Demokracje polskie: tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Kraków
Księgarnia Akademicka
2013
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bibliogr. s. 397 - 414. Indeks |
| Beschreibung: | 424 s. 25 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788376382807 |
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| 337 | |b n |2 rdamedia | ||
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 500 | |a Bibliogr. s. 397 - 414. Indeks | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 650 | 7 | |a Demokracja / Polska |2 jhpk | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804151624019476480 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Spis
tresei
Wstęp
.......................................................... 11
Rozdział I
Warunki demokracji
........................................... 23
Rozdział
II
Demokracja szlachecka
(1569/1573-1795).......................... 43
Rozdział III
Demokracja powszechna
(1918-1939)............................. 111
Rozdział
IV
Demokracja ludowa
(1944-1989).................................201
Rozdział
V
Demokracja konstytucyjna
(1989-2012)............................267
Rozdział
VI
Zagrożenia demokracji
.........................................327
Rozdział
VII
Demokracja postulowana
.......................................353
Uwagi końcowe
..................................................373
Abstract
........................................................393
Bibliografìa.....................................................
397
Indeks osobowy
..................................................
4 ] 5
ABSTRACT
The Republic of Poland has had a long democratic tradition. It can be traced back to the
sixteenth century, when the royal power was limited by the nobility, united under the banner
of the enforcement of rights and goods. One manifestation of this was the fact of depriving
the ruler of a significant portion of his powers, which he had held under the legislative power
in operation at the time, i.e. the general
sejm.
The role of the king was changed: from the
sovereign, holding authority over the entirety of the parliament, to one of its estates (in the
Kingdom of Poland, the word
sejm
referred to the entire three-chamber parliament of
Poland, comprising the lower house (Polish:
Izba Poselska),
the upper house (Polish:
Senat)
and the king; it was thus a three-estate parliament).
The Commonwealth of the time, made up of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland
and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, was an attempt to realize the ancient ideal of the mixed
monarchy
{monarchia
mixta).
Within that framework, the monarchical element functioned in
the person of the king, holding his rule for life; the aristocratic element
-
in the form of the
Senate; and the democratic element
-
referring to the nobility, among whom prevailed the
principle of equality before the law, as well as personal and political freedom, with the right
of the freedom of speech and the right of electing local and top officials as the key privileges
(the two so-called eye-pupils of freedom ).
The democracy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a system similar to direct
democracy. The local self-government operated in the field , and was represented by the
noblemen s sejmiks (occasionally translated as dietines ); while at the highest level
-
in the
sejm
—
there were envoys noblemen with instructions from their voters and answerable to
them
-
albeit mainly morally. Those envoys were selected from among those noblemen who
were widely respected and financially independent. A nobleman who was economically weak
and dependent upon another had no chance of receiving a mandate. On the one hand, the
voters instructions were binding to the envoys; on the other —the content of those instructions
indicated a high dose of freedom granted to the noble mandate holders; lastly, they were free
to call for the enforcement of the law, the radical elimination of fraud and irregularities. The
pre-partition Kingdom of Poland affirmed the primacy of law {In
Polonia
lex
est
rex).
Decisions, both at the local and national level, were made with attempts at using an
interesting principle
-
the principle of universal agreement. Namely, with a view to achieving
a state of harmony, attempts were made to reach a consensus, convincing each other to
specific solutions through rational argument, maintaining an attitude of tolerance and respect
for the speaker. That agreement was achieved when the opponent, at the very least, would
fall silent, accepting the arguments presented. Sejmiks, especially the
sejm
itself, were places
of civic education.
The slow decline of Poland was started by the difficulties of war, which were related to
huge costs and the devastation of the land, with plagues and, finally, a reduction in demand
394
Abstract
for grain in Western Europe. Elective kings tended to care for their own dynastic interests and
goals, making cautious steps towards absolutum
dominium.
To achieve those goals, the royal
court would go so far as to use non-democratic methods of governance
—
predominantly lies
and bribery. Faced with such circumstances, the nobility made efforts to maintain the existing
system, which was considered to be the perfect one. There was a massive conflict between
the monarch and noble society {inter maiestatem ac
libertatém).
Magnates gained the support
of the lesser nobility under the banner of preserving the old system, but in fact they wanted to
introduce another system
—
representative democracy. Magnates factions were the prototypes
of political parties, which emerged later on. Their internal operations were governed by rules
used to this day; namely the dependence of a member s career upon the party leaders, limited
(or even excluded) independence in making decisions, the dominance of party interest over the
public good, and, finally, the inclination to intrigue and manipulation, which manifested itself
in the instrumental use of the highly-regarded notions of the time: brotherly love, patriotism,
and public welfare
—
and abusing them unscrupulously to gain power or significant impact
on those in power. Aristocratic cliques tried to make the envoys completely dependent upon
their faction; political relations were transformed and refocused: from the pursuit of harmony
and agreement into an internal struggle and the reign of conflict. The choice of the future
political system of Poland was made during the Great
Sejm, also
known as the Four-Year
Sejm
(1788-1792),
but Poland, weakened by long-term internal struggles, was overpowered
and divided among its neighbours (the Partitions, culminating in
1795).
Poland regained its independence as late as after the First World War. Longing for
freedom led to the choice of a system which was characterized by a wide range of civil
liberties and the domination of parliament as the sole authority over a sovereign nation.
Indirect, representative democracy was perceived as the only real democracy; it was
widely believed that a different formula was not possible because of the sheer size of the
country and the universality of civil rights. By virtue of the Constitution of March
1921,
parliamentary democracy was instituted, involving the emergence of the government from
among the parliamentary majority. However, that proved to be extremely difficult, as there
were many political parties in the Parliament, most of which remained in constant conflict.
The phenomenon of the formation of political parties occurred in the Polish lands under the
partitions since the second half of the nineteenth century. At that time, the process was seen as
something positive. The presence and participation of representatives of numerous parties in
the Parliament was thought to be the proper and correct realization of the idea of democracy;
the personal make-up of the
sejm
was thought to be a reflection of the diverse views of
society
—
a snapshot of society, as it were. However, such a state of affairs prevented the
creation of a stable government. The following phenomena were quite widespread: divisions
within a single party, casual and short-lived coalitions, MP fluctuations, MPs treating their
mandate as a good for sale, a struggle for power using any method available, intrigues, lies,
and attempts at discrediting political opponents
—
to just name a few. Having an influential
position within a party guaranteed a well-paid job as state officials for family and friends.
MPs were prone to corruption. Proportional electoral law led to the dominance of the party in
the public life, and the introduced principle of majority in the procedures of making decisions
limited the role of debates to a minimum. The focus was more on fighting for votes to support
a desired solution
—
searching support by all means possible.
During the interwar period, Poland was facing many unresolved issues: the diversity of
the law
—
a legacy remaining from the period of the partitions, huge economic problems, and
illiteracy. The sense of chaos was further deepened by inter-party conflict. The lack of political
or economic stability caused discouragement of contemporary society towards democracy,
and sparkled a longing for the rearrangement of internal relations within the Republic. It was
Abstract
395
believed that a strong individual was needed
—
a person charismatic enough to bring order to
the state. At the time, Italy
—
ruled by fascists led by Mussolini
-
were looked on with envy,
perceiving that particular political system as a way to restore internal order. So when
Józef
Piłsudski
and a group of his loyal officers carried out a successful coup in
1926,
the general
public accepted it with a feeling of relief and hope for the improvement of the conditions in
Poland. The faction that took over power
-
referred to as the Sanation
-
was given a great
amount of confidence. Marshal Pilsudski himself- a modest man, a soldier, a national hero of
the struggle for independence
-
was held in the highest esteem and generally respected. The
democratic system had not been abolished, as
Piłsudski
took part in the presidential elections;
however, following his victory, he resigned from the function
-
which should be considered
not only as a mistake, but also as a display of disregard for the rules of democracy. The dispute
over whether the freedom of the individual and the rights of society were more important
than the good of the state was won by the supporters of the latter concept. The political
system in place after the coup has been qualified in the literature as authoritarian
-
and was
an attempt to reconcile the various conflicting ideas represented by those holding power. For
example, there were simultaneously attempts to apply the rule of equality of all citizens and
the recognition for the elite. Certainly, the reforms of the political system, particularly the
April
1935
Constitution and the electoral law for the
Sejm
and the Senate, clearly limited
the role of political parties
-
which were blamed by
Piłsudski
for the disorder in Poland. The
free representational mandate was abandoned in favour of making the MP dependent on their
voters. One cannot deny the post-coup Sejm s major achievements in the field of legislation.
Significant laws were passed that introduced uniformity in many areas, removing the existing
rules that functioned under the partitions. At the same time, a process of power centralization
took place, limiting the independence and autonomy of local governments, universities and
many other institutions that carried out tasks of the state. In the sphere of individual rights
and freedoms, a number of restrictions were put in place, in the form of press censorship and
curbing the freedom of speech.
In
1939
Poland was invaded by German and Soviet forces and became an occupied
territory. Unprecedented, enormous destruction of material goods took place, along with
human casualties that numbered in hundreds of thousands. People were broken by war and
longed for peace, and at the same time believed that a democratic state could be rebuilt. The
promises of the then-organizing Polish communist authorities (working closely with Soviet
decision-makers) fully confirm such a state of affairs. The official legislation and policy
statements made recourse to the rules of democracy, noting, however, the impending creation
of a new democracy in the hands of the people. Political and public life was to be organized
according to democratic rules, based on the elections to the parliament, whose task was the
adoption of a new Constitution. However, the seizure of power by the communists took place
in a totally undemocratic process, which included political killings, intimidation, electoral
fraud, and propaganda. What is more, while they won using the mechanisms of a democratic
system (election campaign and elections themselves)
-
but without giving their opponents
any chance at raising accusations against them. For many years, manipulation prevailed
-
consisting mainly in creating the impression that Poland was building a democracy, when in
fact what it was building was totalitarianism. It is true, the authorities attempted to implement
a large-scale social project called people s democracy
-
a revolutionary plan, almost
subverting the existing order, both in the public and private life. This new reality was built
based on the rule of one party, leaving as appendices two political parties which had not
impact whatsoever on political decisions. The citizens were to be the administrators of Poland,
both at the national and local level. They were given the right to choose their representatives
(MPs and councillors), who were answerable to the electorate. However, these laudable
396
Abstract
solutions existed only on paper; in reality, citizens were deprived of their basic democratic
rights: free elections, civil rights and freedoms, and most importantly
-
freedom of speech. As
far as the legal aspects of private life were concerned, the citizens were also mostly deprived
of the right to own property and of the freedom of worship; they were granted, however,
new rights
—
e.g. of secular marriage and divorce without limitation, abortion on demand ,
etc. All of the above was referred to by the authorities as the freedom of self-determination.
The communist authorities broke off from the existing traditional social and human values.
Society was subjected to a large-scale propaganda and manipulation programme; there were
two planes
—
one ideological, where citizens were bombarded with noble ideas and false
accomplishments; the other
-
bleak, poor, consisting in a constant struggle for survival.
Improving the material standards of living was often accomplished at the expense of moral
and personal integrity. Informants flourished; in order to firmly control a nation of a few
million people, the security apparatus was greatly expanded. However, the new social and
political order was ultimately rejected by society, not only for ideological reasons, but largely
because of its utter and complete failure in the economic sphere.
With that baggage of experience, Polish society begun to reshape a free state, entering
once again the path of democracy, political pluralism, and a wide range of civil liberties
and rights. But soon it became clear that there was a single element missing
-
the civil
society , entailing a broad participation of citizens. The public sphere was taken over by
political parties, and their struggle for power reached unprecedented proportions. The adopted
systemic solutions were a reference to the tradition of constitutional democracy of the interwar
period. It s understandable that Poles turned to the roots, having fond memories of the distant
years before the Second World War. However, the choice of the path was an incorrect one,
as the system adopted was burdened by the same defects as the one from the times of the
Second Republic; also, Poles were far from free from the deeply-ingrained mechanisms of
the communist times. This resulted in such phenomena as the disregard of law, corruption,
lack of social participation, lack of a developed public sphere, dominance of political parties,
widespread conflict, and low standards of public debate. Criticism of government became
fully acceptable only if it was proclaimed by MPs, protected by immunity. At the same time,
the policy-makers seek to defend themselves (often using the mechanisms of criminal law),
from criticism directed at them by the general public. The situation is particularly difficult for
the local press, often directly stigmatized by local politicians. The state of social
anomie
is
expressed very clearly through the very low turnout in local and national elections, as well
as meagre participation in local and national
referendums.
Citizens avoid involvement in
associations, foundations, or any form of volunteering, focusing on their personal life and
professional careers. Certainly, the poor economic conditions have a significant impact on
such a state of affairs. Public confidence in democratic institutions is not high, but Poles are
staunch supporters of democracy. However, they do not undertake a greater effort to improve
the situation. The belief still lingers that those in power are allowed to do more and that the
authorities should be left alone to be able to rule for at least the duration of the term of office.
Finally, citizens believe that no amount of effort will ever change anything, since the struggle
for power is only about winning positions in order to be able to pursue one s own interests.
The Polish nation has had a great variety of experiences
—
both good and bad, as well
as a number of tragic ones
-
associated with the creation of a democratic political system.
From the love of cooperation and social harmony to the pervasive conflict, from the reign of
truth in the public life to lies running rampant on an unprecedented scale
—
Polish society has
experienced a variety of ideas for democracy. All of the above constitutes excellent material
for analysis as far as the nature and future prospects of the development of this system are
concerned.
|
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| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:57:46Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788376382807 |
| language | Polish |
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| physical | 424 s. 25 cm |
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| spelling | Lewandowska-Malec, Izabela 1962- Verfasser (DE-588)1253411182 aut Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania Izabela Lewandowska-Malec Kraków Księgarnia Akademicka 2013 424 s. 25 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bibliogr. s. 397 - 414. Indeks Geschichte gnd rswk-swf Demokracja / Polska jhpk Demokratie (DE-588)4011413-2 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Demokratie (DE-588)4011413-2 s Geschichte z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026926940&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026926940&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Lewandowska-Malec, Izabela 1962- Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania Demokracja / Polska jhpk Demokratie (DE-588)4011413-2 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4011413-2 (DE-588)4046496-9 |
| title | Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania |
| title_auth | Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania |
| title_exact_search | Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania |
| title_full | Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania Izabela Lewandowska-Malec |
| title_fullStr | Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania Izabela Lewandowska-Malec |
| title_full_unstemmed | Demokracje polskie tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania Izabela Lewandowska-Malec |
| title_short | Demokracje polskie |
| title_sort | demokracje polskie tradycje wspolczesnosc oczekiwania |
| title_sub | tradycje, współczesność, oczekiwania |
| topic | Demokracja / Polska jhpk Demokratie (DE-588)4011413-2 gnd |
| topic_facet | Demokracja / Polska Demokratie Polen |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026926940&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026926940&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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