Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope: 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Službeni Glasnik [u.a.]
2012
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Biblioteka Društvo i nauka : Edicija Studije
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | PST: Yugoslavia and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 1980 - 2003. - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 251 S. |
| ISBN: | 9788651915782 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope |b 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države |c Ratomir Milikić |
| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a Yugoslavia and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 1980 - 2003 |
| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Službeni Glasnik [u.a.] |c 2012 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1812550932721827840 |
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Садржај
Предговор
.
g
H
е кол
и ко методолошких напомена
.
то
Успон европске
идеје
у сумрак
СФРЈ
1980-1991.21
Југословенска привреда
-
из опустошености, путевима
и странпутицама
развоја,
у банкротство
.28
Листа
пројеката финансираних
из прве транше кредита
Фонда за
реинтеграцију Савета
Европе
.39
Укупан
број повратникауЈугославију након
рада
у иностранству у периоду од
1977
ДО
1986.
године
.43
Сумарни преглед односа
Савета Европе и
Југославије
од
краја шездесетих
до т. новембра
1984.45
Ka
јачању
и
продубљивању сарадње.
53
Европа се
мења
.75
Београдски самит несврстаних
-
европска
димензија покрета
.88
Године распада
.93
Деведесете, изневерена
очекивања
-
неостварена
сарадња
199Ί-2ΟΟΟ
.
m
ТрећаЈугославија
.
і2б
Црни
дани у освит новог
миленијума
.
і37
Година
помрачења
.
Тешко до коначне потврде дугоочекиване
демократије
2ООО-2ООЗ
.
Проблеми
на европском
путу
.
і68
Процедура
пријема
у Савет Европе
.173
Прилагођавање стандардима
Савета Европе
.174
Крајједнеземље,
почетак новог државног идентитета
.205
s
ЈУСОСЛАПКЈА
14
CABET
ЕВРОПЕ
1980-200?.
Уместо зак/ьучка
.209
Особености
југословенског
приступа
креирању спољне
политике
.209
Тешкоће
у
разумевању муњевитих
промена
.
2іб
Краткотрајно одушевљење,
потом нове препреке
.219
Summary
.223
Извори и литература
.233
Регистар личних имена
.247
Белешка
о аутору
.253
Ratomir Milikić
Yugoslavia and the Parliamentary Assembly
of the Council of Europe
1980-2003
Summary
Foreign policy of a country is usually created by its parliament in accordance
with the Constitution; and conducted by its President and the Government in
cooperation with other state institutions. In the case of Yugoslavia it wasn't always
like that. Parliament did (very formally) decide the course of the foreign policy,
but it was all but independent and free to make its own decisions.
Foreign policy implies two different processes: the creation of the foreign
policy as a political process and diplomatic activity by means of which it is
carried out. These two processes are not independent of one another because
the initiative to make decisions in practice often lies within the diplomatic service
which is headed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
In the socialist Yugoslavia, President
Josip Broz
Tito (not institutionally)
was the creator of the state's foreign policy course in its broadest sense. For
example, he personally created the position vis-a-vis the USSR and the Eastern
Bloc countries, and towards the western countries. According to all the facts, the
rapprochement with the USA and the receipt of large and very important aid from
the USA after the schism with the USSR and Stalin in
1948
were his decisions.
The biggest mistake a historian can make is to use today's
étalons
to survey
the past. The conditions at the time along with autocratic form of government
imposed such a solution for the creation of foreign policy.
When speaking about European policies, especially ones which are the
subject of this work, initiated towards the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council
of Europe (PACE), they were not the primary or even a secondary priority for
Yugoslavia. As such, those policies might have been initiated "in the field",
through Yugoslav Consul General in Strasbourg who found understanding in
his parent house. The idea of improving relations with the western European
countries appealed to the then Federal Foreign Affairs Secretary,
Koča Popović,
and then afterwards to his predecessor
Edvard
Kardelj, who was at the time the
number two (or maybe number three) man in the Yugoslav state hierarchy.
Considering that it was a periphery front in the Yugoslav foreign policy, Tito
224
(УГОСЛАВИјА
И
CARET
ЕВРОПЬ
1980-2003
fancied the idea that Yugoslavia perhaps might, after a diplomatic victory called
the Balkan Pact, become a member in a pan-European organization which
promoted democracy.
In the beginning of its existence, the Council of Europe was described as an
organization that will gather all European countries, who shared the same values
-
human rights and democracy. That is something European federalists worked
on decades before. Europe, faced with the biggest schism since the religious wars
of the late middle ages, didn't harbor same ideas and values. The doors to the
Council of Europe were consequently closed for many European countries, either
due to the fact they were behind the iron curtain, or because they had autocratic
regimes. The Council of Europe was in the beginning supposed to assume the
role of standard bearer of European unity, but it afterwards conceded this role
to the European Coal and Steel Community which later became the European
Economic Community/European Union.
Importance which the Council of Europe had for Yugoslavia in the fifties,
when it still looked for its safe passage in the sea of world diplomacy, can be seen
from the available materials in foreign and domestic archives on which this work
is based. Once contact was established, it developed somewhat clumsily on both
sides, in Strasbourg and in Belgrade. Council of Europe didn't really know what
position to take towards a communist country, a sort of apostate from the
SSSR
and other East Bloc countries, while Yugoslav leadership didn't want to openly
seek any sort of institutional relationship with that organization. They were afraid
of possible failure.
On the basis of the reviewed documents, one gets the impression that the
main proponents of Yugoslav convergence with the Council of Europe were
Yugoslav partners from the Balkans Pact, Greece which first proposed a way of
cooperation through the Parliamentary Assembly of
CE,
and the UK, once really
interested in the Balkan Pact, which wanted, at least to some extent, to improve
the influence of democratic elements within Yugoslavia, and on the other hand,
widen the gap between Belgrade and Moscow. Tito's speech in
Karlovac
in
1955
represents the first (and the last) mention of the Council of Europe which was
publicly made by the president. That also applies for several of Kardelj's internal
memos:
he didn't mention the Council of Europe, Cooperation will continue, it
will oscillate, but never again will Tito mention the Council of Europe in front
of the masses. According to the available information, Tito never mentioned the
Council
о
Europe during his western European tour, nor during the Yugoslav
"rediscovery" of Europe in the seventies.
Relationship with the CoE even then was not in line with Yugoslavia's wishes
from the '50s, i.e on an equal footing and with the possibility of acquiring an
observer status. However, due to the influence of UK and some other member
states, from
1969,
during the
'ľOes,
and later in the first half of the
'бОеѕ,
Yugoslavia accepted technical cooperation in the fields it was especially interested
in, at that time without any formal contacts with PACE. Cooperation was limited
to inter-governmental level and presented a window to Yugoslavia, though
225
SUMMARY
somewhat lacking in size, into core values of western Europe, human rights and
liberties, active social and cultural policies, environmental issues and similar not
less important things. Yugoslavia still didn't comply with the standards of the CoE
for acquiring full membership, and didn't even fulfill the conditions required for
granting the permanent observer status in all of the CoE bodies. In the opinion
of the CoE, there wasn't a single adequate person who could formally represent
Yugoslav Parliament in the PACE. Yugoslav members of parliament were chosen
from among a number of candidates, but the pluralistic system didn't exist. There
was a single party in power
-
The League of Communists of Yugoslavia.
Yugoslavia ratified three CoE conventions and an additional protocol to
one of them. Those were the European Convention on the Equivalence of
Diplomas leading to Admission to Universities from
11
December
1953,
with an additional protocol created on
3
July
1964,
the European Convention
on the Equivalence of Periods of University Study from
15
December
1956,
and the European Convention on the Academic Recognition of University
Qualifications
(14
December
1959).
The singing of these documents was very important for both Yugoslavia
and the CoE considering the fact that up to that moment not a single eastern
European country signed any of the European conventions. Several non-member
states, some of them not even geographically linked to Europe signed some of the
conventions, but none of them were communist (Israel, Finland, The Holy See,
Australia, South Africa, Tunisia, Costa Rica).
The death of Marshal Tito, president-for-life whose rule spanned several
decades represented in a sense an end to an idea, a policy, and a state. His
funeral was viewed by many as one of the greatest summits of world statesmen,
especially since it took place during a difficult period in international relations
and tension between East and West. For the funeral several dozen of the world's
most influential statesmen gathered, from nearly ever^ country of some stature
in the world, and the Council of Europe was represented by its Secretary General
Franz
Karásek.
Alongside the program of the
state'ïuneral,
the Federal Secretariat for
Foreign Affairs, the Federal Parliament and the state protocol made plans for
meetings of Yugoslav officials with a multitude of representatives of states which
were in Belgrade at the time. A number of meetings were held which flew under
the radar of Yugoslav media which was preoccupied with the funeral, in order to
examine many questions especially concerning the actual world affairs, as
détente
and the forthcoming
CSCE
conference in Madrid in
1980.,
but also regarding the
future of Yugoslavia and new federal plans concerning various areas of internal
establishment of the SFRY. In the meeting between the Secretary General of the
CoE Franz
Karásek
and the head of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Federal
Parliament, Ambassador
Nijaz Dizdarević
mention of a full fledged membership
of SFRY in the Council of Europe could be heard for the first time.
The visit of high officials of PACE to Yugoslavia in
1985
signaled a start
of the golden age of cooperation between Yugoslavia and PACE, though short
226
ЈУГОСЛЛВИЈА
И САВЕТ ЕВРОПЕ
1980-2003
lived. Invited by the president of the Federal Parliament a delegation of PACE,
very important both in numbers and in the importance of their functions,, visited
Belgrade from
18
February
1985
to
22
February
1985.
The delegation was led
by Karl Ahrens, president of PACE. This visit differed from all the previous ones
in the sense that all Yugoslav top statesmen met with PACE representatives. The
most important conclusion of the talks was the agreed dynamics of cooperation
and the establishment of a MP group of friendship with PACE and EEC.
The specificity of Yugoslav relations with CoE was easily ascertained in
January
1986
when a decision was made in the CoE that Yugoslavia can accede
to the
Reintegration
Fund, which turned into the Council of Europe Social
Development Fund in
1995.
Yugoslavia was more than interested to accede to
the Fund whose purpose was to finance the returning migrant workers. Money
received from those funds enabled
reintegration
of returnees into society. It
was of vital interest to Yugoslavia considering that more than million and a half
workers from Yugoslavia lived and worked in the CoE member states, from which
they begun returning due to economic situation. First installment of
33
million
deutsche
marks financed
22
projects in Yugoslavia.
The most important moment in inter-parliamentary cooperation between
Belgrade and Strasbourg happened on
21
and
22
October
1986
when, invited
by Yugoslav authorities, a meeting of the subcommittee for Inter-European
Migrations of the Committee on Migration, Refugees and Population was held.
The report on Problems of Yugoslav migrants in western European countries was
mentioned. Workers from Yugoslavia lived and worked abroad in large numbers
during the previous few decades. That was in line with the Yugoslav accession to
(five year period)
Reintegration
Fund. Information about the number and the
role of Yugoslav returnees from abroad and the possibilities of their
reintegration
and their problems was thoroughly analyzed. Yugoslav MPs began very actively
to participate in the activities of some committees of PACE, and in the CoE
plenary sessions.
Special importance given to Yugoslavia by deciding to hold a meeting of
an important working body like the Committee on Migration, Refugees and
Population of PACE, and the fact that the committee itself dealt with a serious
problem facing Yugoslavia at the time, was a proof of the establishment of not
only regular and standard bonds, but very important inter-parliamentary ones.
The arrival of deputies from western European member states in Belgrade
(even though Belgrade was considered a cosmopolitan city with a very liberal
atmosphere, it still was a communist
capitol)
certainly articulated significant
headway in the thinking and political determination of the CoE. The CoE itself,
by holding the meeting in a country that not only wasn't a member but belonged
to communist states of eastern Europe by virtue of its regime, impaired the
view of itself as a close knit club of single-minded which was the prevalent view
carefully nurtured from its inception until mid eighties.
Yugoslavia signed the European Cultural convention as a 25th signatory
on
7
October
1987.
SFRY signed the convention after several years of waiting
227
SUMMARY
and negotiating with CoE officials, and was the fourth non-member country to
sign the convention. Signing the European Cultural Convention opened the door
of cooperation (with equal rights as a member) in areas of culture, protection of
cultural heritage, and creation of European cultural policy (partial membership).
That was the fourth European convention Yugoslavia signed and, having done
this, it embraced its cooperation with the CoE in the field of culture and education
and enabled cooperation in other fields.
It can be justifiably said that the PACE devoted its work in
1988
primarily
to Yugoslavia. Somewhat at odds with the situation at the time, Yugoslavia was
affirmatively mentioned in at least four documents presented to PACE members,
three of them during the autumn session held in October. If we add the PACE
president's visit to SFRY as the head of a large parliamentary delegation in April
1988,
one could say that the relations reached their zenith at that time.
During the period of collapse of communism, shortly before the fall of the
Berlin Wall, Yugoslavia was engulfed by internal strife. Secretary General of the
CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev visited Yugoslavia and explained the new policy
-
Perestroika -
which was supported by the Yugoslav leadership, even though
Yugoslav communists didn't contemplate serious reforms engulfed in power
struggle and internal accusations. Centrifugal tendencies were more and more
present, nationalisms were aroused encouraged by strong statists tendencies
of the republic and provincial leaderships, the unresolved questions stemming
from WW2 which were shallowly covered by the communists through forcibly
enforced brotherhood and unity and ideological togetherness, and developmental
imbalances manifested themselves in the worst possible way: everyone was
dissatisfied and everyone felt cheated. Economic problems stemming from
accumulated foreign debt, made worse by the world oil crisis, brought on a large
inflation and breaks in relatively stable Yugoslav economy.
Irrationality and structural failures of the socialist economy were fully
expressed. Finding itself in the jaws of heavy economic crisis, being late in
servicing its foreign debt, and with a three-figure inflation, Yugoslavia turned to
the European integrations seeking active help from the west in solving piled up
economic problems. On the one hand established in the Non-aligned movement
and on the other, guided by its desire for European integration and accession to
western European common market, Yugoslavia slowly but surely began to lose
outside attributes of a communist country and started to wander, searching its
foreign policy course.
Yugoslavia tried hard to find a solution for its overwhelming economic
problems, and focused its foreign policy on the economic
relati
ons,
mainly with
EEC,
EFTA,
and COMECON, and the CoE was supposed to serve as a political
connection for accession to common European economic market and to EEC.
That much is easily ascertained from the talks with the CoE and PACE officials.
Neither Moscow nor other eastern bloc capitols were much different from
what they used to be in the early eighties. Gorbachev's succession of power in
the USSR and the reform process contributed to a substantial and very chaotic
228
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈА
И САВНТ ЕВРОПЕ
1980-2003
opening of eastern bloc countries towards the west. That was especially the case
with Hungary which also started developing contacts with CoE, but also other
states like Romania, which during the last year of Ceausescu's reign,
1988,
hosted
several meetings with CoE officials. Changes were discernible, but they were
closing much faster than anyone hoped, in the East as in the West.
In the year today considered decisive, when the Berlin Wall fell, nothing
indicated that the communist bloc would crumble so rapidly and forcefully, and
that the cold war would finish. It was a historical year in a sense for the CoE, for it
celebrated its anniversary on
5
May
1989
by accepting another member
-
Finland
-
which became the twenty-third member of this pan-European organization.
That prompted PACE officials to accord the special guest status to the USSR,
SFRY, Hungary and Poland. That decision was made on
11
May
1989.
It was
a profound novelty, for which there was no formal basis in the Statute of the
Council of Europe, and in the rules of PACE. The special guest status was the
first reaction of the CoE and PACE to the events that were rapidly unraveling in
Central and Eastern European countries.
The fall of the Berlin wall in November
1989,
reunification of Germany and
dissolution of majority of central and eastern European regimes brought on a new
political climate in the CoE. Establishment of this new category of special guest
status in PACE, enabled some of the communist states to see for themselves the
atmosphere prevailing in the West. Active discussion on various topics which
concerned both east and west gave new impetus to the cooperation. Yugoslavia,
according to the transcripts of PACE meetings, managed to adapt very quickly
to the new tempo of work in this organization. Yugoslav deputies participated
actively in discussions on various subjects, whether they concerned Yugoslavia
directly or not. Crowning achievement of this period will be another PACE
delegation visit headed by the president of PACE in January
1990.
During that
visit Yugoslav authorities made a formal request for the SFRY to become a full
fledged member
ofthat
organization.
Owing to the events in Yugoslavia and its accelerated dissolution a
momentum for the CoE membership was lost, and with it the historical
opportunity which presented itself to SFRY. It was a race with time, whether the
internally ravaged communist political system with its peculiarities could hold
out until the moment of acceptance into CoE, or the state itself will disappear
and implode.
The President of the SFRY Presidency Janez
Drnovšek
addressed PACE
deputies on
8
May
1990.
In his speech he underlined Yugoslav determination
for European integrations, especially through membership in EEC and the CoE.
Too late: internal dissolution processes soon prevailed.
After the plebiscite held in Slovenia on the
23
December
1990
the CoE
closely followed the situation in Yugoslavia and established that during the year of
1990
parliamentary elections were held in all the republics with different results,
and that the expected multiparty election for SFRY parliament are only formal
condition left for full fledged membership of the CoE. That election was never
229
SUMMARY
held. By then Yugoslavia had already started the process of harmonization of its
laws with
CE
criteria, it ratified twelve conventions and basic agreements, and
stated its full readiness for signing the European Convention on Human Rights.
After the elections in all the republics, nationalistic or quasi-nationalistic parties
came into power, while in the SFRY Parliament deputies were all still members
of the League of Communists. PACE was of the opinion that one more condition
must be met: the full functionality of the state.
Considering the very complex procedure of decision making in SFRY, where
every republic's parliament had to ratify every international document (including
CoE conventions), the fulfillment of obligations was very slow.
Slovenia declared unilateral independence on
25
June
1991.
Two days later
the units of
JNA
(Yugoslav People's Army) left their barracks to maintain peace,
and to protect territorial integrity and constitutional order of the SFRY. A clash
ensued with the Slovenia Territorial Defense Force and the militia, which meant
casualties on both sides. Communications and Ljubljana airport were disrupted,
while civilian facilities weren't subjected to destruction.
On
28
June
1991,
PACE unanimously adopted a declaration condemning
any use of violence in Yugoslavia after the secession of SR Slovenia and SR
Croatia, calling for mutually acceptable negotiations under the auspices of Europe
and the
OSCE.
Not long afterwards, in September, PACE organized a round table meeting
in Strasbourg inviting the representatives of the federal government and the
republics which didn't achieve wanted results, except that the opposite attitudes
of the participants were used to ask formal termination of SFRY's special
observer status, which factually represented a negative reply for Yugoslav
application for full-fledged membership in CoE. The request for termination
of Yugoslavia's status was submitted by Sir Russell Johnston on behalf of fifteen
PACE deputies.
Thus, the longest-lasting cooperation between the CoE and any communist
country was discontinued,
-
cooperation which stemmed from the fifties. The
horrors of the worst civil war after the fall of the Berlin Wall followed, while CoE
found new meaning for its existence as a home of a substantially expanded family
of states, which, whether old democracies, or new, transitional democracies,
share the same values: respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and
advancement of democracy. For the rest of Yugoslavia there was no place there,
because there was no dialogue in the following period.
Civil war and the creation of new states in the geographic space of SFRY,
left FR Yugoslavia, proclaimed on the
27
April
1992
by Serbia and Montenegro,
exposed to sanctions and isolation. Yugoslav authorities made a repeated request
for full-fledged membership in CoE. CoE remained silent
During those years PACE, through debates and resolutions, more than
once discussed the situation in the former SFRY, contemplated the refugees and
asylum seekers, and the threatening of cultural heritage. In various resolutions
most of the time official Belgrade was reprimanded, and the sanctions against FRY
230
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈА
И
САБЕТ
ЕВРОПЕ
198(1-2005
justified. It was obvious that Europe, especially the CoE, has no real possibility of
making an initiative for stopping the conflict; but it was a passive observer of the
finishing stages
ofthat
civil war.
After peace was established in former SFRY and Paris-Dayton accords were
signed in
1995,
PACE commended the termination of hostilities and FRY was
not the subject of CoE's workings. In the following period the possibility of
renewing Yugoslavia's special observer status wasn't even mentioned. Official
Belgrade had bigger priorities after the cancellation of sanctions; it started
renewing diplomatic relations with other states in the world. The succession of
SFRY presented the main obstacle, because Belgrade insisted that FRY was a
legal successor of SFRY, and that it should be automatically granted all the rights
that belonged to SFRY.
Yugoslavia again showed interest in the CoE in the beginning of
1997,
when
the Federal Prime Minister
Radoje Kontić.
in his expose on Yugoslavia's foreign
policy ascertained that the European path is the priority of new foreign policy. He
made a point that Belgrade will do all that is necessary for FRY to become a full
fledged member in the shortest time possible, under the same criteria according
to which Slovenia and Croatia were already accepted.
In the words of former president of Republic of Serbia and one of the creators
of Dayton and
Rambouillet
accords, Milan
Milutinovic,
during the nineties Yugoslav
foreign policy was in a heavy crisis. In the period up to Paris-Dayton accords,
Yugoslav diplomacy found itself on the defensive, committed to trying to solve
problems in the former SFRY, almost completely isolated. At that time no one, in
Yugoslavia and in bilateral talks with western states didn't mention the CoE. There
wasn't much difference in the rest of the ex-Yugoslav republics, because only Slovenia
became a full member in
1993
and Macedonia (under the name of Former Yugoslav
Republic of Macedonia, its name in the UN) in
1995.
Croatia acceded after the
cessation of hostilities in
1996,
Bosnia and Herzegovina in
2002,
and Yugoslavia,
under the name of State Union of Serbia and Montenegro in April
2003.
In the period from
1996
to
1997,
after the lifting of the sanctions, priority of
Yugoslav foreign policy was the normalization of relations with the rest of world.
It was an exceedingly difficult time for the country, so the goal of Belgrade's
authorities was to survive and return to normal currents, and to deliver the
promised normalization of relations with the former SFRY republics.
From the middle of
1997,
the challenge to Yugoslav foreign policy was
to return to full membership of the UN where it paid the annual membership
fee, had an ambassador, but no right to vote due to insistence on continuity
with former SFRY, a founding state. Similar situation arose considering the
membership in
OSCE,
where expelling of Yugoslavia in the beginning of the
nineties violated the statute of the organization which specifically requested
a consensus of all members which did not exist at the time. In the contest of
that initiative, a candidature was forwarded for the Council of Europe in
March
1998.
Not long afterward, Yugoslavia's foreign policy focus shifted to
defense of its territorial integrity, especially manifested in Milosevic-Holbrooke
23 i
SUMMARY
agreement and railed negotiations in
Rambouillet,
so there was no time to invest
in membership in the CoE.
The year
1999
was in many ways a turning point not only for FRY but for
the international community as well. Systematic air strikes by the world's biggest
military-political organization on a sovereign state, even though it was under UN
sanctions with suspended membership, created a far-reaching and dangerous
precedent in the post cold war world; and the concept of "Humanitarian
intervention" showed to be stretchable enough to cover any wrong judgment,
no matter whether it stemmed from a deception or simple negligence. PACE, led
by its newly elected president lord Russell Johnston, wholeheartedly condemned
FRY for the events that took place in Kosovo and
Metohija.
That was one of the
most obvious examples to what extent personal attitudes of PACE president can
affect the discussion taking place in the parliament, by coloring and pointing it,
the president has a key role in the formation of its agenda. The voices of dissent,
no matter how reputable and legally sound, were overwhelmed.
The presidential and parliamentary elections in the FRY and local elections in
Serbia took place on
24
September
2000.
Democratic opposition of Serbia led by
Vojislav
Koštunica
won the elections, after which PACE made a statement without
even waiting for the final results. Just two days after the elections took place, on
26
September
2000,
without any official or preliminary
communiqués
of Federal
Election Commission regarding election results, a debate was convened urgently.
Support to the new course of Yugoslav foreign policy concerning the renewal
of relations with European countries and return to international institutions was
first and foremost given by the
EU
which was chaired by France at the time.
Already on
14
October
2000,
only a couple days after inauguration, Yugoslav
President
Kostunica
attended
EU
summit in Biarritz upon the invitation of the
President of France, Jacques Chirac. A
Afterwards a very intensive foreign policy activity ensued on a multilateral
plane, foremost during the visits to the CoE in Strasbourg on
11
November
2000,
and to the European Parliament on
15
November
2000,
as well as the
participation in the EU-Western Balkan summit held in Zagreb on
24
November
2000,
summit of Southeastern Europe Cooperation Process in Skopje on
22
February
2001,
World Economic Forum in Davos on
27
January
2001,
and
fìnaìly
the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva on the thirtieth of March.
One of the most important things that the new leadership of Yugoslavia
under the guidance of
Vojislav
Koštunica
had done in that first period of
transition was attendance in the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe
during the visit to Strasbourg on
9
November
2000.
Contacts were established
with PACE President Lord Russell Johnston, Secretary General of the CoE
Walter
Schwimmer,
president of the European Court of Human Rights Luzius
Wildhaber, and ministers of foreign affairs of forty four member countries. FRY
then officially filed an application for membership of the Council of Europe.
During the year
2000
last important act which showed the improvement of
relations between the CoE and new Yugoslav authorities was the visit by Secretary
232
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈА
И САБЕТ ЕВРОПЕ
1980^2003
General of CoE, Walter
Schwimmer
to FRY on the fourth and fifth December. He
met the President of the FRY
Vojislav
Koštunica,
President of the Citizens'
Chambre
of the Federal Parliament
Dragoljub Mićunović,
vice president of the Federal
Government and Minister for International Economic Relations Miroljub Labus,
Federal Minister of Foreign Affairs Goran
Svilanović,
Federal Minister of Justice
Momčilo Grubač,
and Federal Minister for National and Ethnic Communities
Rasim
Ljajić.
That visit gave clear impetus to accelerated admission of FRY into
that European organization. An important factor for the development of further
relations between FRY and CoE was nomination of the Special Representative of
the Council of Europe Secretary General for Yugoslavia. From that moment on
there has always been a permanent office of the CoE in Yugoslavia, at the level of
diplomatic representation, with its local departments in
Priština
and Podgorica.
In
2001
relations between FRY and CoE became more comprehensive and
were institutionally based, and finally it became easier to spot participation of
FRY within the CoE system. In the beginning of November
2000,
requests by
Yugoslav representatives were filed on two fronts: for a status of a special guest
in PACE, and an application for membership in the CoE.
First session of PACE in January
2001
was also a first session which the
representatives of the new Yugoslav authorities attended in an observer status.
Federal Parliament delegation, headed by
Dragoljub Mićunović,
then the speaker
of the Citizens
Chambre
(lower chamber of the federal parliament), participated
in the activities as a special guest, and it had the right to debate any points of daily
schedule in which delegation members showed interest.
After the ratification of the Constitutional Charter, Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia ceased to exist, and it was succeeded the same day by a new state
union of Serbia and Montenegro. Formal acceptance and ending of the procedure
which lasted from November
2000
came on
26
March
2003,
during the state
of emergency following the assassination of the Serbian Prime Minister
Zoran
Djindjic:
Serbia and Montenegro was accepted as forty fifth member state by
invitation of the Committee of Ministers of the CoE. It was the third and finally
successful attempt of Belgrade to become a member
ofthat
oldest European
political organization. Former unsuccessful attempts were initiated in
1991
and
1998,
and were preceded by the British initiative from the middle of the fifties.
Upon becoming a full fledged member of the Council of Europe, Serbia and
Montenegro accepted the Statute of the Council of Europe, ratified European
Convention on Human Rights and affirmed a number of obligations which
were previously formally accepted by the highest levels of federal and state
governments. Commitments that Serbia and Montenegro accepted are a result
of regular procedure of monitoring which every state is capable and willing to
fulfill; these are responsibilities stemming from the membership in the CoE itself.
By the act of acceptance Serbia and Montenegro committed itself to the rule of
law, pluralistic democracy, and full respect for human and minority rights and
fundamental freedoms of all persons under its jurisdiction, and to efficiently
cooperate with a view of achieving the goals of the Council of Europe. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Milikić, Ratomir 1980- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1050112911 |
| author_facet | Milikić, Ratomir 1980- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Milikić, Ratomir 1980- |
| author_variant | r m rm |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV041354655 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)881524158 (DE-599)BVBBV041354655 |
| era | Geschichte 1980-2003 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1980-2003 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Jugoslawien |
| id | DE-604.BV041354655 |
| illustrated | Not Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-10T18:01:09Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788651915782 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-026803147 |
| oclc_num | 881524158 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 251 S. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Službeni Glasnik [u.a.] |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Biblioteka Društvo i nauka : Edicija Studije |
| spelling | Milikić, Ratomir 1980- Verfasser (DE-588)1050112911 aut Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države Ratomir Milikić Yugoslavia and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 1980 - 2003 Beograd Službeni Glasnik [u.a.] 2012 251 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Biblioteka Društvo i nauka : Edicija Studije PST: Yugoslavia and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 1980 - 2003. - In kyrill. Schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Europarat (DE-588)36821-0 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1980-2003 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 gnd rswk-swf Jugoslawien (DE-588)4028966-7 g Europarat (DE-588)36821-0 b Geschichte 1980-2003 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026803147&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 19 - ADAM Catalogue Enrichment application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026803147&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Milikić, Ratomir 1980- Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države Europarat (DE-588)36821-0 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)36821-0 (DE-588)4028966-7 |
| title | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države |
| title_alt | Yugoslavia and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe 1980 - 2003 |
| title_auth | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države |
| title_exact_search | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države |
| title_full | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države Ratomir Milikić |
| title_fullStr | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države Ratomir Milikić |
| title_full_unstemmed | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države Ratomir Milikić |
| title_short | Jugoslavija i Savet Evrope |
| title_sort | jugoslavija i savet evrope 1980 2003 jugoslavija i parlamentarna skupstina saveta evrope od titove smrti do nove drzave |
| title_sub | 1980 - 2003 ; Jugoslavija i Parlamentarna skupština Saveta Evrope od Titove smrti do nove države |
| topic | Europarat (DE-588)36821-0 gnd |
| topic_facet | Europarat Jugoslawien |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026803147&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026803147&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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