬
lished by the Serbian Civil/Cultural Plan, but it remained unclear
whether they used the projects made during the occupation. Yet, to¬
day, seven decades later, a large number of problems defined during
the occupation still bother the Serbian national being. This illustrates
the excellent perception of the associates on the Serbian Civil/Cul¬
tural Plan, but also the inherent incompetence of the political and
intellectual elite of Serbia from the liberation till today.
573 |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Stojanović, Aleksandar 1985- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1048320189 |
| author_facet | Stojanović, Aleksandar 1985- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Stojanović, Aleksandar 1985- |
| author_variant | a s as |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041727501 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)857989864 (DE-599)GBV73482341X |
| era | Geschichte 1941-1945 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1941-1945 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien |
| id | DE-604.BV041727501 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-10T18:00:36Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788670051126 |
| lccn | 2013436759 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027174351 |
| oclc_num | 857989864 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 598 S. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije - INIS |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Biblioteka Studije i monografije |
| series2 | Biblioteka Studije i monografije |
| spelling | Stojanović, Aleksandar 1985- Verfasser (DE-588)1048320189 aut Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića Aleksandar Stojanović Beograd Institut za Noviju Istoriju Srbije - INIS 2012 598 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Studije i monografije 85 In kyrill. Schr., serb.. - Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Serbischer Zivil/Kulturplan der Milan Nedic-Regierung ... Geschichte 1941-1945 gnd rswk-swf Kulturpolitik (DE-588)4033581-1 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Kulturpolitik (DE-588)4033581-1 s Geschichte 1941-1945 z DE-604 Biblioteka Studije i monografije 85 (DE-604)BV011095323 85 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027174351&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027174351&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Stojanović, Aleksandar 1985- Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića Biblioteka Studije i monografije Kulturpolitik (DE-588)4033581-1 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4033581-1 (DE-588)4054598-2 |
| title | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića |
| title_auth | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića |
| title_exact_search | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića |
| title_full | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića Aleksandar Stojanović |
| title_fullStr | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića Aleksandar Stojanović |
| title_full_unstemmed | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića Aleksandar Stojanović |
| title_short | Srpski civilni/kulturni plan Vlade Milsna Nedića |
| title_sort | srpski civilni kulturni plan vlade milsna nedica |
| topic | Kulturpolitik (DE-588)4033581-1 gnd |
| topic_facet | Kulturpolitik Serbien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027174351&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027174351&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV011095323 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT stojanovicaleksandar srpskicivilnikulturniplanvlademilsnanedica |