Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Srpski Genealoški Centar [u.a.]
2011
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Etnološka biblioteka
Posebna izdanja ; 6 Studia Osmanica 1 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | PST: The Ottoman conquest of Serbia in 1690. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 173 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9788683679737 |
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SADRŽAJ
0
izvorima i literaturi
PRVE GODINE BEČKOG RATA
OSVAJANJA SVETE LIGE NA BALKANU
18
U
HAßZßURSKOJ
MONARHIJI
(1688-1690) 25
POHOD MUSTAFA-PAŠE KEPRILIJA
PRIPREME I POLAZAK U POHOD
34
OSVAJANJE PIROTAI BELE PALANKE
44
OPSADA NIŠA
51
IZA VATRENE LINIJE
62
PREDAJA NIŠA
70
NA PUTU OD
NIŚA
DO
SMEDEREVA
80
OPSADA I OSVAJANJE
SMEDEREVA
86
OSVAJANJE BEOGRADA
91
RAJA, HAJDUCI
1
DOMAĆINI
ZBEGOVI
1
HAJDUČIJA
104
SULTANOVI PODANICI
111
OBNOVA OSMANSKE VLASTI
117
POVRATAK VOJSKE
123
ZAKLJUČAK
133
SUMMARY
138
Rečník
termina
145
Izabrana bibliografija sa skraćenicama
157
indeks
162
Tatjana
Katić
THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST
OF SERBIA IN
1690.
Summary
The campaign of
Köprülü
Mustafa
Paşa
began late, in mid-summer
1690,
apparently
with little prospect of success. The highest circles of power were doubtful that the
padishahs army, weakened by defeats in previous years, lack of money, and many
rebellions ending in the ousting of viziers, even of the sultan himself, would be
able to achieve any significant change on the battlefield. However, persistent in
imposing financial and military discipline, Mustafa
Paşa
had succeeded in restoring
law and order to the Empire. He believed that, by abolishing all taxes other than
those prescribed by
sharia, he
had removed the main cause for the reayas rebelling
against the sultan. Frugality in government and personal spending, and he set an
example himself, had partly filled the imperial treasury, and made it possible to
procure military equipment and muster fresh troops. As in previous years, assistance
was sought from the Crimean khan,
Selim
Giray, and from Count
Thököly,
whose
support was expected in the Ottoman conquest of Transylvania.
While the Ottomans were preparing for recapturing the lost territories, the small
number of
Habsburg
troops in Serbia was doing little to mount a defence. Most
troops had been transferred to the western front on the Rhine, opened in early
1689
by Louis
XIV
of France. By the summer, the
Habsburg
War Council still had been
indecisive on its course of action on the Balkan front. As a result, the order to fortify
certain places, such as Pirot
(Sehirköy)
and
Niš,
came too late, while the fortress of
Belgrade was partially repaired and strengthened only after the Ottoman advance
guard appeared in its surroundings.
The main body of the Ottoman army, made up of the capital-based troops, left
Edirne
on
10
and
13
July, while the units supplied by provincial governors flowed in
successively, especially those from the remote Anatolian sancaks. The Egyptians were
the last to join, on
1
September. An eyalet army numbered
2.000,3.000
to
5.000
soldiers,
138
depending on the economic power of the province, while the capital city force was
about
35.000
strong. With the Albanian army of
10.000
to
15.000
mercenaries and a
40.000-strong Tatar force, a total of
100.000
soldiers were engaged for the theatre of
operations in Serbia.
Feeding such a large army was a difficult task. The year
1690
was the eighth year
of war. The population, already worn down by taxes, was hit by an unprecedented
famine as a result of a string of bad harvests between
1686
and
1689.
In war-ravaged
Serbia, there was nothing left to collect, and the situation in the neighbouring
Bulgarian areas was only a little less dire. In addition to the provisions shipped by
the government, wholesale merchants contributed as well, but on the whole food
supplies were irregular and inadequate, which gave rise to a thriving illegal trade on
the army market.
In spite of chronic hunger, the Ottomans advanced rapidly through Serbia because,
apart from
Niš,
they met with little resistance. Not strong enough to keep hold over
Serbia and Transylvania at the same time, the Habsburgs chose to give up their recent
conquest. The task of the commanders of small garrisons of
Niš
and Pirot was to offer
resistance only so long as lives were not really threatened. All hopes of keeping the
Ottomans away from Belgrade were placed in the forthcoming winter.
The Pirot garrison surrendered on
10
August, after a siege of only one day. The
Niš
garrison held out from
16
August to
9
September, owing as much to the able
commander, General
Guido Starhemberg,
and the reserves of food and ammunition,
as to the ineffectiveness of the janissary ocak. His surrender was precipitated by the
fall of
Vidin,
on
29
August, and the arrival of fresh Albanian troops.
The Albanian mercenary units also performed well during the two-day siege of the
medieval capital of Serbia, Smederevo
(Semendire).
With the fall of Smederevo on
27
September, and
Kulic,
a day earlier, the whole of the Danube, except for Adakale, was
restored to Ottoman rule.
Belgrade, considered by most Ottoman commanders to be too big a bite to swallow,
was seized on
8
October, after a siege of only eight days, and owing to the explosion
of a powder magazine inside the fortress. Had it not been for the blast, the fortress,
considering the available store of artillery weapons and ammunition, would have
probably held out much longer. The fall of Belgrade, and of
Avala
three days earlier,
marked the end of
Köprülü
Mustafa
Paşas
campaign, which restored Ottoman rule
over the whole of Serbia south of the Danube and
Sava
rivers.
The sieges of Pirot,
Niš,
Smederevo and Belgrade were the only serious encounters
between Austrian and Ottoman forces in Serbia; all other places were taken after just
a few hours of engagement
(Kulič
and
Avala)
or had been abandoned
(Bela Palanka,
Jagodina, Požarevac).
There was no fighting in the open field.
Each siege was preceded by a sharia-prescribed call to surrender. The immediate
acceptance of the call, before the battle, or a subsequent appeal for mercy,
aman,
had
139
ш
■
.v
■.··.-'.
■
the same result for the besieged: they were allowed safe passage to the nearest place
in Christian possession, with personal belongings, arms and a small supply of food.
Heavy arms, ammunition and provisions had to be left behind. All Muslim captives
from previous battles were to remain in the seized fortress and the same applied to the
sultans former subjects. The defeated were under the obligation to report to Ottoman
authorities any member of the reaya who tried to escape by mingling stealthily with
the civilians, subjects of Leopold
I. Aman
could be granted up to the moment the
sultans soldiers forced their way into the fortress with their swords drawn out.
Pirot,
Niš,
Kulič
and Adakale were taken under the abovementioned terms, while
Smederevo,
Avala
and Belgrade were seized with the sword and hence subjected to
slaughter and looting.
The decisive role in the reconquest of Serbia was played by the mercenary
Albanian troops of the serasker of Hungary and Skopje, the beylerbeyi of Rumelia
and the sancakbeyi of Prizren and Dukagjin. The three pashas, all three of Albanian
origin, had mustered an unusually large number of troops, attracted most of all by
good pay but also by the promised spoils of war. More familiar with the local terrain
than Anatolians, Syrians or Egyptians, Albanian mercenaries were the best choice
for skirmishing, reconnaissance and chasing down rebel (hayduk) groups. Loyal to
their commanders, disciplined, and keen with a view of personal gain, they vitally
contributed to the conquest of Smederevo and Belgrade. After this war, Albanians
became quite influential in the Empire. They were increasingly appointed to high
offices and rising to prominence in Ottoman society, which put them in a position to
further privilege their fellow Albanian proteges.
Apart from Albanians, the
1690
campaign was greatly supported by Tatars. They
'cleared" the way for the main body of the army by plundering, setting on fire, killing
and taking slaves. Wild and ferocious warriors, often quite demanding, useful but
also largely harmful, briefly, the Ottoman states "difficult friends" Tatars were plainly
indispensable. The army of the Crimean khan fought independently, under its own
commanders. Unlike the Albanian, it was unattached to the Ottoman regular army,
but its movements and actions were overseen by the grand vizier. During the siege
of
Niš,
Tatars skirmished in the
Morava
river valley, from Aleksinac to
Jagodina
and
beyond; during the siege of Smederevo, they ravaged the environs of Belgrade, and at
the time Belgrade was under siege, they ransacked Srem.
The use of irregular troops, Tatar and Albanian, meant an "irregularly" waged
war. The conquest of Old Serbia
(Stara Srbija)
in the winter of
1689/90
was a most
horrendous massacre of the civilian population. The mixed Tatar and Albanian units
acted autonomously, uncontrolled by official representatives of central authority. As
a result, several tens of thousands of Serbs, headed by the patriarch,
Arsenije
Ш,
fled to Hungary. Most refugees had never returned, which left the Serbian people
without a considerable part of its ecclesiastical and lay elite. Its renewal, amidst
140
TURSKO OSVAJANJE SRBIJE
1690.
GODIN
SUMMARY
further
Austro-Ottoman
wars waged on Serbian soil and further migrations in the
eighteenth century, was a slow process.
Civilian casualties and migrations considerably decreased when the campaign was
taken over by regular Ottoman units in the summer and autumn of
1690.
Rather than
emigrating permanently to the
Habsburg
Monarchy, people chose to take shelter in
nearby mountains, caves and Danube islands. From the outset of the campaign the
grand vizier discouraged the capturing and sale of the Serbian reaya as slaves. After
the capture of
Niš,
he broadcasted the policy of clemency and reconciliation with
the population. Everyone was allowed to return to their homes, provided that they
re-acknowledged submission to the Ottoman sultan. Yet, the vizier made exceptions
when he deemed it necessary
(Niš
and
Avala).
The amnesty encompassed all, including adult males. Even those who had
fought against the sultan could be granted pardon provided that they laid down
their weapons and accepted the status of the padishahs reaya. Of course, they were
supposed to do that before being captured. Otherwise, they usually suffered death
penalty for rebellion.
Most rebel units withdrew with the Austrian forces. Those who stayed fought
within fort garrisons or shielded refuge shelters and attacked food caravans and
Ottoman outposts. Such attacks were most numerous during the siege of
Niš,
in the
area of Suva
planina.
The captured rebels, if they were few, were executed; otherwise
they were used for heavy labour. The rebels captured in the Pirot and
Avala
forts were
all executed, at
Kulič
only a few prominent ones, while the rest, like those from
Niš,
were used to do repair works on the newly-seized fortresses. The rebels from Adakale
were sent off as slave oarsmen on the Black Sea galleys.
The general amnesty achieved significant results. Even as the Ottomans advanced
towards Belgrade, the population of the Resava,
Jagodina,
Kragujevac,
Požarevac,
Belgrade and other areas asked pardon and re-acknowledged obedience and
tax obligations. The release of several thousand Serbs from captivity in Belgrade
encouraged the return of refugees. Many of them originally came from the environs
of
Priština
and Skopje, and had been settled in Srem by the Austrians in the autumn
and winter of
1688.
Disappointed with their life in the
Habsburg
Monarchy, they
were arriving in Belgrade in large groups and in an organized manner, requesting
protection from Ottoman authorities, i.e. a military escort to their native villages.
The Ottoman Turks entered Serbia as old masters regaining a land that had been
rightfully theirs for centuries rather than as conquerors of enemy territory. Although
no retaliatory devastation ensued, Mustafa
Paşa's
campaign left severe consequences
in its wake. The retreating Austrian army, in order to slow down the enemy's
advancement, but also to drive out the domicile population, had applied the policy
of scorched earth, systematically burning down settlements, bridges and crops.
Jagodina, Batočina
and Smederevska
Palanka
were razed to the ground, whereas
141
Smederevo
and Grocka were spared for the simple reason that the Ottomans had not
been expected to reach that area. All bridges, from the so-called
Velika ćuprija
(Big
Bridge) across the
Morava
and those spanning the marshes on the
Jagodina-Batočina
road to the bridges at Smederevska
Palanka, Kolare
and Smederevo, were torn down,
and progressing through the desolated and burnt land was almost as difficult for the
Ottoman army as fighting a war. The fortresses of
Niš
and Smederevo sustained heavy
battle damage, while the explosion of the powder magazine in Belgrade completely
destroyed the citadel and the castle of the medieval Serbian ruler, despot Stefan
Lazarević.
Reconstruction began while the campaign was still in progress. In
Niš,
Smederevo
and Belgrade the necessary fortification works were undertaken. The repair of private
and public structures and facilities, homes, shops, places of worship, soup kitchens,
drinking fountains and the like, was left to the owners and endowers. Immovable
property was restored to those who had held it prior to the Austrian conquest, and
the old owners were issued new certificates of ownership immediately following the
recapture of a place. A comparatively small number of properties were renovated,
and mostly those of well-off owners. Lacking the money for renovation, the refugees
of a weaker financial standing delayed their return, and the issuance of title deeds
continued even two years after the conquest. Some never came back, and their houses
and shops became the property of those willing to do the repair. The reconstruction
and
repopulation
process in the urban areas was slow, because the former driving
force of urban and economic development, the middle class of all three confessions,
had lost their capital in the war and, for the most part, never came back at all.
The Ottoman government only funded the reconstruction of the most profitable
economic facilities, and these above all were the iron and copper mines. First measures
to revive mining and metallurgy, at Majdanpek, Samokov and some smaller mines,
were taken as early as the spring of
1691,
and were aimed at procuring labour. The
task was not an easy one, as the war had left the whole country largely depopulated.
The refugees were returning at a slow pace, although the Ottoman authorities
guaranteed the protection of life and property, offered a variety of tax reliefs and put
every other effort into improving the relationship with their Christian subjects. Part
of it was the reinstatement of local self-government institutions
(knežina)
and, most
importantly, the appointment of a new figure as patriarch of
Peć.
In
1691
the Porte
installed Kalinik I
(1691-1710)
as head of the Serbian Church and people instead of
the fugitive Arsenije III.
The Ottoman Empire also resorted to the planned
repopulation
of the deserted
areas. The Belgrade frontier was declared open to settlement by whoever interested.
The opportunity was taken by Muslim refugees from southern Hungary. Four years
later, some eight hundred Albanian families were settled in small towns between
Niš
and Belgrade and in the environs in Vranje, and assigned the task to protect
142
certain sections
of the road against bandits or rebels. These and similar measures
carried out by the Ottoman government until the end of the war led to the creation
of religiously homogeneous communities instead of the former multiconfessional.
The cities and towns were flooded by the
Rumelian
poor and by rowdy soldiers, and
the entire country was in a state of neglect. In the eighteenth century, Belgrade, once
a cosmopolitan trade centre, became the largest garrison in the Balkans, the scene of
disorder, robberies, murders and janissary mutinies.
The
1690
campaign of
Köprülü
Mustafa
Paşa
prevented the ruin of the Ottoman
Empire and enabled it to keep hold over the Balkans throughout the eighteenth
and a good part of the nineteenth century. On the other hand, it marked a turning
point for the Serbs who, divided between two empires, now faced much worse living
conditions than before the Great Turkish War.
143 |
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| author | Katić, Tatjana |
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| geographic | Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd Osmanisches Reich (DE-588)4075720-1 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Serbien Osmanisches Reich |
| id | DE-604.BV041421331 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-20T04:25:14Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788683679737 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-026868403 |
| oclc_num | 869853448 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 173 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Srpski Genealoški Centar [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Etnološka biblioteka Studia Osmanica |
| series2 | Etnološka biblioteka : Posebna izdanja Studia Osmanica |
| spelling | Katić, Tatjana Verfasser aut Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine Tatjana Katić Beograd Srpski Genealoški Centar [u.a.] 2011 173 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Etnološka biblioteka : Posebna izdanja 6 Studia Osmanica 1 PST: The Ottoman conquest of Serbia in 1690. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1690 gnd rswk-swf Türkenkrieg 1683-1697 (DE-588)4135853-3 gnd rswk-swf Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 gnd rswk-swf Osmanisches Reich (DE-588)4075720-1 gnd rswk-swf Osmanisches Reich (DE-588)4075720-1 g Türkenkrieg 1683-1697 (DE-588)4135853-3 s Serbien (DE-588)4054598-2 g Geschichte 1690 z DE-604 Etnološka biblioteka Posebna izdanja ; 6 (DE-604)BV019753323 6 Studia Osmanica 1 (DE-604)BV041584283 1 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026868403&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026868403&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Katić, Tatjana Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine Etnološka biblioteka Studia Osmanica Türkenkrieg 1683-1697 (DE-588)4135853-3 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4135853-3 (DE-588)4054598-2 (DE-588)4075720-1 |
| title | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine |
| title_auth | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine |
| title_exact_search | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine |
| title_full | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine Tatjana Katić |
| title_fullStr | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine Tatjana Katić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine Tatjana Katić |
| title_short | Tursko osvajanje Srbije 1690. godine |
| title_sort | tursko osvajanje srbije 1690 godine |
| topic | Türkenkrieg 1683-1697 (DE-588)4135853-3 gnd |
| topic_facet | Türkenkrieg 1683-1697 Serbien Osmanisches Reich |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026868403&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026868403&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV019753323 (DE-604)BV041584283 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT katictatjana turskoosvajanjesrbije1690godine |