Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea: biserică şi comunitate
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bucureşti
Ed. Univ. din Bucureşti
2013
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Rezension Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The formation of Greek Catholic confessional identity in eighteenth-century Transylvania |
| Beschreibung: | 492 S. |
| ISBN: | 9786061602797 |
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| 856 | 4 | 2 | |u https://www.recensio.net/r/f9eadc705f9c490fb2e1c8d9765943ca |y rezensiert in: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas / jgo.e-reviews, jgo.e-reviews 2016, 2, S. 24-25 |3 Rezension |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026924739&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| 856 | 4 | 2 | |m Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment |q application/pdf |u http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026924739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |3 Abstract |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804151620282351616 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | CUPRINS
Cuvânt înainte
9
Notă privind numele
13
Sigle arhivistice
15
Capitolul
і
Preliminariile cercetării
17
1.1
De la Teologìe la
Istorie
17
1.2
O istorie polemică
29
1.3
Definirile unei identităţi
48
1.4
Premise conceptuale şi metodologice
54
Capitolul
π
Refacerea unităţii creştine
-
între delimitări
65
ECLESIOLOGICE ŞI IMPERATIVE POLITICE
ILI
Unirea religioasă: interpretări concurente
65
Moştenirea medievală
65
Edificarea modelului posttridentin
74
Tipare ale restaurării comuniunii cu Roma din Europa în Orient
78
112
Un timp al schimbărilor
92
Implicaţiile confesionale ale redesenării hărţii politice
93
Restabilirea Romano-Catolicismului în Transilvania
habsburška
100
II.3 Drumul către Unire
110
Ezitările primelor con tacte
110
Etapa deciziilor ferme
116
instituirea noii Biserici
123
II
.4
Sensurile alegerii confesionale
127
O unire florentină?
128
Conotaţiile social-politice ale opţiunii religioase
137
Unirea alternativă: comunităţile româno-calvine
Ы0
Opoziţia împotriva Unirii: comunităţile ortodoxe
145
6
Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catoiice
Capitolul III DREAPTĂ CREDINŢĂ, INOVAŢIE ŞI EREZIE
155
ПІЛ
Dificila separare
Iluzia apartenenţei multiple
O identitate fragilă
Capcanele împărtăşirii aceluiaşi rit
Demarcarea imperfectă a disidenţei religioase
-I
OC
III.
2
Epoca disputelor confesionale
Controversă antilatină şi comunicare sub patronatul muntean
Preludiul furtunii: atitudini
antiunioniste
în Ţara Făgăraşului
Ierarhia ortodoxă sârbă şi iluzia libertăţilor
ilire
Anii crizei: de la Visarion
Sarai la
Sofronie din Cioara
Ш.З
Polemica împotriva celei de «a treia legi»
De la stereotipuri la producerea unui discurs original
Ortodoxia, intre certitudine colectivă şi căutare individuală
22Ö
Capitolul
iv
Revoluţia oamenilor: elita ecleziastică între
235
Răsărit şi Apus
ГУЛ
Naşterea noii elite
Semnificaţiile redefinirilor instituţionale
La începuturile fundaţiei romane din Colegiul Urban
De la exigenţele Contrareformei la cele ale reformismului austriac
262
IV.
2
Fidelitate liturgică şi religiozitate privată ^
loan
Pataki
sau drama imposibilei convertiri
Credinţa episcopului Klein
^
IV.3 Către o disciplină renovată
Căsătoria: practici sociale şi norme canonice
Un model contestat
^00
IV
.4
Etos misionar şi iluzia uniformităţii
Noile forme de apostolat, între Europa,
Americi
şi Orient
O elită destinată sa evanghelizeze
Toposurile misionare ca marcă a
iden
tităţii de grup
Asaltul împotriva concurenţei ortodoxe
Capitolul
V
Construcţia noii comunităţi 335
VЛ
Cuvântul care educă
335
Restaurarea tipografiei diecezane
Reforma abandonată: canonul biblic tridentin
Cuprins
7
intervenţia subtilă: corectarea textelor serviciului divin
339
Paternitatea primelor lucrări catehetice
343
O traducere relevantă: învăţătura creştinească pe scurt
351
Operele Părinţilor orientali
355
V.2 Tehnicile persuasiunii
356
A predica prin gesturi
357
Justificarea polemică a diferenţei
360
Alături de cuvânt, imaginile
370
în căutarea ascendentului ierarhic
376
V.3 Avatarurile naţionalismului confesional
382
Comunitatea politică îşi descoperă originile antice
382
între naţiunea etnică şi cea confesională
388
Dilemele alternaţii interioare
394
V.4 Confesiune şi promovare socială
399
Limitele fluide ale normei într-un spaţiu de frontieră
400
Nobilimea, obiect al contenciosului
406
în centrul disputei:
loan Dragos de Turmas
413
Spre legiferarea deplinei egalităţi juridice a greco-catolicilor
416
Considera ţi
i fina
le
423
Abstract
431
Bibliografie
441
Indice
473
ABSTRACT
The formation of Greek Catholic confessional identity
in eighteenth-century Transylvania. Church and community
This book originates in a doctoral thesis submitted to the Faculty of History at the
University of Bucharest and publicly defended in May
2012.
The research that led to
its writing emerged out of a number of questions connected in one way or another
with what I consider to be the most intriguing fact in the early history of the Greek
Catholic Church in Transylvania. The middle of the eighteenth century was a time of
crisis for the newly established ecclesiastical institution, as the internal dissent over
communion with Rome escalated to the point of open confessional conflict. Despite a
very aggressive and efficient propaganda carried in the name and benefit of the
Serbian metropolitans in Sremski
Karlovci,
which targeted not only the elements of
faith, but mostly the inner fears of every Christian, a fraction of the clergy and
laymen confirmed their allegiance to the
Uniate
Church. The choice they made
voiced a surprisingly modern attitude of individual responsibility, all the more
significant since it meant a conscious assumption of the minority status, which in
many cases translated into the braking of fundamental ties at the basic level of every
village community. At a time when group membership was still the norm, what
could have convinced the faithful to take such a radical step and ignore the general
trend? Whilst plausible in isolated cases, the advocated social promises that
affiliation to Greek rite Catholicism seemed to warrant were in fact slow to enforce
and, at least in the short term, it rather led to a loss of symbolic capital in those areas
where the Orthodox were prevailing. What were then the mechanisms underlying
the religious option and on what coordinates did the
Uniate
identity develop by the
end of the eighteenth century? Furthermore, what have been the reasons behind its
success in determining the fidelity of roughly one fifth of all the Transylvanian
Romanians and why did it fail to appeal to the rest of them?
In spite of the recurrent debates it generated every so often, the evolution of the
confessional identity of the Greek Catholic Church in Transylvania seldom attracted
the favours of the historians, while most of them uncritically embraced the
definitions laid forward by the theologians. As my own work progressed, the
fallacies of building upon these excessively deterministic propositions, which
rejected all element of change that was incompatible with the contemporary realities,
became more and more apparent, since they undermined a proper understanding of
432
Formarea identităţii confesionale gr
e co
-catolic
e
the hesitations in the eighteenth century. Therefore, this book is no less an effort to
redress this absence of reflection, as it questions the linearity of the past. It is the
contention of this study that the decades comprised between
1740
and
1770
marked
the establishment of an ideological edifice by which the confessional identity of the
Uniate
Christians was communicated and imposed upon them, in a formula that was
both innovative with respect to earlier definitions of faith and highly dependent on
the ongoing religious disputes.
My interpretation addresses only a limited section of this process, concentrating
on the clerical
élite
responsible for defining and institutionalizing the new meanings
of collective religious identity. It builds largely on the relevant correspondence it
exchanged with the various Roman dicasteries of the time, as well as on a number of
printed texts of religious education it produced in the 1750s and
60s.
From a
methodological standpoint, it makes use of the confessionalLzation paradigm, a
concept met with initial restraint by historians of East-Central Europe and whose
usefulness has only recently been reasserted with more vigour. The debate that has
surrounded the thesis and the criticisms that have been formulated in the last few
decades against the prominent role W.
Reinhard
and H. Schilling attributed to the
modern State led us to employ it in a sense closer to what
E. W.
Zeeden envisaged in
his theory of confessional formation. Emphasizing the institution of rival religious
identities, this concept offers an adequate research tool for studying the development
of a distinct Greek Catholic confessional culture in the eighteenth century.
On another level, valid comparisons are equally important, for the Transylvanian
scenario was but an episode in the larger phenomenon of re-establishing the
communion with Rome in the Eastern rite Churches, which involved Christian
communities from southern Italy to the coasts of India. Integrating this local
accomplishment into the wider picture allows us to grasp the similarities between
the contemporary evolutions in the
Uniate
Churches from Europe and beyond. The
analysis of the various ecclesiological contexts and of the responses sparked among
the faithful indicates that the sequence of events in Transylvania reproduced quite
strictly a common pattern. The prevalent tension between the centralizing policies of
the Holy See and the Orientals attachment to their own rite has been solved without
exception through a process of dissolution of the original community, split between
a Latinizing faction and a self-proclaimed conservative one.
At the same time, the religious union formed part of a larger political project that
took shape in the Viennese Court circles in the last decade of the seventeenth
century, directly related to the question of imposing an efficient control over the
territories recovered from the Ottomans in the medieval Kingdom of Hungary. In
need of integrating provinces and societies that were heterogeneous and presented
distinct administrative traditions, and faced with the threats of dissent, the
Habsburgs resorted once more to the established principle of government that had
been practiced in the hereditary lands from the early 1600s, which identified
Catholicism with the State interest. Therefore, an aggressive Counter-Reformation
Abstract
was seen by the vast majority of those involved in making proposals for the future
administration of the newly acquired lands as the only suitable means of securing
their loyalty. However, the prospects of reaching a theological consensus with the
Lutheran party diminished rapidly, between the hostile reactions of the
Calvinist
nobles, the reserved attitude of the Catholic hierarchy, and the inoperative social
incentives in the case of a community that already enjoyed public status, while the
restoration of a strong parochial structure in the southern regions of the realm
proved to be an effort that took long decades to accomplish.
The situation in the Principality of Transylvania was all the more desperate, as
here the Catholics stood for a minority, which was to have immediate consequences
in the plane of political representation of the imperial interests in this border region.
Given the terms of the agreement reached between Emperor Leopold I and the
Estates in
1691,
which instituted a very subtle mechanism of regulating the
distribution of power inside the constitutional system, comprised of three nations
and four confessions, Catholicism failed to put any significant pressure on the
existing denominations. It was this very
instable
balance of power that prompted the
entering into the scene of the Transylvanian Romanians. The charter of
4
December
1691
did not make any mention of the Romanian Greek Orthodox Church, whose
followers accounted for almost half of the province s population, but which, despite
that, did not enjoy a legal position. The political significance of this omission was
soon acknowledged, as both Catholics and Calvinists embarked on trying to win for
their side the support of the Byzantine rite hierarchy, in exchange for social benefits.
The bishop and his closest collaborators proved a surprising political flair in
acknowledging the changed context brought by the
Habsburg
rule in the
Principality, and they acted accordingly, by betting from the first moments and
consistently on the imperial card, in spite of all the signs of an uneasy start in
securing a firm hand over Transylvania. From this perspective, the successive
general synods in
1697-1701
seem to have delineated a political solution, instead
oía
religious one, especially since a theological debate around the principles of the Union
was absent altogether. The classical
historiographie
image, which transforms the
bishop and the protopopes into negotiators of a new doctrinal compromise, needs
emending too, in the sense that post-Tridentine ecclesiology never accepted calling
into question the text approved at the ecumenical council of Ferrara-Florence. Its
posterity in the Romanian clerical environments proves even more problematic and
it is reasonable to admit that the mentioning of only the four articles of faith in the
Leopoldine diplomas of Union was the result of the way the Jesuit missionaries
conducted the negotiations, rather than it being the reflection of specific requests
made by the Romanian partner.
A closer look at the events also reveals how open the choice the representatives
oí
the Greek rite Church in Transylvania were called to make remained throughout the
years at the turn of the century. Indeed, communion with Rome was just one of the
options, and the Habsburgs did not have the means to enforce its acceptance over the
434
Formaren
identităţii confesionale
greco-catolice
century-long subordination to the superintendent of the Reformed Church or the
return to a purified form of Byzantine Orthodoxy, which were both contemplated.
While the latter alternatives generated significant levels of support in certain areas of
the Principality, namely
Haţeg
and
Ţara Bârsei,
they remained isolated acts and
could not influence the temporary allegiance of the majority to the Union. Moreover,
one should note that the philo-Calvinist and the rigorist-Orthodox options were
encouraged from the outside as forms of resistance against the
Habsburg
rule,
underlying once again, if necessary, the dual nature of the confrontation that took
place with regard to the decision the Romanian Church was expected to make. The
involvement of the
protestant
Estates in coagulating and supporting an internal
opposition against the unionist bishops was matched by the endorsement the
protesters in
Braşov
and Alba Iulia received from prince
Constantin Brâncoveanu
of
WallachiainlľOl.
Beyond this conspicuous level of the social promises and the political
implications of the confessional gestures, the research into the rationale for the quasi-
unanimous acceptance of the Church Union with Rome meant turning our attention
to the subsequent debate concerning the criteria of the true faith and the perception
of innovation as heresy. Under the impact of religious diversity, the Romanian
Church in Transylvania was compelled to produce a total definition of the character
of its own orthodoxy, which was contained in the clauses that made their way in the
documents elaborated at the end of the seventeenth century. The references to the
visible elements of everyday religion, while ignoring almost completely all aspects of
dogma, shaped the image of a community that had a weak confessional identity, the
result of the diluted confessionalism in the previous centuries. As a consequence, the
departure of the
Uniate
Church from the family of Byzantine Orthodoxy was a slow
and sometimes hesitant process. The apparently rival definitions produced by those
who assumed the Union and those who rejected it did not prove sufficiently relevant
in terms of the practical religious experience to determine a genuine alienation of the
two camps. In an era of confessional
exclusivism,
the Transylvanian realities
conserved astonishing marks of reciprocal tolerance, which were evidenced by the
permission granted to
Uniate
bishops to preach in Orthodox communities, as well as
in the lack of any binding measures taken by the former in order to impose some sort
of religious
conformism
to their flock. The continuous flights in both directions of the
confessional frontier, which involved until the middle of the century certain key
figures of the two sides, are again proof of this unsolved identitarian search.
The noticeable delay with which the first measures of confessional formation
started being implemented is explained by the absence at this stage of a relevant
alterity from which a self-image could have been projected. This, in turn, raises the
question on the character of the opposition manifested against the spiritual
leadership of the
Uniate
bishops in the first four decades of the eighteenth century.
The few tense moments were circumscribed to specific communities in southern
Transylvania, either the commercial district of
Schei in
the suburbs of
Braşov,
or the
Abstract
villages in neighbouring
Făgăraş,
and they were the result of local particularities.
None of the contestations born there showed the sort of militant commitment that
was to be so obvious in the religious clashes after
1744
and no one ever tried to
export the model of resistance outside the primary concerned areas. The emergence
of these movements of contestation in the proximity of the border with Wallachia
could hint at the part played by political and ecclesiastical institutions in the
Orthodox principality in radicalizing the internal opposition, but their involvement
is purely speculative. Anti-Catholic ideas did circulate over the Carpathians and the
Episcopal centres of
Bucureşti
and
Râmnic
had a significant role in mediating this
cultural transfer, although not as part of a consciously organized propaganda. As the
quantitative analysis has shown, the few tens of volumes that made up the princely
donations to Transylvanian parishes comprised mostly liturgical texts and were
concentrated in a reduced number of centres, so that their effect would have been
minimum at the scale of the whole province.
The political and military evolution of the
Habsburg
Monarchy in the second part
of the 1730s and in the 1740s brought to the stage a much weightier actor, which was
to have a crucial role in the future crisis of the
Uniate
Church. Headed by their
patriarch, Arsenije IV, a new wave of Serbs migrated to the Empire at the end of the
lost war against the Ottomans in
1739.
Motivated by an universal ideology in
accordance with the title he wore, the Orthodox prelate wished to expand his
authority into Transylvania, also profiting from the suspension of the ties that used
to link the Romanian Orthodox communities there to the bishops in
Râmnic.
In the
suite of actions plotted from Srernski
Karlovci,
the Bosnian monk Visarion
Sarai
was
undoubtedly an integral part. He entered Transylvania in the spring of
1744
and for
a couple of months he was at the centre of a very well orchestrated
propagandistic
tour. His message, conveyed with force and persuasion in front of popular crowds,
set in motion for the first time the mechanisms of doubt about the orthodoxy of
confessing communion with Rome. Sarai s words revealed the responsibility that
rested on the shoulders of the priests, guilty of having violated through their
Presumably undisclosed option the relations inside the community, which were to
affect both this world and the afterlife. The reaction was swift and violent, and it led
to a general rejection of the Union in the southern parts of Transylvania.
AU
measures taken by the administrative and military authorities in support of the
Greek Catholic Church managed only to temper for a while the religious dissent.
Despite official
triumphalist
reports, the tensions remained endemic throughout the
sixth decade, as they were further encouraged by the interventions of the Serbian
metropolitan. The complicated context of the war that opposed the Monarchy to
Prussia after
1756
precipitated a shift towards a more realistic religious pohcy in
tne
decision-makers cabinets in Vienna. Tolerance for the Greek Orthodox
ш
Transyivania was officially proclaimed in
1759,
although they remained the object of
discriminatory regulations. The final attempt by Metropolitan
Pavle Nenadcmc
to
convince the Court to place the renovated Church under his spiritual jurisdiction,
436
Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice
which degenerated in renewed violence under the command of a charismatic leader,
Sofronie from
Cioara,
failed to achieve its objective, and an exempt bishop was
finally nominated in
1761.
The unforeseen appearance of a religious alternative had devastating effects for
the
Uniate
Church because of the questions and doubts it raised in connection with
the legitimacy
oř
the contrasting choices. The relationship between true faith and
heresy that was predicated by the Serbian metropolitans stood at the basis of their
success, as this topic was later assumed and multiplied by other voices in
Transylvania. The central argument in this polemic discourse consisted of a very
astute manipulation of the classical themes of anti-Latin propaganda, through the
invention of an original scenario, which enabled its promoters to ignore the reality of
the continued usage of the Byzantine rite by the Greek Catholic priests, interpreted
as only
a façade
for the changes that were to come in the near future. Located for the
time being in an intermediary space, of a so-called third religion , the endpoint of
their departure from the Eastern tradition would not be other than the full
integration into the Latin rite, with all the disturbing consequences that this would
arise, as so clearly stated by two manuscript texts that can be traced to authors of
Transylvanian origin. The violent response of the rural world faced with this
disconcerting threat was that of a society still largely tributary to the conception of
collective participation to the Redemption on the day of the Second Coming of
Christ, and which was yet to discover the responsibility of the individual. A proper
understanding of the motifs that helped transform the hostile attitude towards
religious union in a mainstream disposition in just a matter of years is fundamental,
for they ultimately influenced the structuring of the reply articulated by the Greek
Catholic clerical
élite.
Who made up this select group of clerics whose choices were to have a long term
impact over the way the
Uniate
confessional identity would be perceived was the
next obvious question I tried to answer. The mutation that became discernible
around
1750
in placing the Catholic dogma at the centre of the self-legitimizing
rhetoric was in fact anticipated by a veritable revolution of the people at the top of
the Church. Although numerically the reshape of the leadership was seemingly
insignificant, the original generation of
1750
consisting of only five members and
the growth rate of this new
élite
remaining at very low levels until the early
70s,
the
structural changes it entailed went much deeper. The traditional holders of power,
the protopopes in the fifty or so archdeaconries in Transylvania, saw their
attributions confined as the general synod ceased to represent the seat of all
legislative, executive, and judicial authority. The formal consultation between the
bishop and the whole body of archpriests in the diocese was reduced mostly to
debating major questions concerning the future of the clergy and of the nation, while
the current administrative issues made it to the agenda only in exceptional
circumstances. The decision-making gradually concentrated in the hands of a small
group of ecclesiastics who were singularized by their daily relation with the bishop
Abstract
437
in Blaj.
The avatars of the consistory along a century of reforms, until the final
establishment of the canons and of the cathedral chapter in
1807,
illustrates not just
the difficulties of adapting the western models, but also the progressive loss of
influence registered by the office bearers in the territory.
Comparing the exemplary career paths in the second half of the eighteenth
century reveals the extent to which the promotion to higher positions became the
result of a meritocratic competition, which was simultaneous with the similar reform
impetus in the
Habsburg
Monarchy. Education was to be the common trait of all the
aspiring candidates, be they Basilian monks or members of the regular clergy.
Without exception, their formation started in one of the Jesuit colleges in
Transylvania, most often that of
Cluj,
or, after
1754,
in the schools of
Blaj,
to later lead
them to continue their philosophical and theological studies at the Universities in
Trnava,
Vienna, and Rome.
The graduates of the Roman Urbanian College formed the best prepared staff in
the diocese, thus from their ranks came to be recruited two of the three bishops in the
period from
1750
to
1780,
three of the six vicar generals, and two of the vicars
forane
instituted by Bishop Grigore
Maior,
in addition to the vast majority of the permanent
assessors of the consistory created after
1767.
They also led the two monasteries in
Blaj
and were entrusted with teaching in the primary and secondary schools, as well
as in the two seminaries that functioned in the cathedral town. For this reason, a
great deal of effort went into retrieving the debuts of the Roman foundation in
1736
and into depicting the difficulties that marked its functioning over less than five
decades.
Sharing a common education with their fellow Roman Catholic peers reflected
afterwards in the referential system of the
Uníate
clerical
élite, in
the strategies they
imagined, but also at the level of their personal devotion. The tortuous course
covered by loan
Pataki,
from his outset as Latin missionary of the Congregation
de
Propaganda Fide in the
Făgăraş
district till the adoption of the Greek rite in order to
facilitate his promotion as
Uniate
bishop of the Romanian Church, offers a first
eloquent instance. Despite appearances and official declarations, this metamorphosis
was never truly accomplished. Reconstructing the two failed attempts of
1717
and
1720
to persuade the Apostolic See to grant him permission to celebrate in private
the Latin Mass gives a clear sign of Pataki s continued attachment to the liturgical
expression of the Roman Church. This was also going to have a major impact over
bis reforming agenda, which he directed against some of the Eastern rite traditions
that were not consonant with his earlier formation. The gap between the predicated
faith and the professed forms of individual piety manifested itself with equal
length in the case of his immediate successor, loan
Inocenţiu
Klein. A former Jesuit
student, Klein spent his entire youth in a Catholic environment and was deeply
influenced by the Society s spirituality. The College of
Cluj
and the Urwersiry in
Tmava prescribed no separate treatment for the Oriental Catholics enrol led there at
the time. The fact that in
1726
he himself wanted to become a Jesuit is eloquent for
438
Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice
this
period
in the future bishop s life. His nomination to head the Greek Catholic
Church in Transylvania blocked the way to a full conversion, but leaved intact his
opening towards the Latin rite. Two requests forwarded to the pope in
1735
and
1743
demanded the permission to celebrate Mass according to the Roman Missal. After
heated debates in the offices of the Curia and an initial rejection, the dispensation
was finally granted by Benedict
XIV.
By comparison, the investigation into the conduct of the figures belonging to the
generation of
1750
could not aspire to be just as straightforward, since the struggle
against religious dissent forced them to suppress any public expression that
conflicted with the officially proclaimed return to the Byzantine rite purity. In less
apparent forms, of which research required a constant confrontation to the realities
in other Catholic spaces, the attachment to the Latin cultural and spiritual model
persisted to be a defining trait for most characters. The fragments preserved in the
correspondence and the official decrees of Bishop
Petru
Pavel
Aron
concerning his
quest for reforms in liturgy and the implementation of disciplinary canons derived
from the Tridentine legislation on marriage attest to the profound continuities.
Likewise, the mental categories exhibited in the annual accounts sent to Rome by the
former alumni perfectly fit within the broader framework of missionary
commonplaces that were abundant in this kind of literature. The large-scale
canonical visitations undertaken by various officials of the diocese on the example
set forward by their bishops, the adoption of a typical vocabulary, as well as total
optimism in the achievement of reinstating religious uniformity are all marks of the
evolution towards a collective missionary identity of this
élite
group. One can speak
in their case with good reason of a forgotten tradition, able of determining a
completely different course of evolution for the Greek Catholic identity, would it
have had the additional respite of a few decades of confessional calm. Although in
principle they proved to be nothing more than a dead end in history, the study of
these attitudes remains a fascinating exercise, which warns us against all teleological
approaches.
In
tlie
conflicrual setting installed after
1744,
the survival of the
Uniate
Church
heavily depended on the ability of its leaders to generate the much needed criteria
for distinguishing theirs from the other Romanian ecclesiastical expression. The
confrontation stimulated therefore the implementation of long delayed reforms,
which, for the first time, called on Catholic teachings as sources of inspiration,
instead of discarding them. Albeit not always explicitly assumed and at moments
concealed under the alleged return to a purified form of Byzantine tradition, as in the
liturgical books printed in
Blaj,
the path of evolution for Greek Catholic confessional
identity would never again come under question. The Latin conceptual innovations
that made their way in the revised editions of the liturgical texts, which were
checked against the versions established by the Roman Congregation for the
Correction of the Books of the Oriental Rites, formed only the surface level of a
modernizing intervention designed to separate even in terms of language the Greek
Abstract
439
Catholic community from the Orthodox one. This attempt was not without
hesitations and setbacks, as evidenced by the abandoning of what would have
probably been the most daring project of its kind, the printing in Romanian of the
Vulgate Bible. Simultaneously, the catechetical literature is notably heterogeneous, in
spite of the fact that the bulk of its conception was the result of a single author,
Bishop
Petru
Pavel
Aron.
His successive returns to the text and the final substitution
of the original explanations with the translation of the famous small catechism by
Cardinal Bellarmino are the telling sign of the difficulties in structuring a definitive
statement of what meant being a Greek Catholic.
The programme put in place in the second half of the eighteenth century was
primarily a discourse aimed at convincing those who showed themselves wavering
and irresolute, and, at the same time, at reassuring those who persisted in their
allegiance to the
Uniate
Church that they had made the
salvine
choice. The
missionary formation gained in Rome and in other Catholic schools conditioned a
number of the strategic options that were modelled during the years of heated
religious conflict. The techniques of persuasion were derived directly from the
experience of the controversies waged against the Protestants in Central and Western
Europe and of the
apoštoláte
carried out in the Americas and in Asia. The effort
made to adapt the imported model to the Transylvanian circumstances reached
outstanding heights in certain cases, as pointed by the investigation about the uses of
quoting from liturgical texts instead of the usual biblical verses. The proposition of
an ascetical standard embodied by Bishops
Aron
and Rednic, as well as the Utopian
employment of the metropolitan title by Grigore
Maior
moved along the same lines
to create the image of a Church that remained faithful to its Byzantine tradition. At
the end of this intellectual course stands the thesis of the Union accomplished in
matters of faith alone, which was grounded exclusively on dogma and which
required from every believer an integral preservation of the Greek rite, a formulation
that responded to all critics who accused the institution of a third religion .
I have concomitantly argued that the modest outcomes in the short term may be
explained by the error of channelling the whole religious propaganda through the
printed word in a society with very low literacy levels and who was suddenly
confronted with a great number of controversial texts. The
tìmid communicational
experiments sought by Bishop Athanasie Rednic through increasing the use of
images, composing more concise catechisms, and the adoption of an active
missionary attitude failed to deliver a spectacular leap forward, not least because the
same intricate theological rhetoric continued to be employed. After all, the
Uniate
establishment did not manage to articulate anything other than an alternative
discourse to that of its Orthodox competitor, pursuing mostly a defensive line, which
encouraged comparisons between the two poorly individualized confessional offers.
The inquiry over the avatars of the national confessionalism in the period marked
by the meditations of the Basilian monk Gherontie Cotore in
1746
and subsequently
by the historical and philological works of the Transylvanian School has allowed us
440
Formaren
identităţii confesionale
greco-catolice
to observe the structuring of a theme which had the potential to outweigh all other
elements of identitarian recognition. In fact, the clerical
élite
had to overcome not
only difficulties in producing the theological discourse, but also those arising from
the need to indicate the confessional otherness of individuals that continued to be
part of the same ethnic community. As far as faith functioned in the Romanian area
of post-Byzantine culture as means for validating the bounds of community, the
innovation that intervened at the level of political imaginary, which merged in an
unique argument the scholarly explanations on the Latin origin and those referring
to the ecclesiastical past, proved to be decisive in order to legitimize the option of
entering communion with the Church of Rome. The reappraisal of the nation as an
instrument for binding the community together, which was originally meant to
combat the allegations of heretical innovation by proclaiming a fictitious connection
with Apostolic Rome from the dawn of the Christian era, functioned in the long term
as a guarantee for the integration into the Western cultural space, and it
consequently attracted the favours of
tlie
educated laymen.
The particular case study of the dispute that involved the Greek and Roman
Catholic hierarchies in Transylvania in
1763-1764
with regard to the proselytizing
practices of the Latin missionaries highlighted the figure of loan
Dragos
from
Turmas,
the post office master in Alba Iulia. Belonging to the lesser nobility, a group
whose social ascension was encouraged by the Habsburgs, he can be considered
exemplary for the generation of upper class Romanians who experienced the period
of confessional tensions. When time came for them to make a choice, most opted in
favour of remaining members of the
Uniate
Church. The obvious social motivations
should however be complemented by the more intimate religious justification, which
was so well illustrated in the words of loan
Dragos.
They demonstrate that the
discourse promoted from
Blaj
after
1744
had been able to establish in less than two
decades a certain idea of the
Uniate
confessional identity, which combined the
membership to the Catholic Church with the fidelity for the Byzantine rite. It was the
clear sign that by the time, being Greek Catholic was not anymore an abstract ideal,
living solely in the minds of the prelates who imagined it, but that it had already
started the slow road to assimilation by the laity.
At the end of this research, trying to draw a balance can not be reduced to a
debate in terms of success versus failure, for the realities were much more nuanced.
The still modest signs of the achievements in the confessional formation process
were counterbalanced by the indisputable advances in the field of the ecclesiastical
administration and of the establishment of a solid ideological structure. After a slow
start, the clerical
élite
of the second half of the eighteenth century supplied the
diocese with the instruments of persuasion and control that were vital for
constructing an
identit)
-
the schools, the printing press, the canonical visitations. By
1780
the phase of the fundamental intellectual choices was largely concluded and the
open option or the earlier days gave way to a precisely distinguished formula, of
which stability was to be verified in the centuries to come.
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Nedici, Radu |
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| author_sort | Nedici, Radu |
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| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041478734 |
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| era | Geschichte 1700-1780 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1700-1780 |
| format | Book |
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| spelling | Nedici, Radu Verfasser aut Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate Radu Nedici Bucureşti Ed. Univ. din Bucureşti 2013 492 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The formation of Greek Catholic confessional identity in eighteenth-century Transylvania Griechisch-Katholische Kirche Rumäniens (DE-588)4237007-3 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1700-1780 gnd rswk-swf Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 gnd rswk-swf Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd rswk-swf Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 gnd rswk-swf Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 g Griechisch-Katholische Kirche Rumäniens (DE-588)4237007-3 b Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 s Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 s Geschichte 1700-1780 z DE-604 https://www.recensio.net/r/f9eadc705f9c490fb2e1c8d9765943ca rezensiert in: Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas / jgo.e-reviews, jgo.e-reviews 2016, 2, S. 24-25 Rezension Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026924739&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026924739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Nedici, Radu Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate Griechisch-Katholische Kirche Rumäniens (DE-588)4237007-3 gnd Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4237007-3 (DE-588)4026482-8 (DE-588)4020588-5 (DE-588)4054835-1 |
| title | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate |
| title_auth | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate |
| title_exact_search | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate |
| title_full | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate Radu Nedici |
| title_fullStr | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate Radu Nedici |
| title_full_unstemmed | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea biserică şi comunitate Radu Nedici |
| title_short | Formarea identităţii confesionale greco-catolice în Transilvania veacului al XVIII-lea |
| title_sort | formarea identitatii confesionale greco catolice in transilvania veacului al xviii lea biserica si comunitate |
| title_sub | biserică şi comunitate |
| topic | Griechisch-Katholische Kirche Rumäniens (DE-588)4237007-3 gnd Identität (DE-588)4026482-8 gnd Gesellschaft (DE-588)4020588-5 gnd |
| topic_facet | Griechisch-Katholische Kirche Rumäniens Identität Gesellschaft Siebenbürgen |
| url | https://www.recensio.net/r/f9eadc705f9c490fb2e1c8d9765943ca http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026924739&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026924739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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