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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bucureşti
Ed. Muzeului Naţional al Literaturii Române
2013
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| Schriftenreihe: | Colecţia Aula Magna
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| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Syntactic features of Romanian from a typological perspective: The Gerund |
| Beschreibung: | 235 S. |
| ISBN: | 9789731671598 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text | ADDENDA
Summary
Syntactic Features of Romanian from a typological perspective- The
Gerund
This study analyzes the Romanian gerund, a non-finite verb form
which reunites the uses of the Latin gerund and present participle. The the
perspective is typological: parallels with the other Romance and with
Germanic languages are meant to reveal those aspects which are specific to
Romanian or characteristic for a group of languages which includes it. The
gerundial structures are discussed synchronically, in the generative frame,
and diachronically, using a large 16th to 20th century corpus.
The novelty of this work consists in unifying a modern theoretical
perspective (the generative analysis) with the Romance and Germanic
comparison and with not only
a synchronie, but
also a diachronic analysis.
Previous studies have not discussed the gerundial configurations in such
detail, reaching conclusions which regard the difference in syntactic
complexity between them, the period in which they were in use, their
frequency, the competition with other configurations which can substitute
them, and the specificity of Romanian among other European languages.
Four configurations were selected for analysis: the gerund in modifier
position in the DP, the direct and the indirect perception structures, the
gerund after verbs of judgment, and aspectual periphrases with modalized
and evidential meaning. They were selected on the basis of the fact that
they have syntactic features which differ from the gerund s typical context
of occurrence. I consider that the gerund in adverbial position is the
prototypical configuration for the Romanian gerund. The structures which
are analyzed by this study deviate from the prototype: in modifier position,
the gerund gradually loses its syntactic complexity, becoming an adjective;
when used after perception verbs it is not an adjunct, but an argument;
with verbs of judgment, it is the complement of the prepositional
complementizer ca as , the only preposition it can combine with, and in the
----------------------------------------------------- 222 -----------------------------------------------------
presumptive periphrases, it is the component of a complex verbal form,
finite or non-finite, which encodes the
epistemic
modality or the
evidentiality. Each configuration which is analyzed is placed in a larger
context, by drawing parallels with the other syntactic structures which can
occupy the gerund s position (such as, the adjective and the past participle,
in the case of the gerund in modifier position, the past participle and the
finite clause headed by different complementizers in the case of the direct
perception structure, the infinitive and finite clauses for the indirect
perception construction, the non-gerundial verbal forms, for the
presumptive periphrases). These comparisons reveal the specificity of the
gerund in each configuration.
The gerund in modifier position. The adjectivation of the gerund
The main objective of this chapter is to bring arguments for the
gradual character of the process of adjectivation. Four gerundial structures
in modifying position are distinguished
(1-4).
(1)
Ii admir pe copiii venind ei singuri să-şi ceară iertare.
them
(I)admire PE
children-the come.GER they.NOM alone to ask for
forgiveness
I admire the children that come on their own initiative to ask for
forgiveness
(2)
M-am
întors în
camera
cea încă mirosind a parfum.
me=(I)have
returned in room-the.F CEL.f.SG still smell.
GER
like
perfume
Τ
returned in the room which still smelled like perfume
(3)
Mă uit
la mainile
ei
(cele)
tremurânde acum (de frig).
me (I)look at hands-the her CEL.F.PL tremble.GER.F.PL now of coldness
I am looking at her hands that are trembling now of coldness
(4)
Mă uit
la
(^acum)
tremurândele ei mâini.
me (ï)look
at now tremble.GER.F.PL her hands
I am looking at her trembling hands
The structure under
(1)
is the verbal gerund configuration, which has
maximum eventivity, i.e. it conserves all the verbal features of the base
------------------------------------------------------223 ------------------------------------------------------
from which it is derived (such as, the realization of the internal argument,
to which it assigns the accusative case, sentential negation, and the
placement of pronominal clitics in postposition). The verbal gerund can
assign the nominative case to its subject. Its subject can be realized in the
non-finite clause, but can only take the form of a pronominal anaphor, co-
indexed with the DP that the gerund modifies.
The second modifying structure
(2)
displays a verbal gerund which is
preceded by the adjectival determiner eel. It is a rarely attested
configuration, in which the non-finite form is argued to have low
eventivity. The cd-gerund also preserves all the syntactic features of its
base; the only difference with the configuration
(1)
consists in restrictions
concerning lexical and grammatical aspect. These restrictions are shown to
be triggered by the presence of eel. The determiner eel tends to
accommodate the gerund s characteristics to that of the adjective, which is
its typical complement.
The third gerundial structure
(3)
contains the adjectival gerund
placed in
postnominal
position. Two configurations with
postnominal
adjectival gerund were distinguished: one in which the gerund is phrasal,
i.e. it takes complements, and one in which it is lexical, i.e. it only combines
with specifiers. The phrasal
postnominal
adjectival gerund accepts locative
and modal adverbial modifiers of verbal type, and it does not take
adjectival degree markers. The lexical
postnominal
adjectival gerund
cannot combine with verbal adjuncts, but can take degree modifiers; it
behaves similarly to the structure under
(4),
the prenominally placed
adjectival gerund. The only difference is that the first one is a restrictive,
while the second is a non-restrictive modifier. Both types of
postnominal
adjectival gerunds can have an episodic reading, while the
prenominai
one
can only have individual reading.
The analysis of the gerund in modifier position led to the realization
of a hierarchy based on its varying syntactic complexity
(5).
The two verbal
gerunds placed on top of the hierarchy differ as far as their degree of
eventivity is concerned; the phrasal
postnominal
adjectival gerund is still
associated with an event argument, while the lexical post- and
prenominai
adjectival gerunds are purely
stative/adjectival
in nature. The cd-verbal and
224
the phrasal adjectival gerunds display mixed
categorial
behaviour, having
both verbal and adjectival features.
(5)
the highly eventive verbal gerund
->
the eel-verbal gerund
->
the
postnominal
adjectival gerund (phrasal
->
lexical)^ the
prenominai
adjectival gerund
The direct perception configuration
The chapter which discusses the gerund in the direct perception
structure reveals a number of typological characteristics of Romanian.
Romanian direct perception verbs (DPVs) can only select the gerund
among non-finite forms
(6).
Differently than in other Romance and in
Germanic languages, they can also select finite clauses, headed by a variety
of complementizers (cum,
cã
and cum
că
that - up to the 19th century).
(6)
îl văd alergând / *a alerga,
him (I)see running A run.INF
I can see him running
The diachronic analysis has shown that all the structures which are
selected by a direct perception verb in contemporary Romanian were
already in use in the 16th century, when the first texts written in Romanian
are attested. The only evolution that was noticed is the one regarding the
aspectual verb class selected by direct perception verbs. The gerunds of
fi
be and
avea
have after direct perception verbs were attested in the 16th
and 17th century corpus, exclusively in translations. These two K-state
verbs, having an episodic reading in the contexts that were identified, are
not allowed to occur in this configuration in modern Romanian. It appears
that old Romanian used to follow a pattern similar to contemporary
English
(Í
saw him being dressed like a clown I
1
saw him having a seizure),
admitting verbs which denote episodic properties to occur as complements
of DPVs, but underwent a typological shift, not allowing K-state verbs in
this configuration any more after the 17th century. This feature groups
differentiates modern Romanian from other Romance languages.
(7)
ş-ară vedea frate-său sau
soru-sa
goli fiind
him.DAT=(he)woułd
see brother=his or sister=his naked be.GER
He would see his brother or sister being naked
-------------------------------------------------- 225 ---------------------------------------------------
(Coresi,
Lucrul
apostolesc:
149,
16th
с.)
(8)
îi văd (*fiind) îmbrăcaţi în togă
(contemporary Romanian)
them.ACC (I)see
being dressed
in toga
I can see them being dressed in a toga
Another syntactic feature, which groups Romanian with Spanish and
distinguishes it from other Romance and from Germanic languages, is the
restriction on the gerundial passive formed with the verb
fi be
(9).
(9)
O văd
^fiind)
bătută de fratele ei.
her.ACC (I)see
being beaten by brother-the her
I can see her being beaten by her brother
I argue that (at least) in Romanian, the impossibility of the passive
morpheme
fi
to occur after a DPV is triggered by the fact that, in the
passive configuration,
fi
is not an auxiliary, but is the same verb
fi
from
copulative, locative/existential structures,
a stative
verb. Therefore, this
restriction receives the same explanation as the one regarding K-state verbs
in general.
Syntactically, the gerund after a DPV is analyzed as a Mood Phrase;
its tense is dependent on the tense of the main verb and its aspect is
obligatorily
imperfecţi
ve. In
other Southern Romance languages (Spanish
and Italian), it was analyzed by previous studies as a Tense Phrase, while
in French and in Germanic languages, it was argued to be an Aspect Phrase
(Felser
1999).
Another syntactic feature that is specific for Romanian is the
possibility for the f+personal], ^specific] anaphoric pronominal subject of
the gerund to be realized and to be assigned the nominative case. In the
case of
nominais
with the features [-personal] and/or [-specific], it is
difficult to decide which case is assigned by the verb (the nominative or the
accusative). If the accusative is assigned, it will not be differentially
marked. Therefore, one cannot come to a conclusion regarding the
possibility to lexicalize the gerundial [-personal] and/or
[-
specific]
nominative subject encoded as a full nominal in DPV configurations.
226
The prepositional gerund and the gerund of indirect perception
The prepositional gerund with ca as and the gerund in indirect
perception configurations occur both typically with head verbs which
contain the semantic component [judgment].
(10)
II
consideră ca fiind numai el vinovat.
him.ACC (they)consider
as be.GER only he.
NOM
guilty
They consider him a great pianist
(11)
Nu-1
văd devenind tocmai el un mare pianist.
not^im.ACC (I)see become.GER
exactly he.NOM a great pianist
I cannot see him of all people becoming a great pianist
The analysis of the prepositional gerund focuses on its syntactic
characteristics and on its diachronic evolution. The preposition ca as is
analyzed as a complementizer which is placed low in the complementizer
phrase (a FinPhrase with the feature [-Finite]). The
ся
-gerund
lacks the
Topic and Focus projections of the complementizer domain.
The diachronic study shows that, very rarely, a verb of judgment can
combine with a gerund as early as the 16th century. The preposition ca as
does not occur in the structure until the 19th century; it was added as a
result of the French influence on the language. Since its introduction in this
gerundial structure, its realization has been obligatory or optional,
depending on the verb (the two verb classes, with obligatory
/
optional ca
are lexically determined). Starting with the 17th century, the equivalent
infinitival structure is more frequently used with a verb of judgment.
A specific feature of Romanian in Romance and Germanic context is
that it can substitute the prepositional gerundial structure with a finite
clause whose subject is controlled by the main verb s direct object.
The gerund in indirect perception configurations displays less
syntactic restrictions than the one in DPV structures. It is characterized by
temporal independence, the same aspectual restriction (it encodes only the
imperfective aspect, not the perfective), no restrictions regarding the verb s
lexical aspectual class, and, as a consequence, the possibility for the
fi be
passive gerund to occur in the structure.
227
The possibility to lexicalize the gerund s subject encoded not only
pronominally, but also as a full NP, to which the nominative case is
assigned, is a syntactic feature which distinguishes Romanian from other
Romance and from Germanic languages.
The indirect perception structure is attested starting with the earliest
Romanian texts and is less frequent than the
că
that finite clause in every
period in the evolution of the language.
The Romanian presumptive structures
Four Romanian gerundial periphrases encode the presumptive, a term
used as an umbrella for two semantic areas:
epistemic
modality and
evidentiality. The four structures are the gerundial indicative future tense
(12),
the gerundial present conditional mood
(13),
the gerundial present
subjunctive mood
(14)
and the less used gerundial infinitive
(15),
a literary
variant of the subjunctive configuration. These are the only gerundial
periphrastic constructions that are in use in contemporary Romanian, in its
literary variant (the inventory is higher if one looks at dialectal varieties
and at older stages of the language).
(12)
O fi dormind.
(he)AUX.FUT be sleep.
GER
He must be sleeping
(13)
Am
auzit că ar fi dormind.
(I)have
heard that
(he)AUX.CONDbe sleep.GER
I ve heard that he is sleeping (but I cannot vouch for it)
(14)
N-am auzit să fi dormind.
řior=(I)have
heard
SĂ(SUBJ)
be sleep.GER
I haven t heard that he is sleeping (but I cannot vouch for it)
(15)
N-am auzit a fi dormind,
no
ŕ=(I)have
heard A(INF) be
sleep.GER
I haven t heard that he is sleeping (but I cannot vouch for it)
This chapter focuses on the diachronic evolution of these
configurations, to establish when the meaning extension mood/tense
-
modality
/
evidentiality took place, for how long each identified structure
--------------------------------------------------228 --------------------------------------------------
was in use and whether the
epistemic
use of these moods precedes or
follows their evidential use. The gerundial future and conditional
periphrases are attested as early as the 16th century, the gerundial
subjunctive starting with the 17th and the infinitive, starting with the 18th
century.
The gerundial periphrases preserve their original modal and
temporal use in present-day Romanian (the subjunctive only partially and
not with full acceptability). The meaning extension is already attested in the
16th century for the gerundial conditional, in the 17th century for the
periphrastic future and subjunctive forms and in the 18th century for the
periphrastic infinitive. I regard the semantic extension as a process which
affected the conditional, the subjunctive and the infinitive moods, as well
as the future tense, as a whole, and not the gerundial periphrases in
particular. Adopting this perspective, the corpus analysis shows that the
presumptive use of these verbal moods/tenses is older than their first
attestation in a gerundial periphrasis. All the three finite non-gerundial
verb forms already had a modalized and/or evidential use in the 16th
century.
The gerundial subjunctive has undergone the most visible change in
diachrony (its use with verbs of report has diminished considerably and its
occurrence in main clauses with evidential value is not allowed in
contemporary Romanian, while it is attested up to the 19th century).
As far as the general direction of semantic change in Romanian is
concerned (modality
-
evidentiality or evidentiality
-
modality), no firm
conclusion can be drawn, since some periphrases are first attested with
their modalized use (the future tense), while others, with their evidential
use (such as, the conditional).
In order to test the degree of grammaticalization of the category of
aspect in Romanian,
a synchronie
analysis was made of the modalized
simple and gerundial future forms. I concluded that the two verb forms are
generally in free variation, which shows that (the imperfective) aspect is
weakly grammaticalized in Romanian.
A number of typological conclusions were drawn on the basis of the
analysis of the gerundial periphrases. What is specific for Romanian is that
---------------------------------------------229---------------------------------------------
all the four
gerundia!
structures have developed both a modalized and an
evidential meaning. These two uses are predominant in contemporary
Romanian, while their original meaning is much less frequently attested. In
the other Romance languages, the inventory of verbs that encode modality
and evidentiality is more reduced. Italian appears to be the only Romance
language besides Romanian in which the (non-gerundial) future, the
subjunctive and the conditional moods have developed either a modalized
or an evidential meaning.
As the gerunds which enter a relationship with the VP/IP differ in
syntactic complexity, I put forth the following hierarchy:
(16)
the gerund in adverbial position
->
the prepositional gerund -^ the
gerund in indirect perception structures
->
the gerund in direct
perception structures
Conclusions
The
synchronie
analysis of the four gerund configurations that were
discussed in this study showed that their syntactic structures do not reach
the complexity of the gerund in adverbial position. While the latter is part
of a full Complementizer phrase, the four structures that were discussed
above are FinPhrases (prepositional gerund), Mood Phrases (the gerund in
perception structures, as well as the verbal gerund in modifier position) or
Aspectual Phrases (the adjectival gerund), respectively. They display each a
series of syntactic restrictions, which are triggered by their different
syntactic structure, by the type of nominal/verbal element which heads
them and by the position they occupy in relation to their head.
The diachronic analysis of the four gerundial structures has shown
that there is little variation, as most configurations were attested as early as
the 16th century. The exceptions are the adjectival gerund and the
prepositional gerund, attested from the 19th century on. The differences
between the stages in the evolution of Romanian generally regard the
frequency of the structures, their semantic values, or the type of syntactic
restrictions imposed by the head.
A number of typological conclusions were reached, as a result of a
Romance and Germanic comparison. One exclusively Romanian structure
was identified, the gerund with the adjectival determiner eel. A number of
--------------------------------------------------230 --------------------------------------------------
configurations
are common for a group of Romance languages, and also for
some of the Germanic languages that were taken into account: the gerund
as a complement of a direct and indirect perception structure and the
gerundial future with modalized meaning. Some structures are common
among the Romance languages and are also found in English (the
gerundial periphrases
-
leaving aside the particular auxiliary choice and
the different semantic values). Other structures can be found in all the
Romance and Germanic languages that were discussed: the verbal gerund
in modifier position and the as-prepositional gerund.
231
CUPRINS
1.
INTRODUCERE
.................................................................................................9
1.1.
Studiile referitoare la gerunziul românesc
.............................................9
1.2.
Obiectivele studiului
...............................................................................10
1.3.
Organizarea studiului şi metode
...........................................................11
1.4.
Concepte teoretice
....................................................................................13
1.4.1.
Structura grupului verbal românesc
..............................................................13
1.4.2.
Gramaticalizarea
...........................................................................................14
1.4.3.
Clasele aspectuale de verbe
..........................................................................15
1.4.4.
Aspectul gramatical: imperfectiv
vs. perfectiv
.............................................17
1.5.
Gerunziul adjunct propoziţional în româna contemporană
..............19
2.
STRUCTURA GERUNZIALĂ
-
MODIFICATOR AL NUMELUI.
ADJECTIVUL GERUNZIAL
..........................................................................21
2.1.
Procesul de adjectivare
............................................................................21
2.2.
Configuraţiile cu gerunziu în poziţie de modificator
.........................25
2.2.1.
Tipurile de structuri gerunziale în poziţia de modificator al numelui în
româna actuală
..............................................................................................25
2.2.2.
Comportamentul sintactic al structurilor gerunziale în poziţie de
modificator în GD
........................................................................................26
2.3.
Gerunziul verbal, modificatorul numelui
............................................35
2.3.1.
Structura gerunzială cu cel
............................................................................35
2.3.2.
Evoluţia structurii gerunziale în poziţie de modificator al numelui
..............40
2.3.3.
Gerunziul verbal în poziţie de modificator şi aspectul lexical
......................46
2.3.4.
Aspectul gramatical al gerunziului verbal în poziţie de modificator al
numelui
.........................................................................................................51
2.4.
Gerunziul adjectivat
-
studiu diacronic
................................................53
2.4.1.
Gerunziul adjectival
postnominal
.................................................................53
2.4.2.
Gerunziul adjectivat
prénommai
...................................................................58
2.5.
Reprezentarea sintactică a celor patru structuri gerunziale
în poziţia de modificator al numelui
.....................................................59
2.6.
Concluzii
...................................................................................................62
3.
GERUNZIUL
-
COMPLEMENT AL UNUI VERB DE PERCEPŢIE
DIRECTĂ
..........................................................................................................64
3.1.
Caracteristicile generale ale configuraţiilor cu verbe de
percepţie directă (VPD)
...........................................................................64
3.1.1.
Delimitări şi ambiguităţi
...............................................................................64
3.1.2.
Caracteristicile
verbului
regent
.....................................................................66
3.1.3.
Pasivizarea
verbului
regent
...........................................................................66
3.1.4.
Tipurile de complemente ale unui verb de percepţie directă
........................67
3.1.5.
Percepţia directă şi indirectă
.........................................................................69
3.2.
Caracteristicile complementului gerunzial al VPD
.............................71
3.2.1.
Statutul sintactic defectiv al complementului VPD în limbile
romanice şi germanice
..................................................................................71
3.2.2.
Marcarea cazuală excepţională (ECM)
vs.
Controlul subiectului de
către obiect
...................................................................................................75
3.2.3.
Negaţia propoziţională
..................................................................................77
3.2.4.
Restricţii de clasă aspectuală ale gerunziului din construcţii cu VPD
-
analiză diacronică
.........................................................................................78
3.2.5.
Pasivizarea gerunziului complement al VPD
................................................82
3.2.6.
Gerunziul în structuri cu VPD cu subiect pro arbitrar
..................................88
3.2.7.
Restricţii privind aspectul gramatical
...........................................................89
3.2.8.
Marcarea cazuală excepţională (ECM)
.........................................................89
3.2.9.
Analiza sintactică a structurii gerunziale complement al unui VPD
............97
3.3.
Relaţia dintre structura gerunzială şi cea participială în
construcţiile cu VPD
.................................................................................98
3.3.1.
Observaţii diacronice privind structura cu VPD
+
participiu trecut
..............99
3.4.
Relaţia dintre structura gerunzială şi cea infinitivală în
construcţii cu VPD
..................................................................................100
3.5.
Structura gerunzială şi propoziţia finită cu
complementizatomi cum
.......................................................................101
3.5.1.
Construcţia cu complementizatorul cum în româna contemporană
............101
3.5.2.
Structura cu complementizatorul cum
-
observaţii diacronice
...................103
3.6.
Structura gerunzială şi propoziţia finită cu
complementizatorul ca
...........................................................................104
3.6.1.
Observaţii diacronice asupra structurii VPD
+
structură finită
introdusă prin că
.........................................................................................105
3.7.
Structura finită cu complementizatorul cum ca
.................................106
3.8.
Concluzii
.................................................................................................106
4.
GERUNZIUL IPOSTAZEI ŞI AL PERCEPŢIEI INDIRECTE
...................109
4.1.
Introducere
..............................................................................................109
4.1.1.
Gerunziul ipostazei
.....................................................................................109
4.1.2.
Gerunziul percepţiei indirecte (structuri gerunziale tară
complementizatorul ca)
..............................................................................110
4.1.3.
Dezambiguizarea sensurilor verbelor care conţin ideea de judecată
..........111
4.2.
Gerunziul ipostazei
................................................................................112
4.2.1.
Semantica verbelor cu gerunziu prepoziţional
............................................112
4.2.2.
Structura geranzială
-
complement al unui verb de judecată. Studiu
diacronic
.....................................................................................................114
4.2.3.
Structuri echivalente cu gerunziul ipostazei
-
construcţia infinitivală
.......121
4.2.4.
Structuri echivalente cu gerunziul ipostazei
-
propoziţia finită
..................123
4.2.5.
Analiza sintactică a structurilor gerunziale cu verbe de judecată
...............125
4.3.
Gerunziul percepţiei indirecte
.............................................................132
4.3.1.
Studiu diacronic
..........................................................................................132
4.3.2.
Structuri echivalente cu gerunziul percepţiei indirecte
-
construcţia
infinitivală
..................................................................................................134
4.3.3.
Structuri echivalente cu gerunziul percepţiei indirecte
-
propoziţia
finită
...........................................................................................................135
4.3.4.
Analiza sintactică a structurii gerunziale după un verb de percepţie
indirectă
......................................................................................................137
4.4.
Concluzii
.................................................................................................141
5.
STRUCTURILE PREZUMTIVE ROMÂNEŞTI
..........................................143
5.1.
Introducere
..............................................................................................143
5.1.1.
Perifraze verbale româneşti
.........................................................................143
5.1.2.
Formele verbale cu sens prezumtiv
.............................................................144
5.2.
Gramaticalizarea prezumtivului în limba română
...........................145
5.2.1.
Procesul de gramaticalizare timp
/
mod
—
modalitate
.................................145
5.2.2.
Procesul de gramaticalizare timp viitor
—
modalitate epistemică
/
evidenţialitate
.............................................................................................149
5.2.3.
Procesul de gramaticalizare mod conjunctiv
/
condiţional
—
modalitate
epistemică/ evidenţialitate
.........................................................................151
5.2.4.
Gramaticalizarea aspectului
........................................................................154
5.3.
Evoluţia structurilor prezumtive româneşti
......................................157
5.3.1.
Introducere
..................................................................................................157
5.3.2.
Modul conjunctiv cu valoare prezumtivă
....................................................158
5.3.3.
Modul infinitiv cu valoare prezumtivă
........................................................166
5.3.4.
Modul condiţional cu valoare prezumtivă
..................................................167
5.3.5.
Timpul viitor cu valoare prezumtivă
...........................................................172
5.3.6.
Tipuri semantice de verb în perifrazele gerunziale
.....................................180
5.3.7.
Concluziile analizei diacronice
...................................................................181
5.4.
Clase semantice de verbe din structurile prezumtive
gerunziale
................................................................................................183
5.5.
Structura sintactică a configuraţiilor prezumtive
..............................187
5.5.1.
Mortemele de modo
/ar/să/a
.................................................................187
5.5.2.
Auxiliarul
fi
................................................................................................189
5.6.
Concluzii.................................................................................................
192
6.
CONCLUZII
GENERALE
.............................................................................194
Surse
................................................................................................................199
Bibliografìe
.....................................................................................................207
ADDENDA
Summary........................................................................................................
222
Contents
.........................................................................................................232
8
Contents
1.
INTRODUCTION
..............................................................................................9
1.1.
Studies on the Romanian gerund
............................................................9
1.2.
Objectives of the study
............................................................................10
1.3.
Organization of the study and methods
...............................................11
1.4.
Theoretical concepts
................................................................................13
1.4.1.
The structure of the Romanian verb phrase
.................................................13
1.4.2.
Grammaticalization
......................................................................................14
1.4.3.
Aspectual verb classes
................................................................................15
1.4.4.
Grammatical aspect: the imperfective vs. the perfective
.............................17
1.5.
The gerund as a sentence adjunct in contemporary
Romanian
...................................................................................................19
2.
THE
GERUNDI AL
STRUCTURE IN MODIFIER POSITION IN
THE DP. THE ADJECTIVAL GERUND
......................................................21
2.1.
The process of adjectivation
...................................................................21
2.2.
Configurations with a gerund in modifier position
............................25
2.2.1.
Types of gerundial structures in modifier position in contemporary
Romanian
....................................................................................................25
2.2.2.
The syntactic behaviour of the gerundial structures in modifier
position in the DP
........................................................................................26
2.3.
The verbal gerund in modifier position in the DP
..............................35
2.3.1.
The cel-gerundial structure
..........................................................................35
2.3.2.
The evolution of the gerundial structure in modifier position in the
DP
................................................................................................................40
2.3.3.
The verbal gerund in modifier position and lexical aspect
..........................46
2.3.4.
The grammatical aspect of the verbal gerund in modifier position in
the DP
...........................................................................................................51
2.4.
The adjectival gerund
-
a diachronic study
.........................................53
2.4.1.
The
postnominal
adjectival gerund
.............................................................53
2.4.2.
The
prenominai
adjectival gerund
...............................................................58
2.5.
The syntactic representation of the four gerundial
structures in modifier position inside the DP
.....................................59
2.6.
Conclusions
..............................................................................................62
232
3.
THE GERUND
-
COMPLEMENT OF A DIRECT PERCEPTION
VERB
................................................................................................................64
3.1.
The general characteristics of configurations with direct
perception verbs (DPVs)
..........................................................................64
3.1.1.
Delimitations and ambiguities
.....................................................................64
3.1.2.
The characteristics of the head verb
.............................................................66
3.1.3.
The passivisation of the head verb
...............................................................66
3.1.4.
The types of complements of direct perception verbs
..................................67
3.1.5.
Direct and indirect perception
......................................................................69
3.2.
The characteristics of the gerundial complement of a DPV
...............71
3.2.1.
The defective syntactic status of the complement of DPVs in
Romance and Germanic languages
..............................................................71
3.2.2.
Exceptional case marking (ECM) vs. Object control
...................................75
3.2.3.
Sentential negation
.......................................................................................77
3.2.4.
Restrictions in the gerund s aspectual class in DPV configurations
-
a diachronic analysis
..............................................................................................78
3.2.5.
The passivisation of the gerund
-
complement of a DPV
.............................82
3.2.6.
The gerund in DPV structures with an arbitrary pro subject
........................88
3.2.7.
Restrictions regarding grammatical aspect
.................................................89
3.2.8.
Exceptional case marking (ECM)
................................................................89
3.2.9.
The syntactic analysis of the gerundial structure
-
complement of a
DPV
.............................................................................................................97
3.3.
The relationship between the
gerundial
and the participial
structures in DPV configurations
..........................................................98
3.3.1.
Diachronic observations regarding the DPV
+
past participle structure
.......99
3.4.
The relationship between the gerundial and the infinitival
structures
-
complements of a DPV
....................................................100
3.5.
The gerundial structure and the cum-finite clause
..........................101
3.5.1.
The construction with the complementizer cum in contemporary
Romanian
..................................................................................................101
3.5.2.
The construction with the complementizer cum
-
diachronic
observations
..............................................................................................103
3.6.
The gerundial structure and the
că-finite
clause
..............................104
3.6.1.
Diachronic observations regarding the DPV
+
că-
finite clause
structure
.....................................................................................................105
3.7.
The cum
că-finite
clause
........................................................................106
3.8.
Conclusions
............................................................................................106
233
4.
THE GERUND OF HYPOSTASIS AND OF INDIRECT
PERCEPTION
.................................................................................................109
4.1.
Introduction
............................................................................................109
4.1.1.
The gerund of hypostasis
...........................................................................109
4.1.2.
The gerund of indirect perception (gerundial structures without the
complementizer ca)
...................................................................................
ПО
4.1.3.
The disambiguation of the meanings of verbs of judgment
........................111
4.2.
The gerund of hypostasis
.....................................................................112
4.2.1.
The semantics of verbs with a prepositional gerund
..................................112
4.2.2.
The gerundial structure
-
complement of a verb of judgment. A
diachronic study
.........................................................................................114
4.2.3.
Structures equivalent to the gerund of hypostasis
—
the infinitival
structure
.....................................................................................................121
4.2.4.
Structures equivalent to the gerund of hypostasis
-
the finite clause
..........123
4.2.5.
The syntactic analysis of gerundial structures occurring with a verb of
judgment
....................................................................................................125
4.3.
The gerund of indirect perception
......................................................132
4.3.1.
A diachronic study
.....................................................................................132
4.3.2.
Structures equivalent to the gerund of indirect perception
-
the
infinitival structure
.....................................................................................134
4.3.3.
Structures equivalent to the gerund of indirect perception
—
the finite
clause
..........................................................................................................135
4.3.4.
The syntactic analysis of gerundial structures occurring after an
indirect perception verb
..............................................................................137
4.4.
Conclusions
............................................................................................141
5.
THE ROMANIAN PRESUMPTIVE STRUCTURES
.................................143
5.1.
Introduction
............................................................................................143
5.1.1.
The Romanian verbal periphrases
..............................................................143
5.1.2.
Verbal forms with presumptive meaning
...................................................144
5.2.
The grammaticalization of the Romanian presumptive
..................145
5.2.1.
The tense
/
mood
-
modality grammaticalization process
.........................145
5.2.2.
The future tense
—
epistemic
modality
/
evidentiality
grammaticalization process
.......................................................................149
5.2.3.
The subjunctive
/
conditional mood
-
epistemic
modality
/
evidentiality grammaticalization process
..................................................151
5.2.4.
The grammaticalization of aspect
..............................................................154
5.3.
The evolution of Romanian presumptive structures
.......................157
5.3.1.
Introduction
................................................................................................157
234
5.3.2.
The subjunctive mood with presumptive value
.........................................158
5.3.3.
The infinitive mood with presumptive value
.............................................166
5.3.4.
The conditional mood with presumptive value
..........................................167
5.3.5.
The future tense with presumptive value
..................................................172
5.3.6.
Semantic types of verbs in the gerundial periphrases
................................180
5.3.7.
The conclusions of the diachronic analysis
................................................181
5.4.
Semantic verb classes in gerundial presumptive structures
............183
5.5.
The syntactic structure of presumptive configurations
...................187
5.5.1.
The
о
/
ar
/
să
/
a mood morphemes
...........................................................187
5.5.2.
The auxiliary
fi
..........................................................................................189
5.6.
Conclusions
............................................................................................192
6.
GENERAL CONCLUSIONS
.......................................................................194
Sources
...........................................................................................................199
Bibliography
.................................................................................................207
ADDENDA
Summary
.......................................................................................................222
Contents
.........................................................................................................232
235
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Niculescu, Dana Ioana |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1047067048 |
| author_facet | Niculescu, Dana Ioana |
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| author_sort | Niculescu, Dana Ioana |
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| id | DE-604.BV041618449 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T01:01:00Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789731671598 |
| language | Romanian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-027059530 |
| oclc_num | 873426924 |
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| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 235 S. |
| publishDate | 2013 |
| publishDateSearch | 2013 |
| publishDateSort | 2013 |
| publisher | Ed. Muzeului Naţional al Literaturii Române |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Colecţia Aula Magna |
| spelling | Niculescu, Dana Ioana Verfasser (DE-588)1047067048 aut Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul Dana Ioana Niculescu Bucureşti Ed. Muzeului Naţional al Literaturii Române 2013 235 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Colecţia Aula Magna Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Syntactic features of Romanian from a typological perspective: The Gerund Syntax (DE-588)4058779-4 gnd rswk-swf Sprachtypologie (DE-588)4056503-8 gnd rswk-swf Rumänisch (DE-588)4115807-6 gnd rswk-swf Romanische Sprachen (DE-588)4115788-6 gnd rswk-swf Gerundivum (DE-588)4156914-3 gnd rswk-swf Rumänisch (DE-588)4115807-6 s Romanische Sprachen (DE-588)4115788-6 s Syntax (DE-588)4058779-4 s Sprachtypologie (DE-588)4056503-8 s Gerundivum (DE-588)4156914-3 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027059530&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027059530&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027059530&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Niculescu, Dana Ioana Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul Syntax (DE-588)4058779-4 gnd Sprachtypologie (DE-588)4056503-8 gnd Rumänisch (DE-588)4115807-6 gnd Romanische Sprachen (DE-588)4115788-6 gnd Gerundivum (DE-588)4156914-3 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4058779-4 (DE-588)4056503-8 (DE-588)4115807-6 (DE-588)4115788-6 (DE-588)4156914-3 |
| title | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul |
| title_auth | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul |
| title_exact_search | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul |
| title_full | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul Dana Ioana Niculescu |
| title_fullStr | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul Dana Ioana Niculescu |
| title_full_unstemmed | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul Dana Ioana Niculescu |
| title_short | Particularităţi sintactice ale limbii române din perspectivă tipologică Gerunziul |
| title_sort | particularitati sintactice ale limbii romane din perspectiva tipologica gerunziul |
| topic | Syntax (DE-588)4058779-4 gnd Sprachtypologie (DE-588)4056503-8 gnd Rumänisch (DE-588)4115807-6 gnd Romanische Sprachen (DE-588)4115788-6 gnd Gerundivum (DE-588)4156914-3 gnd |
| topic_facet | Syntax Sprachtypologie Rumänisch Romanische Sprachen Gerundivum |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027059530&sequence=000004&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027059530&sequence=000005&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=027059530&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT niculescudanaioana particularitatisintacticealelimbiiromanedinperspectivatipologicagerunziul |
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