Etnosociologija na grada: po primera na grad Plovdiv
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Abschlussarbeit Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Plovdiv
Univ. Izdat. "Paisij Chilendarski"
2012
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Ethnosociology of the city |
| Beschreibung: | 234 S., [12] Bl. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789544237899 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Etnosociologija na grada |b po primera na grad Plovdiv |c Meglena Ivanova Zlatkova |
| 250 | |a 1. izd. | ||
| 264 | 1 | |a Plovdiv |b Univ. Izdat. "Paisij Chilendarski" |c 2012 | |
| 300 | |a 234 S., [12] Bl. |b Ill. | ||
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| 338 | |b nc |2 rdacarrier | ||
| 500 | |a In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Ethnosociology of the city | ||
| 502 | |a Teilw. zugl.: Plovidv., Univ., Diss., 2007 | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1811916742960611328 |
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СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ:
ПРЕДГОВОР
.5
УВОД
.8
ПЪРВА ГЛАВА
ЕТНОСОЦИОЛОГИЧЕСКИ ПОДХОДИ КЪМ ГРАДА.
ТЕОРЕТИЧНА И МЕТОДОЛОГИЧНА РАМКА
НА ИЗСЛЕДВАНЕТО
.11
1.
Проблемна ситуация
.12
2.
Подходи в градските изследвания
.14
3.
Градът
-
теоретична рамка
.25
4.
Етносоциологията в България през 90-те години на 20-и век,
или за етноложките измерения на общественото
-
Георги Фотев и Тодор Ив. Живков
.27
5.
„Етносоциологията на България" през 90-те години
на 20-и
в.,
или за социологията на етничните групи
в националната държава
.32
6.
Етносоциологията като интердисциплинарна наука,
или за работата по границите на полетата на изследване
.34
7.
Етносоциологията, или за етноложкото преосмисляне
на модерните общества
.43
8.
Етносоциологията през
пост-социализма.
Как да изследваме общества в преход
.45
9.
Етносоциологически подход към локалното
.47
10.
Етносоциологически подход към града.
Градски
палимпсест
(Теоретико-методологическа рамка)
.49
ВТОРА ГЛАВА
ЕТНОСОЦИОЛОГИЯ НА ГРАД ПЛОВДИВ
.59
1.
Имената на Пловдив
-
конструиране на локалното
.61
1.1.
Дискурси на градското
-
наративи и конструиране
на градски идентичности
.61
1.2.
Локално
-
национално
-
наднационално
-
в търсене на (нова) идентичност
.68
1.3.
Пловдив
-
наративите на градските жители
.72
2.
„Обживеният град"
-
символна картография на Пловдив
.83
2.1.
Градска морфология и градски зони на Пловдив
-
из-граденият град
.86
2.2.
Кварталите на Пловдив
-
обитаемият град.
.91
2.3.
Пазарът като топос в социалната организация на града
.,.97
3
2.4.
Централният
парк
—
усвоената природа в града
.107
2.4.1.
Паркът на града
.
Ш
2.4.2.
Паркът на гражданите
.117
ТРЕТА ГЛАВА
ЕТНОСОЦИОЛОГИЯ НА КВАРТАЛА.
ЖИЛИЩНИЯТ РАЙОН „ТРАКИЯ"
.125
1.
Кварталът
-
форми на съществуване на градското
.125
2.
Жилищният район „Тракия"
-
проектът за град в града
или град на града
.127
2.1.
Изследването
.128
2.2.
Теренът
.131
3.
Контексти
-
варианти на жилищен квартал в българския град
.132
3.1.
Пространствена и общностна организация на кварталите
на Пловдив
-
наследството от
19
в
.132
3.2.
Жилищният комплекс
-
градът на социализма
.135
4.
„Град се гради". Начини на обживяване на ЖР „Тракия"
.145
4.1.
Конструиране на образа на квартала от социалистическия
всекидневник
.145
4.2.
Начини на обживяването на Района
.151
5.
Употребите на квартала
-
обживяването на пространствата
.157
5.1.
Обитателите на квартала
.157
5.2.
Жизнен цикъл и поколения в ЖР „Тракия"
.160
5.3.
„Другите" сред „нас"
.167
5.4.
„Да живеем заедно"
-
добри съседи, или „ние" като „чужди"?
.171
6.
Живот в квартала
-
живот в града.
Трансформация на капиталите
.174
6.1.
Политика на жилищно настаняване
-
„масовите привилегии"
.174
6.2.
Пътят на капитала
-
от панелен апартамент до къща в
престижен квартал
.181
6.3.
От уличната сергия до търговския център
.182
7.
Нови „употреби" на пространствата в ЖР „Тракия"
.186
7.1.
Беседката пред входа и кафенето
.186
7.2.
Градинката пред блока и паркът в квартала
.188
7.3.
Кварталният параклис и незавършеният храм
.189
7.4.
Паметта на квартала
-
празник и паметник
.191
8.
Обобщение
. 194
ЗАКЛЮЧЕНИЕ
.198
ЦИТИРАНА ЛИТЕРАТУРА
._.204
ABSTRACT:
ETHNOSOCIOLOGY OF THE
CITY
.213
ПРИЛОЖЕНИЕ
._._._.232
4
ABSTRACT: ETHNOSOCIOLOGY OF THE CITY
(The case of
Plovdiv)
Meglena
Ivanova Zlatkova
One of the characteristics of late-twentieth-century
societies is their high
degree of urbanisation and the concentration of large groups of
heterogeneous population in territorially delimited places called cities.
However, as a result of the rapid development of technology and
communications, late-modern people are interlinked in a 'global village'.
This situation of simultaneous existence in societies and communities
requires rethinking the questions 'What is a city, which are the specific
urban forms of culture and sociality, what makes us urban residents?'
The city cannot exist regardless of society nor can early-twenty-first-
century society exist regardless of its cities. In this sense, studying a
particular city requires problematising the particular society, and vice versa
-
every society constructs a vision of 'its own city'.
The city of Plovdiv is the object of research here. In spite of the definite
claim that Plovdiv is a big Bulgarian city, the research was set off with the
enquiry, How does Plovdiv happen as a city? The fundamental research
questions are along the lines of: Which are those social conditions that
provide the opportunity to a densely populated area to experience itself as a
town or a city? Which are those codifications that make Plovdivians urban
residents? How did Plovdiv change in the period of transition? What is the
urban core, that interiorised sociality, those urban habitus and habitat (in
Bourdieu's terminology), which are preserved, and are they preserved when
objective structures change? Does the personified urban history get
produced and reproduced in social practices and in what ways? Which are
the symbols of the city and what legitimises their efficacy?
In Chapter One, "Ethnosociological approaches to the city: theoretical
and methodological framework of research", the city is problematised as the
object of research and ethnosociology is elaborated on as the
interdisciplinary approach with a theoretical background for the definition of
the city.
The beginnings of urban sociology in the USA in the early twentieth
century are associated with authors, who not only proposed research
The text of this monograph is a revised version of my doctoral dissertation of the
same title. The abstract outlines the structure and the underlying ideas of the study.
213
programmes
and theoretical models but also used qualitative research
methods. Some early urban sociologists and anthropologists from the so-
called Chicago School proposed their own way of studying cities: the city as
a mosaic and a system of relationships among individuals, groups,
communities, or institutions with specific forms and culture; and the city as
a socially heterogeneous, densely populated place of coexistence of
differences, which has its specific spatial forms, ways of management, stage
of
urbanism
reflecting the state and vision of society of itself, the relevant
economic system, level of technological development, and value-orientation.
This type of approaching the city presupposes
a synchronie
study of sites
and spaces, viewing the city as an entity if it is studied as an ecosystem, as
well as investigating the everyday routine practices of its inhabitants,
communities, subcultures, social institutions, and looking at society 'from
the street corner' or from the viewpoint of those, who are 'excluded', e.g.
the homeless or the strangers.
Urban studies of this type largely ignore time, focusing on space.
However, the city can also be conceptualised through the categories of
development of society and genesis of cities, which presupposes a
diachronic approach. To this end, social theories work with a typology of
cities conceived of primarily in terms of economic development and its
effects. Here the main categories are
premodern
-
modern
-
postmodern;
preindustrial
-
industrial; ancient, mediaeval, and capitalist cities among
others. Most of these theories propose a Eurocentric model based on the
development of cities in Western Europe.
The interest in one's 'own' culture as if representative of the Others'
and the questioning of the familiar have their reflection in approaching the
world of everyday practices as if approaching a reality that is spatially and
temporally distant from our culture; these are among the main characteristics
of urban anthropology. Actually, urban anthropology was born when the
modern native was 'discovered'. It was not until the
1960s
that cities and
urbanised societies became the object of more systematic investigation by
urban anthropology even though anthropologists had been studying cities for
decades. In addition to switching the point of view and object of research
interest from the exotic Other, who is spatially and culturally distant from
the anthropologist's 'native' culture, to 'the Others among us' and us
researchers as strangers, the studies of and in cities have also enriched
anthropology with other methods by necessitating the rethinking of
'traditional' anthropological and ethnological topics and the position of the
scholar as a "stranger at home".
214
The approach to Plovdiv in this monograph is based on the premises that
the city is the buildings that are a 'product' of its residents but its residents,
too, are socialised through these buildings and physical forms. In this sense,
one may say that the city is a 'produced' and 'productive' sociality.
This approach, which I will call 'French', to defining a city is at the basis
of many urban studies since the
1980s
and it is undoubtedly influenced by the
theory of Pierre Bourdieu. With a view to studying a city in a society in
transition, a city with transforming structures and changing symbolic forms
and codifications, I have chosen this approach because it allows us to analyse
both the crystallised urban forms and the here-and-now practices of residents.
To generalise, the city can be defined as the interaction between
objectified sociality inscribed within a physical framework and a
constructed environment, codification of behaviour, a specific habitat and
internalised sociality (urban habitus)
-
the ability of urban residents to
assimilate and produce the city through their activities, practices,
symbols, etc.
The framework of the ethnosociological research is sought after in the
various academic traditions of ethnosociology. To begin with, two
approaches to ethnosociology in Bulgaria are introduced: Fotev and
Zhivkov's approach establishes interdisciplinary fields of researching the
problem through ethnicity, while Kertikov's approach constructs the borders
of an academic discipline, such as studying the nation. I have outlined the
possibilities that ethnosociology gives for researching a city. The first step is
the analysis of interdisciplinarity as research on the border between
academic disciplines through the reflections of urban studies in the context
of 'the plurality of discourses', name-tagged a postmodern situation, and as
a study of the societies of the late twentieth century. The second
problematising is at the level of methodology: it outlines the thinking
through and appropriation of the ethnographic approach in sociology as a
research position, and it examines the possibilities of the qualitative methods
of fieldwork research. The third step is the interpretation of ethnosociology
as a method of ethnological constraal of late-modern societies, following the
theoreticians who have shaped up the ethnosociological tradition in France,
using urban studies. The next steps involve the justification of
ethnosociology of the city in view of the Bulgarian context of the late
twentieth century, and problematise the research of post-socialist societies
by means of its specific local realisations: a city, a district, a state, etc.
The underlying research problem of the study could be defined as A City
in Transition. The crumbling of the ideological constructs, that sustain
coexistence here and now and legitimise the model of the city, as well as the
215
search for new values that may unite the community and provide a vision for
the future, denote a state of crisis, in which differences become increasingly
apparent and the different fields become heteronomous.
At the level of urban space, however, despite the change in the
constructed images that serve as a frame of reference (for example, the
political city), life in cities in the form of inhabitation of physical spaces is
inherited (for example, the network city, the symbolic map of the city, etc.).
Precisely because of the weakening or loss of the leading ideological
discourse, during the so-called 'transition' it is possible for the non-
homogeneous city to 'break down' into different urban situations not just
from previous periods but also into spatial transformations. Because of the
absence of a unified and sufficiently legitimate vision, these 'breakdowns'
do not occur with the same intensity and are not evenly distributed across
the urban territory
-
some zones are as if 'hotter', while others are as if
unchangeable. Paradoxical as it may be, the slowest change occurs in the
city centre where power and authority are the strongest and history is
objectified in most of the layers. This is paradoxical because it is precisely
from the point of view of the power distribution of space that the central
urban sites are constantly at stake in the symbolic battles and ways of
appropriation
-
the rallies in the central squares, the new symbolic sites, the
change of street names, the new memorial sites, etc. From this point of view,
one may say that it is as if nothing is happening on the periphery of the city
-
which, however, will also prove to be the wrong assumption if we enter
the world of neighbourhoods and micro-regions and go beyond ideological
constructs.
This monograph argues that in a state of transition, or a crisis, of
dividing the apparent and covert layers of urban existence, one of the
possible scenarios for transforming the city is its conversion from the
ideological construction of a socially homogeneous space, the socialist city
in the nation state, into a heterogeneous space of co-existing and interacting
differences.
The research hypotheses are that the city and life in the city are
inevitably inherited and underneatii each ideological layer (even if that is the
national idea of socialism) there are other layers of previous urban states of
Plovdiv, as a socially, ethnically, and religiously heterogeneous town. The
difference is that, depending on the various political and social-and-
economic contexts, this heterogeneity is not necessarily allowed into the
'official text'. We need to agree that the argument refers to the ideological
constuctedness of the city or town as homogeneous or heterogeneous
216
insomuch as homogeneity and heterogeneity are the norm when discussing
the city or town in the official discourses.
The urban palimpsest. Research methodology. The different levels of
urban phenomena co-exist simultaneously in the heterogeneous space of the
city and in this sense it can be thought of as
&
palimpsest. The palimpsest,
from the Greek
palimpsestos
[scraped again], is an old manuscript, written
on top of an erased previous text on a parchment. The 'peeling' or the
'scraping' of the top layers of the city text has been used as a research
strategy when studying the 'inhabited', 'happening' city in transition in
order to 'shed light' on what has been hidden. Thus, different temporal and
spatial layers might 'meet up' to throw into relief the 'pieces of the city': the
grand city, illuminated by power, and the invisible world of the everyday
city. This type of analysis allows for a reflexive study of the discourse of
professional politicians (expressed in the urban development strategies and
unitary development plans in the transition periods: at the end of the
nineteenth century, in the
1930s,
after WW2, and after the year
2000)
and
historians (as an example of those I have chosen the 'official' historical
narrative from the internet page of the Plovdiv Municipality) in the
discourses of the actual residents of Plovdiv in constructing the city.
Such a procedure of 'reading' the superimposed texts of the city,
starting from the uppermost, visible layer allows us to reconstruct also the
codifications of previous urban situations, which is appropriate in studying
moments of transition. In a sense, the creation of a palimpsest is a
normalising practice, and deconstructing the palimpsest to reconstruct the
effaced texts makes it possible to reconstruct the norm. Sacred texts, official
administrative documents, chronicles or literary works which were
legitimate in their time were written on a piece of valuable material
(parchment). Upon the change of the empire, ideology, religion, and so on,
the material remained valuable but the texts became insignificant because
they were no longer legitimate, i.e. they became apocryphal and not only did
they not disappear but, contrary to what would later happen to paper books,
they were not physically destroyed.
If we assume that the city is a palimpsest, i.e. a parchment on which
every subsequent culture writes its sacred texts, sometimes erasing the texts
of the previous culture, then deconstructing this palimpsest is a suitable
research strategy in studying the happening city here and now as well in
«sing the latter to reconstruct the social relations objectified in physical
forms.
, "'-'.;,.
The goal of this study is to check how this hetei^misation of spaces
takes place; to this end, the city is identified with the urban sites saturated
217
with meaning, with the urban identities constructed by the various
discourses (historical, visual, or every-day), the interpretations of the
significant for the residents urban spaces and sites. This conceptual model
provides an opportunity to research the Occurrence' of the city between the
'top-down' planning and its 'bottom-up' making: as an interaction between an
objectified sociality, inscribed in the physical framework and established
context, codification of behaviour, specific habitat and interiorised sociality
(urban habitus), i.e. the ability of the urban residents to appropriate and
produce the city through their activities, practices, symbols, etc.
The ethnosociological research of the city is research on the borders
between urban sociology, anthropology and ethnology and in this sense it is
an interdisciplinary study of a case from the point of view of the social,
cultural, and spatial interactions, localised in certain territorial frames. In
order to contextualise the study both spatially, a Bulgarian city and a Balkan
city, and temporally, the text analyses the ways of inhabiting and
appropriating spaces on the part of human groups and communities in a
period of 'transition' in the late
1990s
and at the beginning of the twenty-
first century, after the society of the so called 'developed socialism'.
The research strategy, which makes it possible to maintain these two
levels of the city and of urban phenomena, necessitates narratives about the
city, which interpret time and space and link them up in continuity. A
possible procedure for dealing with the issues of 'inhabiting' the city is
tracing the ways of naming it, in order to map out the types of usage of these
names in expressing various identities. Unlike the teieological historical
narrative that arranges time in a cause-and-effect sequence, the
ethnosociological approach offered here interprets the city by means of its
different socially, culturally and symbolically constructed spaces. The
objective of this interpretation is to answer the questions, what makes it
possible for the city to 'happen' in this way and why. This allows for the
study of different actors and tendencies, local, national, and global, even if
they are not emphasized as a research object in their own right.
The ethnosociological approach chosen here demands the application of
different, mostly qualitative methods of research, used by sociology, as
well as anthropology and ethnology. The methods I have used are in-depth
interview, participant observation, photo documentation, media analysis
(newspapers, news reels, the internet), free-style conversations, and analysis
of the official statistical data, previous studies of Plovdiv, unitary plans and
strategies for municipal development, memoirs, travel writing, etc.
218
Because this framework of the city of Plovdiv as a palimpsest is rather
large, the study focuses on the living areas, the urban neighbourhoods and
one of the residential areas.
The researcher in the city. As noted earlier, in order to study what is
one's own and familiar without falling into the trap of not seeing (he
ordinary things, one must take the position of 'anthropological alienation' to
the studied context. Of course taking such an objective position is not
always easy insofar as the researcher, too, is immersed in this context and
experiences the city as an everyday person as well. The solution mat this
research proposes, using the ethnosociological approach, is me maintenance
of two temporal layers, the city in transition and the city of socialism, and
the connections between them, as well as the discourses of the city and
about the city, of the Plovdiv created and constructed, and of the discursive
practices and narrative interpretations of its residents, the 'inhabited' city.
In Chapter Two, "Ethosociology of the city of Plovdiv", the various
constructed images of the city, urban identities, and symbolic cartography
are analysed with the help of micro-research of three types of urban space.
The urban palimpsest presupposes the accumulation of different texts,
which can be defined as 'narratives of and about the city'. The procedure of
'deciphering' these texts focuses the researcher's attention on the visible and
invisible traces left on the urban fabric by the different cultures and reveals
works out the logic according to which they are connected here and now.
The legitimation of the city, the creation of temporal and spatial continuity,
and the establishing of identities are constructed by the narratives of the
individual urban residents, their discursive practices in rationalising the
urban, the logic of their everyday worlds, as well as by the official
narratives. In this sense, the term 'text' is used to signify not just oral and
written narratives but also architectural definitions of the city: urban
development plans, visual narratives, cultural practices and representations.
The existence of cities as historical and as happening here arid now,
presupposes two different approaches to the city: constructing a 'narrative'
and interpreting the urban situation at the time of study by using multiple
'narratives'. The deciphering of the palimpsest uses both these approaches
and offers an interpretation that does not necessarily follow the
chronological order of cultural facts and texts but focuses on present-day
significant cultural phenomena, which inherit or do not inherit previous such
phenomena, as well as on the emergence of new ones as the result of
constant interaction at the locals national and global levels. In this sense,
there is a continuity and inheritance in urban life, which are both temporal
andspatial.
219
In order to establish the contextual frame of the fieldwork, I have
analysed the ways of. constructing the image of a city through official
discourses: the emblematic coat-of-arms, the historical narrative about the
names of the city, the construction of a symbolic cartography, the practices
of naming urban sites and constructing a new European identity, a selection
of new symbols, memorial sites and events at the turn of the twentieth into
the twenty-first century.
The discourses under research are constructed here and now and are
representative of how the actual residents of the city perceive their
belonging to a community with a perspective towards the future. In the age
of 'grand narratives' falling apart and various space and time perspectives
co-existing, it is hard to highlight 'the only narrative' about the city, but it
might be possible to trace some of the highlights, which change in view of
placing Plovdiv 'within the space of united Europe'. A frequently employed
image of the city is its Balkan cosmopolitanism, a model of tolerance
between different communities. A synthesised expression of these elements
can be traced in the emblem and the motto, not unlike those of most Balkan
and European cities: 'an ancient and ever young city'.
The leading thread of local history is most often constructed by means
of the different names that the residents of this place have called their
settlements. It is not only that Plovdiv has always been a compactly settled
area; it has always been an urban space as well. If we go back to the first
settlers, the ancient Thracians used the three hills as a natural stronghold.
Making local history part of the 'grand history' and of universal time along
with constructing a place identity refers to the model of the ancient cities in
Europe.
With the historical narrative of the past, Plovdiv of the twenty-first
century is legitimate in the context of general European history as the
successor of various cultural versions of space and time, empires, important
figures or great conquerors. With a different set of priorities, this 'history' is
utilised by the ideological discourse of nationalism: the story covers Slavs
and Proto-Bulgarians, who might not be so 'likeable' from the point of view
of urbanisation and urban development but are essential in terms of
assembling the national element. The Roman and the Byzantine cultural and
historical layers are part of the background rather than a major focus in the
'ancient and old history' of the town. The urban unitary development
structure of today's Plovdiv crystallised in the latter centuries of the
Ottoman Empire when the town was a centre accommodating the necessary
administrative institutions, the market and the shopping street, the sacral
spaces, the squares as communication centres, and the residential areas and
220
neighbourhoods shaped up by ethnic or confessional principles. This type of
organisation and town structure explain why Plovdiv is often referred to as a
Balkan town in historiography studies and compared to Belgrade, Sofia,
Edirne, Thesaloniki, Istanbul, etc.
Even though immediately after
1989
the national discourse was still the
dominant discourse, the different narratives make attempts to 'empower' the
versions that illuminate different aspects of the life in the city. In the late
1990s,
a number of initiatives highlighted the traces of the Ottoman period
ш
urban space: e.g. turning one of the old Turkish baths (Chifte
bania)
into a
gallery of contemporary art and another one (Orta Mezar) into an Italian
restaurant. The inheritance of Plovdiv as a city on the Balkan Peninsula was
utilised in the successfully managed project, Plovdiv, a Supporting Capital
of Culture,
1999.
The official historical narrative constructs Plovdiv as urban by renaming
it, which 'fixes' the varying spaces into a single temporal entity. The
existence of this narrative as a virtual story on the web, accompanied by a
visualisation of the spatial aspects of urban space: i.e. a number of photo
galleries and virtual sightseeing options, makes the various aspects of time
'intensely dense' in order to reproduce the here-and-now model of a city and
to turn the physical traces of different epochs into a well-exhibited heritage.
The different historical names of the place are used to name contemporary
ventures, such as the Flavia shoe factory or the Pulpudeva sewing
enterprise, the Ulpia restaurant or the Evmolpia shopping centre, etc. The
new millennium has seen an intensified interest in the Greco-Roman
heritage as a legitimate resource of constructing a 'representative' image
-
both on the part of local authorities and on the part of organisations and
associations from the non-governmental sector. Exhibiting and inhabiting
the ancient layers of the urban palimpsest of Plovdiv condenses and
collapses the time of the historical narrative. Prioritising antiquity (which is
universal) over nationality (which is local) removes the necessity of a
cultural translation when meeting 'the others'
-
foreign or home-grown.
In addition to the official narratives, there are the stories of some
residents, the construction of a symbolic cartography, and the ways of
naming and appropriating urban spaces. The image of the city and the
inhabited urban space, the social networks and community links and
interactions are aspects of the actualization of the individual's different
identities. Relating one's own life means a permanent comparison with the
significant Others': individuals, communities or events.
Apart from being components of «elf-representation, the city and
everyday life in the city add up to
tne
strategies shaping the life
trajectones
m
of many people, who share and inhabit the same urban space; this is why
typical images, markers and takes on the city, viewed through the individual
interpretation of one's life, are analysed in this study.
Due to the change of perspective, the focus in this part of the study is
not so much on the urban status of Plovdiv as on 'Plovdivians' as urban
residents and city dwellers. The analysis of the in-depth interviews puts
forward three types of city dwellers that can be situated on the axis "from
belonging to identity" (after the title of I. Dichev's book): the right of birth,
the right of choice and short-term stay, and the right to 'consume' the city
without establishing resident groups and communities. In the biographical
narratives of city dwellers, the city is present to the extent the individual co-
experiences it, in terms of inhabiting spaces in various stages of one's life
cycle, or else events in the life of the individual or in the life of various
urban communities, on the one hand, and measuring against 'models' of a
city, established by a historical narrative or by universal cities such as
Ancient Rome, on the other hand.
Part Two, "The inhabited city
-
a symbolic cartography of Plovdiv",
analyses three types of urban sites, universal and common of cities
nowadays: residential areas, markets, and parks. These
topoi
were chosen
because they refer to different dimensions of the public life in a city,
illustrating the opposition Urban space vs. Nature, and hinting at the
organisation of time, as well as the distinction between leisure time and
office hours.
The approaches to researching space can be generally termed positional,
according to which the specificity of the chosen site is not in the centre of
attention, while the goal is to achieve mapping, and
constructivist,
which
studies the site with its meanings and images. The
interactionist
approach
unifies these seemingly conflicting points of view, highlighting the
meanings of everyday activities that appear self-explanatory, and the spatial
orientation, which depends on the extent to which the individual or the
community are related to the place. Among the critics of the objectivist
approach to the research of place, Pierre Bourdieu highlights the fact that
culture is sometimes described as a map, while foreigners find their way in
the unfamiliar context by analogy, using the model of what is native,
familiar, and practical in order to compensate for the local knowledge that
they do not possess.
Each place could be recognised as a town or a city by means of sites
such as markets, shopping centres, residential areas, parks and public
gardens, but it goes without saying that the treatment of and the interactions
between urban communities and residents inevitably have their local
222
aspects.
These
sites
bring people together; so do sacral places and sites of
power but they establish hierarchies as well and are therefore excluded from
the current research. Foreigners will recognise the specific urban site as a
residential area, a market or a park, but only locals refer to the
neighbourhoods, shopping streets and parks using name tags: the
neighbourhood of Judges, the Monday market, the Tsar Simeon Park or just
the town park, etc.
These names have survived in the symbolic topography of the city even
if they no longer exist: e.g. the Grape market, the Wheat market, or the Fish
market, though no actual sites any more, are still used when giving
directions or positioning places in urban space. Despite the numerous
changes in the urban morphology of Plovdiv, the memory of previous
versions of it keeps reproducing itself through the double naming of places
significant for the residents. An analysis of the symbolic cartography
(mental maps) and of the official map of Plovdiv allows us to reconstruct the
models of a town and a city at different points of time in history.
The living spaces or residential areas are analysed on two levels: the
'constructed' city and the 'inhabited' city, with the help of the architectural
redefinitions of the spaces of Plovdiv, following the several periods of
changes in urban planning for the last
130
years or so. With Yosif
Schnitter's unitary development plan, Plovdiv turned from a typically
Balkan town into a modern European town. The principles of modernism ol
the
1920s
and
1930s
were essential for the next architectural plan, that ot H.
Jansen,
which had to take into account the greater population, on the one
hand, while coordinating the urban irifrastrecture with the construction ot
buildings for state and local institutions, on the other hand. The latest master
plan is from the socialist period and it has stamped present-day
Ρ
ovdrv with
the prescribed zones and regions of the dry as central, peripheral,^,mdu™
or green. The capacity of the eity estimated by that plan
/j"» «jog
been
reached and the municipal development strategy for the_ period jmb-imi
has incorporated a twenty-first century mental picture of the city.
All changes in the physical city are related to changes
m
the inhabited
city', which have their own demographic and social dimensions^
The principles of organisation of the living spaces have gauged many
times: from the territorialised urban neighbourhoods ^thnically^md
religiously territorialised communities at the end of the
ι™""*.
<*
ntury
through the socially stratified quarters and refugee
«^bourhoods
n
he
first half of the twentieth century, to the
тіаепШшш
wrth
multato
rey
blocks of flats and homogeneous and non-sttatified population
m
the late
socialist period. v:
223
The urban development and planning tendencies, outlined at the start of
the twenty-first century, are related to the appearance of new urban zones and
the construction of territories, mostly to the south and west of the centre, the
development of residential areas with detached and semi-detached houses for
the rising middle class, and the ghettoization and ethnic homogenising of the
neighbourhoods with Roma population. The general tendency in the
residential areas built after the
1960s
is their greater heterogeneity in view of
the transition from a monocentric to a polycentric city.
A study of the discourse of urban planning cannot cover the level of
creating and appropriating new urban territories, or the procedures of
memorialising urban sites and saturating the context with local meaning on
the part of the city dwellers.
The city dwellers' orientation cues, with their interiorised local
knowledge and history and every-day appropriation of the city through their
routine, are not identical with the geographical map of Plovdiv. This
'discrepancy' between real and symbolic cartography could be traced in the
usage of the names of urban sites and through the double nomination with
'administrative' and 'local' names. In the narratives of Plovdivians, space is
temporal: the existing or vanished urban sites are referred to in terms of
other significant in the collective or individual memory sites, or are the
motive to relate one's recollections or an urban anecdote about public
figures.
Apart from the living spaces, the text analyses a couple of public urban
spaces, universal in any town or city, the market and the park. The study of
the market goes back to the nineteenth century and the written sources
available; it is viewed as a model site in the social organisation of the town
then and as a communicative centre in the transition from a traditional to a
modern society. Although there is no autonomous research on the markets in
Plovdiv at present, the observations and fieldwork materials related to the
appearance of the new market sites immediately after
1989
are compared to
a previous urban situation. The hypothesis formulated in "The markets of a
city in transition" implies that the chaotic emergence of markets in the city
at the beginning of the 'transition', despite the different political, social and
cultural context, is in many ways reminiscent of a previous 'transition' in
Plovdiv.
The syncretism of the principles dominating the market and the bazaar
as a public space with its own functions in the working days and on
holidays, and the distinction of social activities there, started changing in the
early twentieth century. The Turkish-style shopping street was replaced by
the High Street, and the priorities of the square as a market were overruled
224
by the role of the square as a public space with festive and administrative
functions.
The 'transition' in Bulgaria after
1989
can be sketched out by the
emergence of such markets, which made use of traditional or newly
appropriated trading places in the towns and cities. An indicator of the
change towards a polycentric city is the emergence of a new type of
shopping areas, shopping centres, etc. in the residential areas of the city and
m
the vicinities.
The last subtopic in Chapter Two points to two of the aspects of a city:
nature and public spaces, both of them linked with leisure time. The two
sections «The city park" and "The residents' park" analyse the functions of
this site in the social structure of the city, its interactions with other urban
sites, the relationship between the individual and the community, the
appropriation of what is new, the naming and the exchange of gifts. The city
m
this instance is explored through the local dimensions of one of its
universal symbols, the park. It is analysed as a constructed space
ornature in
Plovdiv, as a place of shared recollections, and as a social site for its
residents and communities.
The problem with the public spaces of the city is considered through the
modes of 'utilizing the park', which very much like the city itself at the end
of the twentieth century is becoming an ever so fragmentary and
heterogeneous space, saturated with social meanings, symbols and
recollections.
As a physical space with a morphology and infrastructure rather
different from the previously existing urban spaces, the park is socially
constructed by means of the activities taking place there. The enclosed space
demanded new cultural practices, which had to do with codifying and
normalising behaviour and were not divorced from the changes in Bulgarian
society at the turn of the nineteenth into the twentieth century. A number of
leisure-time occupations were institutionalised: a walk in the park in the
proper outfit, Sunday dances to the tunes of the town orchestra, sometimes
accompanied by a walk to the station to see the trains in, going to the
pictures for the first time before the film theatres were built. To begin with,
the park was a place to dance and have walks, a sort of a promenade, later
on a zoo corner was added, sports activities started taking place, and
restaurants appeared. As a shared urban space it 'sheltered' the people
whose houses got destroyed by the
mÄvfe
earthquake in
1928,
and even
the meetings of the municipal council took place there for a while. The
access to the place and its status
öf
a public space make these different types
of usage possible, even if they
'aré
nót
always adequate to the incorporated
model
of behaviour and are often the result of innovative social activities. It
could be safely asserted that the greater fragmentariness of the places in the
park allows for the variety of identities realised there.
Chapter Three, entitled "The Ethnosociology of a residential area: the
Trakia residential area", presents the fieldwork carried out in one of
Plovdiv's residential areas, which was used as a case for urban research as it
is a relatively new city space with a thirty-year biography, constructed in the
fields and populated with strangers. The residential area and the suburb are
specific versions of the city, in which the inhabitants are limited by the
physical framework and function in social relations established by the
architecturally defined spaces. In the Bulgarian case, this is also a specific
social experiment, reflecting the socialist idea of a city and its society, in
which an initially constructed space, i.e. multi-storey blocks of flats and
very few shared places meant for social communication, was populated by a
variety of people who did not know each other.
The research hypothesis was that in the years of transition the residential
area turned from a space of homogeneity from the point of view of social
equality and social activities of the residents (insomuch as the Trakia project
was not completed by
1989)
into a heterogeneous space, which brought it
closer to the historically shaped up neighbourhoods as a coexistence of
difference. In order to check the hypothesis and research how the unfinished
project was being completed, two typologies of the residential area were
made. The first type is the model of residential areas in the first half of the
twentieth century, which inherited the model of organising neighbourhoods
in the Balkan towns that Plovdiv was comparable with. This type of locality
could be researched as an 'urban village' with a comparative ethnic and
religious homogeneity and social heterogeneity of the population. The
model of the Ottoman town that Plovdiv 'took over' into the independent
Bulgarian state persisted until WW2.
The residential areas in Plovdiv kept their structure up to the mid-
twentieth century, when a new unitary development planning was
established, with new development strategies in view of the greater
population. The residential areas in the centre of the city still remember their
longish history, the refugee neighbourhoods were turned into blocks of flats,
while the biggest unitary development project from the
1970s
and
1980s
was named the Trakia residential area and it was a residential area built
from scratch, with no history and with a new name, a city of the future.
The second model, that is the model of a socialist residential area which
was constructed as a city with the new socialist type of citizen projected into
it. This model is illustrated through a reconstruction of the image of the city
226
as constructed by the official ideological discourse in the weekly news reels.
The model of the
Traída
residential area after
1989
could be sought in the
simultaneous co-existence of the two types of organisation: it is perceived as
urban periphery by Plovdivians but also as a relatively independent entity, as
a city with its own neighbourhoods, according to administrative division.
Unlike other residential areas, Trakia emerged on a new territory with no
memory of its own, with no 'traditional' dwellers. Therefore, it had to be
legitimised as a part of the city not only for the people who lived there but
also for all Plovdivians. Constructing the image of the residential area by
means of the official media discourse of the local daily newspaper,
Otechestven
glas,
before it was actually built and at the very beginning of
the enterprise, could be referred to as one of the 'scripts' outlined in the
analysis of the weekly news reels.
Residential areas similar to Trakia exist in Western Europe too but the
specificity of the Bulgarian case amounts to the unprecedented mixing up of
diverse population. The leading principle of the then dominant ideology was
that the differences between rural and urban life needed to be obliterated in
order to homogenise the population. The anticipated result had to do with
social changes, achieved by introducing elements of the urban style of life,
improving on the culture of life and work, the specialisation of labour, etc.
Accommodating people in the new residential areas was a function of the
state housing policy
ofthat
period. Homogenising the population had as its
objectives integration and overcoming the cultural, social and ethnic
specificities or differences of the individuals. On the other hand, this was an
educational process on the topic of 'how to become an urban resident and a
citizen of a modern state', a citizen, as it were, of a model block of flats.
The methodology of research included in-depth interviews with three
types of 'dwellers' in the residential area: Fatherland front activists and
administrators in the then city council, one of me architects who worked on
the project, the then borough mayor
Šlavcho
Atanasov, some
'fitst
settlers',
and residents of Trakia who moved there after
1989.
The period of socialism
was researched through discourse analysis of the issues of the Otechestven
glas
newspaper over a one-year period
(1968)
and a four-year period some
ten years later
(1976-1979),
the only Plovdiv daily back then and a
catalogue of all materials on the residential area that got published at the
time. My objective was to trace how the official image of the residential area
was constructed, how the policy towards it changed, how the 'new city' was
legitimised and included in the space of socialist Plovdiv. Reconstructing
the model of a 'city of socialism' and of me residential area
ín
particular is
based on four news reels (from
1949,1956,1973,
and
1974).
The method of participant observation and a number of free-style
conversations allowed me to get access to the everyday logic of inhabiting
and appropriating the spaces in the residential area. The visual method has
been used in the study to create serial data for analysing the problems of the
private
—
public division and the hybrid forms of organising space.
The new space was and was not part of the space of Plovdiv. It inherited
the city but was something unprecedented as well, the biggest residential
area in Bulgaria, built with the new construction methods, an achievement to
measure against. The physical space was also divided according to social
activities. The future owners and inhabitants did not know their homes;
neither did the creators of those homes know the people they were building
for. They planned and constructed uniform blocks of flats that split people's
personal lives into separate rooms for their leisure-time, for their night's
rest, for cultural occupations or
f
or work. The function, or 'specialisation'
of the space in flats, was different from the traditional organisation of a
Bulgarian house and did not facilitate generational continuity. The flats
epitomized the idea of the nuclear family, with no accumulation of
generations in the same living space.
The next moment in the biography of the residential area, presented in
the subtopic "Ways of inhabiting the area; Profanisation of the holiday (gift
and name)" is the settlement of the first dwellers. The ritualism and
symbolism of the act is highlighted. Most often, the new neighbours did not
know each other. They needed to start living together in their capacity of
urban residents and socialist citizens, following certain rules. The ritualistic
beginning was established by the sacral instance of gift exchange: work in
exchange for a flat, a name for a status. The relationship of gift exchange
gave rise to obligations and hierarchies: those who received the gift turned
into owners and had to start observing the established rules in the initially
delimited spaces. This is one of the key distinctions between the first
residents and those that moved there after
1989.
To be offered the 'gift' of a
flat in Trakia (even though you had to pay its market price) would have
deprived you of the freedom to choose to live there.
Settling in the first blocks of flats was expressly ritualistic. The initial
'chaos' had to be conquered by means of a series of procedures of being
'urbanised', establishing social and hygienic habits, with the goal to make
the residents of Trakia the 'life' and 'face' of the residential area. Some of
the collective acts of a return gift were the collective initiatives such as
creating gardens in between the blocks of flats, building up the shared
spaces, competing with other blocks of flats in the initiative "A model block
of flats", etc.
228
The markers of urban life in
Traída
were very few at the beginning,
actually limited to a flat in the city, central heating, landline connection,
gardens in between the blocks of flats. The irregularity of constructiofl and
infrastructure were 'compensated for' by the collective initiatives organised
by the Fatherland Front, the local Party organisation, or the City Borough
Council.
The residents of the Trakia borough in Plovdiv are nearly a fiflh of all
Plovdivians and are still the youngest in average. One of the conclusions of
this study is that this specific social experiment did not transform the
neighbourhood into a ghetto, which was the case with other residential areas
in Bulgaria similarly conceived, it successfully developed
.
ftom
і
homogeneous space, a bedroom residential area, into an actually, mfcaw
heterogeneous urban space with possibilities to carry out
фШ
activities, a place with its memory and biography. It was not
2000
that the first considerable investments into non-residential
ЩрШ
occurred, related to constructing the missing communication, sports ana
leisure sites, shopping centres, churches, and cinemas«
v ^
The research questions in view of the
underíyingarguinept
of
se
monograph concern the first settler^ the prices
«4
^^S
Ê
homogenising the heterogeneous population
«
the beginning
m W
expression of differences in the transition period, to what way* f
ideologically constructed imagined reality of the
teádenttíU
area
дп
itself in the biographical strategies of me
ęity
dwellers?
The lack of ritualism and festivity in thelife °£
äHf
1990s,
meant to construct or reinforce the focal
community as an entity, provokes questions such^ as;
motivation of the participants in the gift
фт
relations be interpreted from today's
Т
imagined reality was 'disenchanted'
shortage and the lack of successful
.
SOC From
*ľpomt
of view
can be researched as venues of shared
existen^ ^
ta ^
%¿
d
life trajectories of the families in those fl*® ^f^Tys^^e did
equality of all citizens. Nevertheless,
^Ј^Ж
not prevent the rise of hierarchies because
did exist. The forms of inhabitin
а
were reflections of
dimensions of the
strings of shared existence in the same space, and since then the individual
versions of using the city or the residential area have become dominant.
The subtopic "Using the residential area: inhabiting spaces" offers a
typology of some of the dwellers: the children and the elderly, the Roma
and the neighbourly communities from the same block of flats or the same
entrance to a block of flats, insomuch as the residential area is one of the
spaces of Plovdiv, and the social transformations that occur in it are not a
phenomenon isolated from the rest of society. To this end, the socialist-
period housing policy has been analysed in terms of granting mass
privileges and converting the flat in the block of flats into economic and
social capital in the years of transition.
The Trakia residential area is still in the first two phases of its life cycle:
the majority of the population consists of children and people in working
age. In a few years the percentage of the elderly residents will rise because
the current tendency amongst the flat owners in Trakia is their low social
mobility. The first or the second generation, born in the city, have lost the
connection with the birthplaces of their parents or grandparents and even
upon reaching the age of pension, they do not tend to go there. The
residential area does not have enough spaces for the elderly or for the
youngest. While children form up their communities based on where they
live, go to school together or simply play together, there is no accumulation
of elderly people in the same blocks of flats so their social contacts take
place at the markets, in the social care buildings, on the buses, or the
benches in the area, even though a few frequent the small cafes close to
where they live.
Two tendencies of the change of the different groups of residents in the
area can be outlined: a specific
marginalisation
of 'the others among us', an
in-city migration of the Roma and Turkish families, and social stratification
in the cases of exchanging flats in Trakia for flats in the city centre or other
prestigious zones. The two tendencies have their inversions as these
residential areas are the places where immigrants and foreigners settle. Flats
in Trakia are sought after by people from elsewhere in Bulgaria, who find it
prestigious to own a property in Plovdiv, and foreign nationals, who can
178
One of the political instruments for the integration of ethnic minorities in Bul¬
garia in the socialist period was the housing policy. The state invested into blocks of
flats in similar residential areas, where families from different communities had to
coexist with the majority of Bulgarian families. After
1989,
there was in-city migra¬
tion of those families back to the neighbourhoods with dominant Roma population.
230
easily interpret the residential area as one of the easiest to get access to if
one is a 'stranger'.
The changes which occurred in Plovdiv have their spatial dimensions.
The housing policy before
1989
was one of the mechanisms for creating
inequalities in the otherwise classless socialist society by means of 'mass
privileges'. As a major investor in the residential construction of the
borough I have researched, the state distributed the flats, which were
primarily meant for several social groups: families with young children;
some professionals, i.e. the military, actors, teachers, etc.; Plovdivians
whose houses had been nationalised; activists of the Party elite, the
Fatherland's Front, different ethnic groups, mostly from the Roma and the
Turkish minorities; families, who had made investments for a flat using the
system of the so called "interest bonus"; people, who worked in the
construction sector. In this sense, the story of each flat in the residential area
may reconstruct not only the biographical strategy of the respective family
but also some of the urban history of socialism after the
1970s.
Even if their living space was the same, the dwellers in the block of flats
were hardly equal. Many of those who were offered flats in the residential
area, because they belonged to one of the privileged groups, acquired
additional real estate property after
1989.
On the one hand, this had to do
with the regulation that a family could own no more than one major real
estate property to live in and a summer house for their free time, which
became inoperative with the fall of socialism; on the other hand, there was
the restitution of the nationalised properties added to the inherited or
purchased properties in other areas of the city; in these cases, the flats in
Trakia were to be let. This study has analysed the transformations of the flat
received in socialist times, which was converted into economic capital in
post-socialist times, when private property was no more illegal: e.g. the flat
on the first floor was often converted into a shop or an office, or a
pharmacy, and so on and so forth. By means of these transformations and
the change of property, the topic of social mobility is considered: in-city
mobility, within the limits of the country, and abroad. If we recognize the
ownership of a flat, acquired with or without privileges at the time of
socialism, as a social and symbolic capital, this capital was spatially directed
towards the centre of the city or towards the suburbs (e.g. the construction of
single-family detached houses or investing in the construction of blocks of
flats in more prestigious areas).
The other example of converting social capital is labelled 'from the
vendor's stall to the shopping mall'. The initial capital for purchasing less
expensive goods that were sold at the stalls in the street or in a small shop
231
came from people's personal savings, as well as their social capital or
'connections', which secured their access to cheaper resources. The
alternative was converting the food produced 'at the village' into a
commodity. Some of the ex-workers in the closed-down state plants found
their 'solution' to the economic crisis in the stall at the market. It is
important to note that this was often possible because of the double status of
these city dwellers. If we use the theory about the secondary network and
the "double game' in the socialist period, it would be safe to claim that the
return of the capital motivation to the agents solved some of the instances of
shortage, which made the functioning of these secondary networks possible.
This led to alterations in the positions of the agents, as well as the legitimacy
of the capitals, which were re-distributed in those network structures: the
workers in a state factory were no longer workers, they turned into
entrepreneurs with the capital they had because of their double role and the
status of agents in these networks.
In the last subtopic we have the spatial transformations in the residential
area and the problem of public-private ownership and the existence of semi-
private, semi-public zones defined by the constant negotiation between
individual and personal interest through social and cultural types of usage.
Many of the activities related to the forms of appropriation of places in
the residential area are the effect of initially established shortages or the
incompleteness of the socialist project, as well as the lack of or insufficient
initiative and investment on the part of the local administration to
compensate for the things lacking in the transition period when many of the
limitations and regulations were no longer valid. Such an example is the
'gazebo in front of the entrance door'. This generally accessible to all space
is usually Occupied' by some of the residents who know each other and
spend some of their spare time together. These places are on the border
between the public and the private dimensions of life in the borough: this is
where news could be exchanged, this is where people play cards, watch
football games or celebrate personal occasions. These places are a sort of
'extension' of the space of the home (flat) in the shared space of the
residential area in front of the entrance door, where people can take out their
food or drink, or their private life, comment on their neighbours' lives and
have them comment in their turn. But these places are in a sense public
space because this is where the general meetings of owners take place, this
is where decisions are made, conflicts are solved or activities are reported.
These liminal places, from the point of view of private and public life in the
blocks of fiats, have compensated for the lack of classical public spaces for
232
social communication:
cafes,
restaurants
and shops built outside the home
space, in those shared and nobody's zones in the street and in the square.
Another example of 'the public invading the private' are the
transformations in the usage of the flat on the first floor not only to live in
but also as an office, shop, photo studio, dentist's, etc. The case with the
garden in front of the block of flats, a fenced off vegetable garden in
between many blocks of flats in Bulgaria is still a form of private
appropriation of public space.
Saturating the spaces in the residential area with more meaning and
value has been analysed in view of several issues: 'the advent of religion',
'creating nature in the city', and a new ideological construction of the
residential area through memorial places and lending shared identity to the
holidays and symbols, i.e. the coat-of-arms and the flag. An Orthodox and a
Catholic church were built in the residential area, as well as a chapel and a
holy spring
{άγιασμα).
Quite a few flats were turned into places to pray,
housing the various religious denominations that became popular in
Bulgaria in the
1990s.
The attempts to construct the local communities symbolically were
renewed by the municipal administration with the thirtieth birthday of the
residential area; the celebration boasted the new sanctified symbols, the
coat-of-arms and the flag of the borough. As the youngest residential area in
Plovdiv, Trakia has no heroic history: the names of streets and
neighbourhoods do not refer to the national or world pantheon of heroes,
because nobody knows or uses those names, there are no shared memory
sites either. The first monument in Trakia was built in the
1990s
and it was
in honour of the members of Nikola Petkov's Agricultural Party, who were
repressed by the communist regime. Even though it is not the first memorial
site, the monument of Trakia, depicted on the emblematic coat-of-arms, is a
statue of Khan Krum.179
The city is the place of citizens and foreigners; it is a physical, social
and cultural space, a location, a site of the global network, a sacral centre,
and a hierarchy. Yet, the city, this is also the interaction between its
residents, groups and communities, daily trajectories and extracted stories of
the city, of the residential areas, or of the people. The text of this study
represents the 'occurrence' of a Bulgarian city on the border between two
centuries, and it posits a number of questions: theoretical and
methodological, the answers to which will be still sought for in the next
Occurrences' of the city. The study confirmed the research hypotheses
A Bulgarian ruler and a good statesman, who introduced severe laws
(803-814).
233
about the heteronomisation of the urban spaces, the transformation of places,
the borders between the public and the private sphere. Among the highlights
in the advert of Plovdiv are its ancient history, its Balkan cosmopolitanism,
and the model it proposes for the co-existence of various communities.
Translated from Bulgarian by
Vitana Kostadinova
234 |
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| author | Zlatkova, Meglena Ivanova 1974- |
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| bvnumber | BV041065556 |
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| edition | 1. izd. |
| format | Thesis Book |
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| genre | (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content |
| genre_facet | Hochschulschrift |
| geographic | Plowdiw (DE-588)4076178-2 gnd |
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| id | DE-604.BV041065556 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-10-03T18:01:01Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789544237899 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-026042586 |
| oclc_num | 854722041 |
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| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 234 S., [12] Bl. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Univ. Izdat. "Paisij Chilendarski" |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Zlatkova, Meglena Ivanova 1974- Verfasser (DE-588)1035438291 aut Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv Meglena Ivanova Zlatkova 1. izd. Plovdiv Univ. Izdat. "Paisij Chilendarski" 2012 234 S., [12] Bl. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier In kyrill. Schr., bulg. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Ethnosociology of the city Teilw. zugl.: Plovidv., Univ., Diss., 2007 Ethnosoziologie (DE-588)4220302-8 gnd rswk-swf Plowdiw (DE-588)4076178-2 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content Plowdiw (DE-588)4076178-2 g Ethnosoziologie (DE-588)4220302-8 s DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026042586&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026042586&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Zlatkova, Meglena Ivanova 1974- Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv Ethnosoziologie (DE-588)4220302-8 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4220302-8 (DE-588)4076178-2 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
| title | Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv |
| title_auth | Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv |
| title_exact_search | Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv |
| title_full | Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv Meglena Ivanova Zlatkova |
| title_fullStr | Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv Meglena Ivanova Zlatkova |
| title_full_unstemmed | Etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad Plovdiv Meglena Ivanova Zlatkova |
| title_short | Etnosociologija na grada |
| title_sort | etnosociologija na grada po primera na grad plovdiv |
| title_sub | po primera na grad Plovdiv |
| topic | Ethnosoziologie (DE-588)4220302-8 gnd |
| topic_facet | Ethnosoziologie Plowdiw Hochschulschrift |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026042586&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=026042586&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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