Muzikalnata parodija: v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sofija
Inst. za Izsledvane na Izkustvata - BAN
2012
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Musical parody at the late 20th and early 21st century. - Literaturverz. S. 233 - 239 |
| Beschreibung: | 239 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789548594363 |
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| 264 | 1 | |a Sofija |b Inst. za Izsledvane na Izkustvata - BAN |c 2012 | |
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| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Musical parody at the late 20th and early 21st century. - Literaturverz. S. 233 - 239 | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804150269820272640 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
1
Уводни бележки
......................................................... 9
Защо пародията?
....................................................... 9
Уловките
на постмодернизма
.................................... 15
Между локалния и глобалния контекст
..................... 18
За методите на анализ
............................................... 24
2
Към дефинирането на музикалната пародия
............ 35
Хем познато, хем различно! Двугласият знак
............ 36
От дума на дума, от текст в текст: интертекстуалната
перспектива
............................................................... 46
Едно се говори, друго се разбира! Иронията като
намерение
.................................................................. 54
Интерпретативният прочит
...................................... 64
3
Анимирайки кодове на културната памет
................ 66
Шегите на Хермес в киномузиката на
Pulp
Fiction
... 66
„Ритъм
&
Блус : театрални закачки
с
музиката като
спомен
....................................................................... 74
4
Карнавалната реторика в звук и образ
..................... 80
Настъплението на визията
........................................ 80
Визуализираният саунд
............................................. 86
Vogue
с
Мадона: дързост, съблазън, еротика?
........ 90
Музикалният видеоклип
-
метафора на постмодерната
естетика?
................................................................... 97
5
Инвертирайки мелодрамата
......................................105
„Най-щастливият ден според Контрол
.....................106
„Бурята в сърцето ми : за играта
на
противоположности
...................................................112
6
Интертекстуални маршрути по време на преход
......116
Новите стари звуци: фолк в опозиция?
.....................116
Иронично за дилемите на българина
.........................133
Балкански мераци
по новому
....................................141
7
Игра на идентичности
...............................................173
8
Послеслов
...................................................................191
Musical
Parody at the late 20th and early 21st century
Summary
....................................................................193
Библиография
............................................................233
Musical
Parody
at the late 20th and early 21st century
Summary
This book discusses on parody as a particular play¬
ful approach in the creation of artistic texts as well as
an innovating, creative attitude to musical conventions
and cultural memory. The subject profile is motivated by
parody self-reflexive forms in the flexible field of contem¬
porary popular music observed in particular local Bul¬
garian examples as well as in the context of some global
artistic streams whose mighty impulses shape, in a way,
modern notions concerning the style of the time.
Chapter one introduces notes on why parody became
a hot issue in art scholarship and popular music stud¬
ies, especially once the concept of postmodernism turned
out to be an accepted way to talk about modern forms
of self-reflexivity. It is pointed out that some postmodern
critics refer to the mixtures and recycled codes in the art
of our time as pastiche or blank parody, that is, par¬
ody that has lost its sense of humor (Jameson
1983),
while others label the products of our age simulacra,
that is, copies that lack originals (Boudrillard
1995).
Fol¬
lowing a different understanding, the discussion here
joins critical voices which challenge the gloomy views
declaring a general lack of meaning in modern culture.
In this sense, it is argued on what might be considered
as traps of postmodernism. Outlining the methodologi¬
cal ground, introduction includes notes on the complex
connection between local and global perspectives as well
as on possible analytical approaches to forms of parody
rhetoric in music.
193
Музикалната
пародия
Chapter two aims at defining the musical parody in
the postmodern condition, seen through the critical con¬
cepts of inversion, dialogism, intertextuality, irony, as
well as the aspects of public reception and interpreta¬
tive reading. A good starting point here a quotation which
reads: The God of parody, if there were one, would have
to be Janus, with his two heads facing in two directions
at once... Increasingly though, I find myself invoking
Hermes, the mediating messenger God, with his winged
sandals and paradoxically plural functions... (Hutcheon
2000,
p.
XVII).
How does this statement, which clearly
develops the influential Bakhtin s concept of the double-
voiced word, inform the non-verbal realm of musical par¬
ody in modern world? How, on the other hand, to think
about the ubiquitous replay of that
déjà vu
feeling which
inhabits the inverted world of parody, taken sometimes
not so much as an expression of self-reflexivity but as a
rather parasitic form in popular culture? Is it still a sign
that points at declining of individuality and originality
in art? Or is it, indeed, a creative approach which might
bring particular critical perspectives of given stylistic and
value orientations of today s people, tempted not so much
by the didactics of one-sided artistic messages, but rather
by the metaphorical potential of the playful, roundabout,
slippery, and multi-layered second meaning ?
The words of Linda Hutcheon portray the mythical
image of Janus who embodies the double, usually ridi¬
culing, mocking perspective. On the other hand, the ref¬
erence to the mythical figure of Hermes draws attention
to the
intertextual
aspects of parody and the clever mas¬
tery in re-signifying familiar, highly conventionalized
structures, that is, to another, no less essential perspec¬
tive of the parody rhetoric, which nowadays seems to be
neglected while trying to identify its flexible forms. Unlike
most theorists of parody who go back to the etymologi¬
cal root of the term in the Greek noun
parodia
(meaning
counter-song) and stop there, Hutcheon takes a closer
194
________________
Summary
look at that root. According to her, the textual nature
of parody is clear from the odos part of the word, mean¬
ing song
(Ibid.,
p.
32).
She also points out that the pre¬
fix para has two meanings, only one of which is usually
mentioned
-
that of the counter or against. Thus, parody
becomes an opposition or contrasts between texts. This
is presumably the formal starting point for the defini¬
tion s customary pragmatic component of ridicule: one
text is set against another with the intent of mocking it
or making it ludicrous. However, para in Greek can also
mean beside, and therefore there is a suggestion of an
accord or intimacy instead of contrast. It is this second,
neglected meaning of the prefix that broadens the prag¬
matic scope of parody in a way most helpful to discus¬
sions of modern art forms. The doubleness of the root
suggests a need for more neutral terms of discussion. In
other words, there is nothing in the word
parodia
that
necessitates the inclusion of a concept of ridicule, as
there is, for instance, in the joke or burlesque. Parody,
then, concludes Hutcheon, in its ironic trans-con
textu
-
alization and inversion, is repetition with difference. A
critical distance is implied between the background text
being parodied and the new incorporating work, a dis¬
tance usually signaled by irony.
Based on such a broader understanding of parody
as well as on the thesis according to which parody is an
approach highly applied rather in popular artistic forms
(no matter in what historical period), a closer analytical
look at particular representations of musical parody is
offered in the following chapters.
Chapter three focuses on parody as a form of signify¬
ing codes of cultural memory. It is pointed out that with
its peculiar inclination to imitate and invert art forms,
parody is often realized as a particular reflection on the
cultural language of past popular texts, styles or even
entire historical periods. This aspect of the functional
aspect of parody usually takes the role of a specific inter-
195
Музикалната пародия
prêter
of cultural memory, animated through individual
artistic position. Observing the postmodern approach
as applied in the Tarantino s film Pulp Fiction
(1994),
and more particularly, the dance scene featuring John
Travolta and
Uma
Thurman, it is argued that through
its jocular references to particular conventions associ¬
ated with well established
clichés
forged during the post-
19508 North American popular culture, including in the
realm of popular music, the film presents a subversive
ideological position which expects on part of the spec¬
tators a certain intellectual effort, some recognition of
the inverted art references as well as an ability to read
the hints implied in the artistic metaphors, that is, an
insight to the double meaning and the hidden inten¬
tion of a seemingly one-sided screen text. Similar reflec¬
tions suggest the analysis of the musical play Rhythm
&
Blues by Roumen Tzonev, staged in the Sofia theater
Zad
kanala
(2007).
The play draws the attention to the
intertextual
perspectives of the parody rhetoric, taken
not merely in the sense of formal interrelation between
structural elements but as a range of interior and ex¬
terior circumstances whose meaning is implied in the
context of a given communicational process.
Chapter four focuses on carnival rhetoric, presented
in sights and sounds, as one may observe in the process
connected to the increasingly visualized music of our
times. Drawing attention to the music video as a pre¬
dominant channel in the construction of transnational
notions concerning particular trends in popular culture
over the last several decades as well as a cultural space
in which the cult to the spectacle gains new perspec¬
tives, discussion dwells on the artistic nature of the pop
singer Madonna. Seen as both a mainstream persona
(Queen of the Pop) and a subversive figure who breaks
traditional patriarchal
clichés
through the language of
the erotic body, it is argued that the audiovisual world
of Madonna reveals a specific historical moment in pop
196
________________
Summary
music, characterized by rather polyvalent representa¬
tional strategies. Interpreting the carnival rhetoric in her
song clip Vogue
(1990),
it is pointed out that behind
the musical surfaces one can catch ironic intent which
questions one-sided interpretations of musical texts
even though they might show, at first glance, mostly am¬
bition for getting fame and commercial success. A closer
look at another of her videos
-
Give It To me
(2008) -
reflect on why musical video may be seen as a metaphor
of postmodern aesthetics.
Chapter five deals with ironic interpretations of the
excessive
sentimentalism
of melodrama which outlines
another perspective of parody pragmatic range. This
trend is observed, for instance, in the inverted treatment
of the eternal love theme, yet also in much broader
sense based on specific oppositional aesthetical, social
and ideological notions. Discussion here elucidates par¬
ticular mocking gestures within the early
1990s
under¬
ground scenes in Bulgaria associated with modern at
that time rock music trends. The analysis here includes
a closer look at the song of punk group Control, enti¬
tled The most beautiful day
(1992),
as well as songs
of other emblematic groups such as Revue and Upsurt,
among others. Years later, in the less pretentious field
of pop music, poking the melodrama through a variety
of inverted references seem a common approach, ap¬
plied on different level of artistic creativity and different
expressions of ironic intent. A particular illustration of
this direction is seen in the musical video Storm in my
heart
(2006),
performed by
Sofi Marinova
and
Ustatá
(Ivan Dinev).
Chapter six examines parody in its more neutral
and broader sense, that is, as an approach which sig¬
nifies musical conventions within particular traditions
and prompts entire new trends in music. Arguments
in this sense are implied in the late twentieth century
phenomenon within Bulgarian culture which points to
197
Музикалната пародия
the quite variable zone of modern ethnomusic. The dis¬
cussion here range aspects of this issue concerning the
emergence of the new old sounds, particular song exam¬
ples which reflect ironically on Bulgarians dilemmas in
time of transition, as well as examples of instrumental
music which present Balkan yearnings in a new mode.
New old sounds
In
1995,
when the American magazine Newsweek de¬
clared that the Bulgarian master kaval player Theodosii
Spassov had created a new musical genre that was seen
as representing a particular trend in the field of con¬
temporary jazz, the dominant soundscape in Bulgaria
was already showing signs of a revitalized tradition in lo¬
cal vernacular music. Musicians drew freely on the tan¬
gled regional skein of local Balkan roots, but also from
a wide spectrum of globalized sounds projected onto the
field of contemporary popular music. At approximately
the same time, astounded Westerners were struck by
the whirlwind tempo, complex metric and rhythmic pat¬
terns, passionate tunes and unusual (for the Western
ear) timbres and modal structures heard beyond the
Balkans as early as the eighties, say, for example, in the
playing of
Ivo Papasov1
and his orchestra Trakija.2 The
West had begun to talk about legendary performers of
Bulgarian wedding music, described as a new phenom¬
enon, that in the
1980s
transformed the East-European
musical terrain with its mighty blend, woven from Bal¬
kan folk, spiced with jazz, rock, Gypsy, Turkish, and In¬
dian music. 3
1
Master clarinetist Bulgarian Turkish-Rom.
2
Papasov formed Trakija in
1974.
Joe Boyd, producer of the
albums Orpheus Ascending
(1989)
and Balkanology
(1991),
had a
fundamental role in the popularization of
Ivo
Papasov and Trakija
outside Bulgaria. The albums were issued by the British record
company Hannibal.
3
Adapted from Carol
Silverman
s publicity notes on the occasion
of the US tour of Yuri Yunakov,
Ivo
Papasov, Salif
Ali
and
198
________________
Summary
There is no doubt that the Western world had noticed
the alternative impulses in the new ethnomusic from
Bulgaria, touched as if by the wild blast and somehow
irrational waft coming from those zones which, in the
words of Richard Middleton, were formally abused but
subconsciously desired in post-Renaissance Europe (see
Middleton
2000:61).
Connected mainly to the traditions
of rural folk and urban vernacular music, such zones
remind us in a particular way of the Other in Europe, as
well as of that Dionysian sensitivity presently observed
in the ubiquitous mosaic of non-standard phenomena
teeming along unknown paths in the variegated context
of the global postmodern situation.
At the end of the twentieth century, it appears that
the West, shedding layered taboos and simplifying cul¬
tural explanations, is looking for new stimuli in the no¬
tions of roots and authenticity. Weariness with the
mimicry of rational and somehow sterile strategies in the
creation of musical artifacts or boredom with the slick
brilliance of the refined expression of pop culture has
activated a taste for difference, for those not quite known
but inspiring cultural spaces connected with the sym¬
bolic and enigmatic nature of regional traditions that ig¬
nite the imagination, although not always at a conscious
level. Even the growing global interest in the peculiar
literary world of
Marquez4
and
Radičkov5
or in the non-
standard musical journeys of Ibrahim Ferrer,
Ivo Papa-
zov, Boban
Markovié
and Goran
Bregović
cas
been seen
as symptomatic. Apparently, the Western world has be¬
come more curious about the characteristic energies of
regional cultures. Similar attitudes, it seems, are unfold-
Neško Nešev
and their album Together Again, issued in
2005
by the American record company Traditional Crossroads, which
specializes in world music.
4
Gabriel Garcia
Marquez,
Columbian Nobel-prize winning
novelist noted for his style of Magical Realism.
5
Jordan
Radičkov
(1929-2004),
influential Bulgarian writer,
who also wrote novels infused with Magical Realism.
199
Музикалната пародия
ing under that logic of general cultural processes which
gave rise to such trans-border phenomena as, say, world
music.6
The global craze for regional cultures created new
prospects for the already innovated sounds of Bulgarian
wedding music. Fitting, in a sense, the famous postmod¬
ern motto Think globally, act locally!, it is these sounds
that feed, to a great degree, the contours of the new wave
in Bulgarian jazz, as well as coloring other non-tradi¬
tional genre trends in the field of Bulgarian popular mu¬
sic that emerged in the beginning of the
1990s.
It is worth noting, however, that the flourishing of
local ethnomusic, based strongly on multiethnic fusions
between regional Balkan sounds, was perceived at that
time as a peculiar novelty in the soundscape, not only
by Westerners but also by Bulgarians. The paradoxes in
the dynamic between concepts of self and other had
pushed identification processes in such a way that, at
the end of the
1980s,
the sound profile of popular music
in Bulgaria
-
at least the one that dominated the public
media space and influenced an essential part of the Bul¬
garian musical mainstream
-
was related more to the vo¬
cabulary of a pro-Western oriented, modernizing sound
lexicon than to the traditional vernacular language of
the local self. Despite the ideological restrictions, the re¬
sult of centralized cultural politics that run for nearly
half a century, the leading trends in the development of
pop, rock and jazz in Bulgaria during the
1960s, 1970s
and
1980s
revealed an insatiable striving towards the
acquisition of just such modernizing intonational orien-
6
Although world music is sometimes realized as a condescending
nod of the modern West to the exotic nature of its others, it hints
in a particular way at the decline of the big narratives and the
upsurge of the small ones. Placing fragments of heterogeneous
musical traditions in new relations with global popular culture,
the trend of world music proves to be a chance for non-Western
musicians to be noticed outside their regional environments and
to be included more effectively among the most recent phenomena
in the world of contemporary music (see Levy
2005).
200
Summary
tations. In a sense, the view toward dynamically chang¬
ing global fads prompted tendencies that reformulated
local concepts of everyday music , especially those
which had a bearing on the attitudes and preferences
of the generations formed in the context of urbanized
Bulgaria during the second half of the twentieth century.
In this way the local self, understood as a polyphonic
set that ranged over musical traditions of different lo¬
cal ethnic communities, was for a long time pushed out
to the periphery of the public space, mostly because of
its Balkan flavor and of complicated sociopsychological
connotations dominated by negative signs and the allu¬
sion of backwardness (see Levy
2004).
On the other hand, the specific profile folk music dis¬
seminated by the media, connected mainly to the insti¬
tutionally encouraged museum-like or beautified and
magnificently staged concert representations of Bul¬
garian folklore in the years after the Second World War,
had distanced folk music from the expectations of a liv¬
ing and naturally functioning, naturally developing ver¬
nacular folk music with roots in local traditions.
Genčo Gajtandžiev
reflects on the character of the
second, concert trend, marked by glossy stylistics in the
spirit of the western Music Hall and a somehow distanced
artistic vision that is intended for the big stage. Is there
any truly folk idea in the stage costumes, stylized more
and more richly by famous artists and designers, in the
songs arranged by professional composers, and in the
glittering expensive panels in the folk style that cover the
walls of the houses of culture?
(Gajtandžiev
1990:126).
The author alludes to the predominantly ostentatious
profile associated with common practices of the state folk
ensembles and sees the reasons for their alienation from
the music of everyday life as a reflection of the widely
represented view, sustained among some influential
folk¬
brists
and academically oriented musical spheres, of the
incompatibility between musical folklore and current pop
201
Музикалната пародия
and rock music
(Gajtandžiev
1990:120).
On the other hand,
Gajtandžiev
does not fail to note
the supportive role of the long-cultivated romantic con¬
cept of preserving the purity of Bulgarian folklore.7
Contrary to this concept,
Gajtandžiev
argues that folk¬
lore is a living organism and that musical traditions may
be protected only by means of their constant renewal:
Do we realize that the folkloric legacy, like an organic
whole, like a vital system... is part of a way of life,...
which remains irreversibly in the history, the museums,
the memories, the genetic code of a community? (Ibid).
Directing our attention toward folklore as a process,
such a point of view brings with it a particular perspec¬
tive. Although already distant from the semantics of the
ritual-ceremonial tradition, the folk idiomatic, felt now
more as a convention for a given artistic expressiveness,
finds its place in the contemporary world. The most nat¬
ural environment in this regard is the non-formalized
sphere of life, long neglected in the public space of the
Bulgarian situation. This is especially true for those of
its niches in which the link between the intimate and
communal experience is difficult to subject to external
sanctions or forms of centralized control. Such a niche
in the Bulgarian case turns out to be the peculiar cul¬
tural territory of the village wedding, a space in which,
during the
1970s
and
1980s,
the sentiment toward folk¬
loric tradition lived in the context of changed current
conditions. Split between past and present, between
traditional and modern, between rural and urban,
the cultural space of the village wedding outlines a new
stage in the inescapable process of modernization, as
well as in the revitalized contours of that eclectic feeling
for semirural-semiurban living that to a certain degree
7
Recurrences of this trend glimmer forth even today in a number
of public statements. M. Todorov, for example, passionately
continues to argue for the publication of a law for the preservation
of the purity of Bulgarian folklore. See
Sarandilčev,
2005.
202
_^_^_
__________
Summary
has accompanied Bulgarian culture at least from the
time of
Diko Iliev.8
In this sense, the wedding orchestras boom during
the
1980s
is not accidental. The existing vacuum in the
sphere of locally-oriented vernacular music as well as the
new
sociocultural
situation, stimulated liberating impuls¬
es in the function of folk music, defined at that time usu¬
ally as wrong , and distorted. It is also not accidental
that wedding playing, that other folk music, is realized
at that time as a kind of underground
-
that is, as a ten¬
dency that has turned from the orthodox, from the right
path, and from the hidebound notions of the preservation
of the folkloric heritage. Formed under the influence of
the romantic idea of preservation of pure folklore, the
Bulgarian, eager-to-become-modern and Westernized,
correlates wedding music more with the concept of some
kind of local home-grown exotic, understood in con¬
junction with the valued marks of cultural backwardness
and ignorant
primitivism.
Even during the
1990s,
when
the dominant notions in the wide vernacular sphere and
the already partially deregulated media space were largely
influenced by the intonations and innovative artistic ap¬
proach developed in wedding music, the majority contin¬
ued to perceive the characteristic accents of this updated
Balkan expressivity, rich as it was in specific and gener¬
ous intonations of Eastern sensuality, as a foreignism
in the vocabulary of Bulgarian music.
In a sense such an attitude is a reflection of the pub¬
lic polemics, still undertaken from above from the
mid-
1980s,
on the countenance of wedding music, which at
that time was experiencing a powerful new development.
The proponents of public polemics criticized the anar¬
chism that had swept the folk instrumental tradition,
8
Well known Bulgarian musician and composer
(1898-1985),
who based his compositions on motifs from the folk music of
Northwest Bulgaria. One of his most famous pieces is
Dunavsko
horo.
203
Музикалната пародия
that is, an artistic freedom sublimating a set of spon¬
taneously arising innovations including a line of osten¬
tatious, uncontainable virtuosity and improvisational
approaches that crossed ethnodialects from different
regions and also fused intonations with a far from lo¬
cal origin. In the words of
Gajtandžiev,
arguments of
a different nature are adduced in defense of a quite ex¬
treme, generalizing and completely non-pluralistic view,
which might be generalized thus: these ensembles and
the music that they spread... distort and debase folklore,
because of which they occupy an undeserved place in
the sphere of contemporary musical culture. And this is
why, in order to exist in the future, they must cleanse
their music and place their production inside of pre¬
scribed boundaries .
(Gajtandžiev
1990:128).
The call for the cleansing of foreign elements from
wedding music by means of exercising central control
manifested itself in various forms. The intention to sani¬
tize this type of music, to do away with the warped in
relation to notions of the right folk music, projected
itself finally into the sanctioned politics of specialized ju¬
ries for the selection of groups for participation in the
State-initiated national review of instrumental folk mu¬
sic ensembles that took place in Stambolovo in the mid
1980s.
The idea of obliterating the foreignisms that
characterized the capricious nature of this musical prac¬
tice and which had assumed exceptional dimensions in
the field of non-formalized music-making (especially in
the territory of the village wedding), was declared more
than once in different public forums. In the words of the
chair of the jury, the aim was to preserve authentic folk
tunes in a manner attractive to young people, but the
other goal of the festival, Todorov9 said frankly, was to
eliminate foreign elements from our neighbors in the
9
Manol Todorov was a musicologist and professor of music at the
Sofia Conservatory (Rice
1994:251).
204
________________
Summary
music (Rice
1994:255).
Nearly twenty years after the first festival in Stam-
bolovo,
Gajtandžiev
states that Todorov (the chair of the
jury at Stambolovo) continues to act as the father of
wedding orchestras.
Gajtandžiev
does not refrain from
commenting with suitable irony: from the screen of a
television I caught the familiar voice of the venerable pro¬
fessor. I peered at the television set
-
it was indeed him!
The host, much younger than him, with respect for his
rank, addressed him as the father of wedding orches¬
tras. I, who really love to dig around in the family ties
of individuals, was suddenly struck by whose son
Ivo
Papazov must really be! Then the professor eloquently
explained what effort it had cost him to direct, cultivate,
cleanse, put on the correct path, and dress up the chal-
gadjii 10 so that they might fit into the correct Procru¬
stean bed that he had set for them. Then he expressed
his indignation, that some singers (female and male)
have the insolence to try to compose a song themselves,
without having studied composition for three years...
(Gajtandžiev
2000:5).
The comments of American ethnomusicologist Timo¬
thy Rice, an expert and researcher of long standing on
Bulgarian folk music, are curious in this regard. Rice
notes the dual behavior of the musicians during the re¬
views in Stambolovo (see Rice
1994:253).
Describing his
observations during the festival in
1988,
the author di¬
rects our attention to the peculiar trick in the behavior
of the orchestras, which practiced a double standard in
presentation: one right, when in front of the jury; the
other free, when in front of the people. The latter style
is dedicated to the unpredictable movements of virtuoso
improvisation that involve the given conventions only
as a prop and a moment in the building of music that
10
Chalgadjia: a musician who represents the Balkan vernacular
instrumental tradition named chalgija (from the Turkish word
chai,
meaning play ).
205
Музикалната пародия
flows, exactly like a club jam session, according to the
caprices of the situational logic. The right way of play¬
ing is pro-forma, something that can secure a passport
for the musicians to the Stambolovo festival stage, where
the audience of many thousands, without a doubt, has
flocked to hear the second, incorrect playing, which
had acquired the aura of a kind of defiance and was a
trade-mark of wedding music.
In his description, Rice also points out fundamen¬
tal stylistic differences between the two types of play¬
ing, which are construed as a manifestation of a certain
aesthetic profile. The author connects one tendency, en¬
couraged by the jury, with stylistics marked by mode¬
rate volume, moderate tempi, tight rhythmic and me¬
lodic unisons, all subordinated to the idea of a sweet
(that is, prettified or sugared) sound. The melodies and
improvisational moments, although they might include
elements of contemporary wedding music (for example,
chromaticisms and arpeggios) are restricted to four- and
eight-bar phrases. This mode of playing reveals a type
of self-control and self-discipline, cultivated to a large
degree according to the delineated notions of folk music,
influenced by the aesthetic of Western oriented models,
and by standards connected to what might be called ra¬
dio-stylistics , which formed a substantial part of folk-
loric music intended for media broadcast.
The other tendency, the antithesis to radio-stylis-
tics and to controlled playing, reveals an approach, de¬
scribed by the expert members of the juries most often
as irritatingly aggressive (and yet especially liked by
the audience!). The sound here is non-sweet (that is,
natural, non-sugared), notable for sharper and louder
acoustic characteristics, taking the path of unfettered
improvisational music-making. This approach exploits
the sound and technical potential of the instruments to
the utmost limit, breaking the conventional four- and
eight-bar structures and changing the harmonies in
206
________________
Summary
an unpredictable way. Usually, each performance on
the stage of Stambolovo lasted about twenty minutes.
Leading off most often with a song melody in a dance-
able tempos followed by a series of instrumental dance
melodies typical for a given region, the musicians would
then move into improvisations, breaking the model of
the customary radio arrangements and finding their
way by this means to the real stylistics of wedding mu¬
sic. In his description Rice also emphasizes that some
groups, particularly those that played for Gypsy and
Turkish weddings, dispensed with the sweet aesthetic
all together and played with
hus,11
from the beginning of
their performance to the end (Rice
1994:253).
According to Rice, the two approaches might also
be construed as a manifestation of different aesthetic
views of the tradition: one connected more to the Bul¬
garian point of view; the other to the Rom attitude in
music-making. As to the interpretation of the second,
aggressive tendency as a metaphor also for certain op-
positional meanings, the mere circumstance that it is
precisely understood as a threat to some kind of sta¬
tus quo and that it becomes a reason for undertaking
sanctioning measures is certainly an argument in sup¬
port of the view that a particular folk in opposition has
emerged in the context of Bulgarian folk music. The at¬
tempt at control in relation to this style in wedding mu¬
sic-making is revealed even in acts that, at first glance,
have as their goal the popularization of musicians like
Ivo Papasov.
For example, the album of wedding playing
of the this master-musician and renowned clarinetist is¬
sued by
Balkanton12
at the end of the
1980s
is nothing
more than a flirtation with his name. There is not even
a trace in the album of the aggressive tendency that
Π
With gusto
[...
from a Turkish word, h z, meaning speed,
velocity, rush, impetus, dash, elan (Redhouse
1968)]
(Rice
1994:248).
12
The Bulgarian State Record Company, established in
1952.
207
Музикалната пародия
originally developed as a result of Papasov innovative
playing. On the contrary, produced in the spirit of cor¬
rect folk music, the recordings here have had the stylis-
tics characteristic of real wedding music-making surgi¬
cally removed. The improvised moments are reduced to
a minimum, the general sound more closely resembles
the moderate, controlled from above, radio-stylistics.
Not accidentally defined as dissident (D. Kaufman
1995)
or rebellious (Levy
2000),
this particular folk in
opposition reveals the course of irreversible processes
-
as well as, by the way, the potential of liberating artistic
self-awareness for which it is difficult to claim that it
simply reproduces
premodern
archetypes or antedilu¬
vian notions of traditional rural music. And if the reviv¬
al of the self-other
-
or, in other words, the return to the
self-but-already-other
-
starts from the boom of wedding
orchestras, the subsequent reflections of this develop¬
ment reach a far wider genre zone. Observed in the re¬
vitalized, locally-colored modifications of the concepts of
pop, rock and jazz, these reflections touch far from just
the non-standard
folkjazz
of Teodosij Spasov, the vocal
experiments of Yildiz Ibrahimova
(Balkana tolia
1997),
the jazz compositions of the group Zig
Zag Trio
(Ralchev
-
Yuseinov
-
Yankulov) (When The Bees Are Gathering
Honey
2000),
or of the ensemble
Bulgara
(Bear s Wed¬
ding
2005).
They stretch to the episodic folk-interpre¬
tations of rock musicians like, for example, the young
men of
Er
maliik
(Bulgari
1992)
and the group Control
(1991),
as well as to the funny cover-versions of emblem¬
atic pop and rock hits, interpreted in the Gypsy man¬
ner by Gypsy Aver
(1993-4).
Looking even more widely,
such reflections also dominate in the growing repertoire
connected with the festival
Pirin
folk (that started with
an original orientation mainly towards the Macedonian
folkloric dialects), and in the ensuing orientalization of
increasing numbers of pop-folk singers and instrumen¬
talists in the
1990s,
and in the artistic attitudes, subli-
208
________________
Summary
mated in the dimensions of
polysemie
fusion, presented,
for example, by ensembles like Cuckoo Band.
The wedding orchestras initiate characteristic nu¬
ances of a current, topical intonational milieu that com¬
bines the essence of at least two lines, of two continui¬
ties, of two
sociocultural
logics, all seemly incompatible,
or at the least independent of each other. Viewed histori¬
cally, these two lines are at first glance in opposition to
each other, as they embody respectively concepts of a
tie with
premodern
and postmodern attitudes in cul¬
tural self-awareness. The one line, understood as
pre¬
modern,
we perceive in the dynamics of Balkan folk,
especially as it relates to the developments in those of
its parts whose roots lead toward the tradition in ver¬
nacular playing known as Chalgija13
-
a tradition, which
at least from the middle of the ninetieth century, is con¬
nected with the prolonged, specifically Balkan transi¬
tion from a rural to an urban way of life. The other line,
which arose in the postmodern context in Western cul¬
ture, leads toward the cosmopolitan profile of the phe¬
nomenon world music. Although an offspring of West¬
ern popular culture, world music turns out to be one
of the paradoxical stimuli in the turn toward the local
other, which plays the role of a valued mirror, the role
of the other, of the external view. The global mode of
the folk-revival, sublimated in the amorphous nature of
world music, inspires new, prestigious connotations
vis-
à-vis
the semantics of regional vernacular vocabularies
of various origins of the Balkan cultures. As
Gajtandžiev
notes, no one is a prophet in his or her own sphere:
Life had to impose its own demands in order to correct
some stereotypes, in order to reassess familiar views...
13
It is worth noting that the tradition of Chalgija, developed
originally mostly by traveling musicians of Gypsy and Jewish
origin, also stands at the foundation of the music designated with
the name Klezmer, one of the widely discerned folk musical trends
of the twentieth century Jewish Diaspora.
209
Музикалната пародия
and maybe it really was necessary for the Misterijata
na bãlgarskite
glasove
(The Mystery of the Bulgarian
Voices)14 to intrude into the British pop charts, for the
Trio Bulgarka to be photographed with George Harrison,
for Joe Boyd, Kate Bush and others of their compatri¬
ots to display an interest in our folklore and, mainly,
in the possibility that it might be successfully implant¬
ed in one or another style of popular music, in order
to change the public atmosphere...
(Gajtandžiev
1990:
122).
And there is something else: such an examination
through the view of the other stimulates that possibil¬
ity of drawing nearer in the modern world, which in a
series of relations correlates and connects the creative
energies of individuals and communities from different
geographic and cultural zones in a direction of certain
tendencies in music, as well as of a kind of musical cos¬
mopolitanism. The chances of intercultural communica¬
tion break the notions of self and other , and connect
subjects with otherwise heterogeneous national, ethnic,
social, etc. self-consciousness in a direction of common
musical movements.
As we also look for the motivations for the revival of
the local self, the phenomenon undoubtedly renews the
link and dialog with memory, with that aspect of Bul¬
garian musical culture that acknowledges the tangled
skein of its Balkan origins. And although it is always
possible to find someone, most probably by inertia, to
rail at and abuse this memory as a dangerous destroyer
of good manners, of good taste, and of the purity of
Bulgarian music
(Gajtandžiev
2000:5),
the phenom¬
enon also questions traditional social-psychological at¬
titudes concerning Bulgarianess, understood as a flat
14
Usually known by its French name,
Le Mystères des Voix
Bulgares.
This was the name given to the Bulgarian State Radio
and Television Female Vocal Choir (founded in
1952),
by Marcel
Cellier,
Swiss record producer, when he released their first album
in the West in
1975.
210
________________
Summary
ideolgeme or as a frozen, static, non-dynamic category.
The revitalized intonational environment during the
1990s
integrates the experience of different local eth-
noses and unfolds beyond the concept of an isolated mu¬
sic of a defined minority group. In this sense it does not
carry the marks of some narrowly differentiated ethnic
or socially determined affiliation. Premised to a certain
extent by the new
sociocultural
situation, which had
liberalized Bulgarian culture in terms of a more appar¬
ent legitimization of minority ethnic groups, it acquires
characteristics of an omnipresent mark, and in reality
places its stamp over the diverse spaces inhabited by
heterogeneous social communities.
It is said that every new thing is nothing other than a
well-forgotten old one, hidden in the recesses of commu¬
nity memory, expecting to be awakened when the pre¬
sent summons it. This assertion illustrates the theory
of the cyclical development of cultural processes. But in
its metaphorical sense it also refers to an understand¬
ing that the world is as big as it is small, that time is as
long as it is short, that the cultural phenomena emerg¬
ing here and there are as unique as they are similar,
and that the eternal exchange of cultural information
forward and backward in time is at the root of the new
old phenomena. Taken in relation to the processes of
ethnomusic, this view illustrates the logic and dynamic
in signifying of the past
-
in so far as the ethnic pre¬
sumes already existing experience, differentiated group
memory, sublimated syntheses in the music making
of a given community. But does the panorama of the
new old phenomena at the end of the twentieth cen¬
tury bring an allusion to nostalgic attitudes? Or does it
signify that the tradition-modern link somehow revives
in perspective
-
in a way connected with accumulations
in terms of values and meanings that culminate in what
some Western ethnomusicologists define as post-rural
folk movements (see Slobin,
1993:68),
while Bulgarian
211
Музикалната пародия
scholarship habitually defines with the term urban folk¬
lore? Do similar phenomena formulate the contours of a
particular neofolkloric development, motivated this time
from an essentially pluralistic vision with regard to its
roots, a vision that hints toward consciousness of the
flexible diversity of community traditions and their natu¬
ral and inevitable interweaving?
In the mid
1990s
the Bulgarian
folklorist
Todor
Ivanov
Živkov
already spoke in more complex way about revital¬
izing processes in the sphere of wedding music and of a
notable folkloric boom that had seized different levels of
Bulgarian popular culture. The author emphasized that
the phenomenon turns upside down concepts of folk¬
lore as an antique and places under question all hurried
predictions of the collapse of Bulgarian culture
(Živkov
1994:6).
It is not accidental that he further points out
that the polyphonic nature of folkloric culture in Bul¬
garia, premised on the diversity of the musical tradi¬
tions and developed in the context of all ethnic commu¬
nities, is establishing itself more and more. Awareness
of this polyphonic nature, asserts the author, is subli¬
mated in something that both carries new rhythms, and
returns us toward familiar emotions... and forms flashes
of a new culture... The folkloric boom makes our culture
natural and vital... It is a fruit of this time and we would
err, if we rush to brand it, to condemn its forms and
manifestations with old-fashioned stigmas. It does not
reject the old classical folklore. And it interprets it better
than we do. It traces the paths of a new folkloric culture,
for which we do not yet have categories, but we have an
inner attitude... (Ibid.) Arguing the thesis of folklore as
a changeable need, the author at the same time casts a
bridge toward the insight in words uttered by the Bul¬
garian
folklorist Rajna
Kacarova, who acknowledged the
view that influences of a most diverse origin echo in the
musical and dance heritage of the Bulgarian people...
(Kacarova
1967:61).
212
Summary
Ironically on Bulgarians dilemmas
Defined as a particular testimony of Bulgarians di¬
lemmas that emerge in the post-communist period after
1989,
a number of songs created by Cuckoo Band15 con¬
tributed to cultivating a particular taste to parody rheto¬
ric. The band developed a distinctive musical style based
on the ability to apply the ridiculing aspect of parody
through involving re-cycled codes and unpredictable ec¬
lectic mixtures which re-played a variety of conventional
global (western) and conventional regional (non-western)
Balkan-derived sounds.
Following the innovative trend in contemporary popu¬
lar music that nowadays is generally described as return¬
ing to ethnicity, Cuckoo Band have revived a specific sen¬
sitivity to local cultural traditions and brought back the
notion of exchange and transmission to ethnically mixed
musical practices, described nowadays as Balkan, ori¬
ental, or
non-
western. Understood also as a particular
(postmodern) reflection on hot social and political events
during the time of transition, the music of Cuckoo Band
is a testimony of a new cultural condition that seems to
stimulate not only social and political liberalization but
also multiple options of artistic expression.
Cuckoo Band s creative approach is emblematic in
terms of those artistic phenomena that clearly signify the
peculiar flowering of playfulness, open forms and unpre¬
dictable fusions, masks of deliberate carelessness, a play
of words, or the irony and self-irony. However, their ap¬
proach is emblematic also in terms of general accusations
concerning contemporary popular music: affinity to cover
versions, repetition, or, say, lack of independent musi¬
cal language
-
characteristics seen by some postmodern
15
Cuckoo Band was formed in
1993
to play live music at a
national TV show with satirical profile but over the years ahead
their background role moved into the forefront.
213
Музикалната пародия
theorists as signs that predict the death of the author ,
stimulate blank parody and simulacra , that is, a dom¬
inant lack of meanings in contemporary artistic forms.
In this sense, it must be reminded that pop and art as
distinctive cultural domains have been progressively po¬
larized through a set of dichotomies, forged in the pro¬
cess of intellectual reflections on music and culture of the
twentieth century. Serious vs. fun, high vs. low, mind vs.
body, white vs. black, sublime vs. profane, to name a few
of such dichotomies, have been extensively discussed in
the context of popular music studies, profiled to focus on
understanding and conceptualising those musical trends
which emerged under the cultural logic attributed to the
mass media in the twentieth century. In short, intellec¬
tual and musical canons of popular music often seem
to function as the reverse of the canons associated with
conventional approaches to the European art music tra¬
dition. A striking problem with this situation is that the
negative interdependence of the two domains results in a
number of false ideas concerning the issue of value and
meaning of musical texts.
As Philip
Tagg
noted, most people imagine that classi¬
cal music is a matter of mind rather than of body, popular
music to be the opposite.
(Tagg
2001:18)
In other words,
art music is seen as high, superior, serious, sublime, and
pop music
-
as low, inferior, light, profane. Such inertia
in judgments has much to do with the concept of music
as independent language which is based on originality
and complexity
-
a concept, developed to describe music
developments from the time of Mozart and Beethoven, but
applied irrelevantly to the music of the Beatles, Madonna,
or, say, of Eminem. This concept has been largely dis¬
cussed by the theorist
Adorno
who argued that popular
music lacked autonomy. According to him, it encour¬
aged people to regress to an earlier, infantile stage of de¬
velopment. Popular music repeated the same, tired old
patterns over and over again in order to sell itself to listen-
214
________________
Summary
ers
that craved familiarity. (Adorno
1976).
As the musicologist Lucy Green suggested in her
criticism to
Adorno,
autonomous music is supposed to
be good because it disregards social contingencies, such
as money, fame, fashion, or enjoyment. Popular music,
contrastingly, is usually overtly and even proudly de¬
pendent upon such social factors for its production and
its mode of con sump
tion.
(Green
1999:7)
However, looking at the ongoing dominant stream of
cover versions, eclectic mixtures and collages, so popu¬
lar in popular music, one can find perhaps good enough
reasons for forging terms like simulacra and blank
parody. What might bother us about such concepts is
that they generalize gloomy reflections on modern artis¬
tic forms and announce a dominant meaninglessness in
the modern cultural world, as if missing the point that
social norms and musical symbols are in a constant
change.
(Tagg
1999:3)
Rather in talking about meanings
or lack of meanings, we must be aware of which sounds
mean what to whom in which
context. (Ibid.)
Following this understanding, I want to argue that
eclectic mixtures, recycled codes, and copies of hard-to-
be-identified originals not only may transmit meaningful
messages. Because of being based on highly convention¬
alized musical structures, they might have a high com-
municational potential. In this sense, such forms are
sometimes even mandatory in the production of cultural
meanings able to work in a broader social context. Em¬
ploying the concept of communication, taken not just
as a transmission of information but also as a dialogical
process meant to constitute specific cultural meanings, I
will take a closer look at one of the Cuckoo Band s pieces
and discuss briefly on how it operates in terms of the
codes and conventions it engages.
The piece, entitled To Chicago... and Back, is a
1999
recording from the album Njama
ne ískam
(1999).
It
blends modern sound with musical patterns associated
215
Музикалната пародия
with different ethnic origins (more specifically, particular
Latin American and Balkan-derived vernacular sounds)
and clearly shows an intention to generate multi-layered
meanings through applying the metaphorical language
of parody rhetoric.
Certainly, the first code refers still to the title of the
travel notes16 written by the Bulgarian novelist Aleko
Konštantínov,17
published in
1893
after the author s vi¬
sit to the Chicago World s Fair held in June of the same
year. But why do the musicians of Cuckoo Band employ
this title a hundred and six years after its appearance
in the public literature life in Bulgaria? The answer here
leads to the significant popularity of this book among
most Bulgarians. Above all, the name of the book and
the figure of its author are deeply associated on the na¬
tional level with the genres of satire, humor and parody
in literature. The very story, told in the book, brings a
good enough portion of self-irony which reveals the new
experience of one provincial person, coming from a non-
civilized country like late ninetieth-century Bulgaria,
who suddenly found himself baffled and amazed in the
big civilized world
-
a situation which creates a num¬
ber of comic situations.
However, there is no immediate connection between
the subject of the musical piece and the novel. But yes,
there is an allusion or indirect reference to the humor
and the metaphorical profile of the story told in the book.
The inverted usage of this title signals a humoresque
intention and even more
-
a peculiar parallel between
then and now, when many Bulgarians were obsessed
in their longing for the civilized world . A hint in this
sense is implied in the song lyrics delivered in the man-
16
Го
Chicago and Back (published November
1893) -
travel notes
by Aleko
Konštantínov
telling of his visit to Chicago World Fair in
the summer of
1893.
17
Aleko
Konštantínov
¡1863-1897) -
Bulgarian writer, author of
satirical novels, travel notes,
feuilletons,
and critical articles on a
variety of social and political issues.
216
_______________
Summary
ner
of a fable:18
She leads me in the dance,
She misleads me in the dance.
..
As if I m walking on the edge of precipice.
Stepping two ahead
Then one back
-
Following this maddening aroma.
She wants me to want her,
She wants me to seek her...
As if I m a drowned man, and she s the strand.
I want to catch her,
Or her to catch me
-
I m stepping two ahead, then one back.
Refrain:
But her steps
Lead me to the end,
If I get there
-
That wouldn t be me, that wouldn t be me...
Apparently, the message here is a particular reflec¬
tion on the immigration syndrome, typical for many
Bulgarians obsessed after
1989
by the idea to join the
big civilized world where the lifestyle is supposed to be
beautiful, smooth and rosy.
We can assume that the very title of the piece is one
of the re-cycled codes employed here to point to one hu-
moresque intention
-
but how is this intention developed
further in sounds?
The piece follows the structure of a diptych. Its first
part takes as its point of a departure the famous, pleas¬
ing Argentinean tango tune by Carlos
Gardeł,
presented
first instrumentally and then vocally. At first hearing,
18
Lyrics translated from Bulgarian language by C. Levy.
217
Музикалната пародия
one may bet that the tune is performed in the aesthetics
of quasi-realism and provokes associations which refer
to melodrama, to the good old days, and the realm of
escapism,
utopia,
and naivete; in short
-
to that senti¬
mental territory where all dreams come true, as may be
heard in many pop songs performed by crooners.
Indeed, the tango tune is chosen here to signify an
unproblematic beauty. Yet, rather this unproblem-
atic beauty, as heard later in the song, turns to be the
musical image of one anonymous (as hinted in the lyr¬
ics), elusive and problematic she who takes the role
of temptress
-
a metaphor of Western lifestyle. It is the
vocal styles of the male voices that introduces a prob¬
lematic layer and creates a double critical perspective
suggested by the two quite different vocal manners.
Applying the approach of call-and-response, the male
vocalists
-
Georgi
Milchev and
Slavi Trifonov
-
contradict
each other stylistically. The one manipulates the tune
rather in the spirit of melodrama and in the style of sweet¬
ish classical crooners, slightly mocking the tango beauty
when naming in a witty way its dance steps: stepping
two ahead, then one back... . This play of words signi¬
fies a hesitation on whether or not it is worthy to follow
the maddening aroma of the imagined she. The other
voice replies in a rather earthy and more dramatic man¬
ner and announces, in fact, the point of the message: if
I get there, that wouldn t be me, that wouldn t be me... .
This is how the tango convention, one par excellence
Latino musical fashion with ethnic origins in far-away
Argentina, traditionally associated with particular dance
passion, is now employed and transformed to express a
double feeling, a feeling of both desire and fear: desire of
being part of a rosy mythologized reality, and fear of be¬
ing disillusioned while meeting a strange reality which,
as suggested indirectly in the lyrics, may be the Prom¬
ised Land, yet a foreign land that might possibly hurts
your personal identity.
218
________________
Summary
Far from being didactic in its intended message, the
second part of the diptych represents the actual parody.
The tango tune is inverted by the means of distinctive
stylistic approaches associated with the vernacular Bal¬
kan instrumental music named chalgija. The odd musi¬
cal image which mirrors the rosy tango in a wrong, false
way employs what I would call a Balkan groove, based
on another broadly conventionalized code: the particular
ornamental instrumental manner of Balkan brass bands
and the asymmetric meter and rhythmic patterns of a
particular regional dance meter
9/8.
This turn to a regional instrumental sound creates
the allusion of coming back, that is, coming back to
the imagined, yet familiar reality associated on the gen¬
eral level of the national consciousness as an oriental
semi-rural, semi-urban Balkans. At the same time, this
coming back re-plays a stereotype which has histori¬
cally frustrated Bulgarians
-
a stereotype which implies
a comic dialogue between the uncivilized here and the
civilized there. Rather this specific comic dialogue, full
of kicking rhythmic riffs and associations to subversive
body pleasures, creates a vital musical humor and a
stimulus which produces the effect of parody.
Eclecticism and the use of highly conventional codes,
modified in a particular way, is a well established ap¬
proach in parody. However, any particular example may
signify different things to different people. Whether or
not one can hear the musical smile here, that is, the
stimulus which makes this parody meaningful, de¬
pends on a number of factors. Some of them refer first
of all to the degree to which you are inside a particu¬
lar communication process, that is, inside a particular
ongoing purely musical and extra musical intimate
conversation based on a set of specific situations.
Thus, whether or not we shall qualify a given piece
as a blank parody, as a product of simulacra, or as
a product of stimulacra depends also on our personal
219
Музикалната пародия
experience, on our personal ability to get the ironic
intentions of the performers, and not least, on our
personal sense of humor. Perhaps such ambiguity
questions the understanding of music as a univer¬
sal language and gives more arguments to the under¬
standing of music as a communicational language which
may connote specific meanings in particular social and
cultural contexts.
Such understanding takes to what Bakhtin suggests
in his reflections on dialogical nature of people s comic
culture. However, his insights into the sixteenth century
Rabelaisian parody claim that the good laugh does not
deny its opposite, the serious perspective. The good laugh
is always double-voiced and brings the potential to
purge and supplement the level of seriousness. Apparent¬
ly, the dichotomy of tears and smiles, of laughing and
crying or, to use modern terms, of fun and serious,
understood sometimes as mutually excluding each other
artistic realms, is only a recent phenomenon associated
with the way modernity imagines narrowly distinguished
practices. Yet, as we hear in To Chicago and Back, seri¬
ous and fun keep co-existing and, in a way, exploit and
innovate
-
predominantly in the forms of covers, eclectic
mixtures and re-cycled codes
-
that communal potential
implied in well established musical conventions.
In conclusion, it must be pointed out that the reading
presented here, even though based on the experience of
an insider, should not be taken for granted. If someone
else undertakes a further reading at the same musical
text, the points or conclusions drawn here may turn to
be different. For the decoding of musical semantics is a
rather subjective process. Following this understanding,
I believe that nothing is final in our trying to decode and
understand the value and meanings implied in musical
texts. And from this point of view, art and pop must
be considered as just particular, historically constructed
cultural domains, as free-of-bias umbrellas, which might
220
Summary
be helpful in understanding two distinctive cultural log¬
ics with no necessarily negative interdependence.
Balkan yearnings in a new mode
We can hardly understand the nuances in the con¬
cept of the local neofolklorism if we do not grasp those
transformational aspects in the contemporary cultural
situation that direct our attention to the new character
of the folk player, combining elements of ritual-ceremo¬
nial functions (the wedding) with modern attitudes re¬
garding the creation of music.
Why do I make reference to the folk player? What
personifies his figure? Why exactly does he find a home
at the core of today s Balkan ethnowave and why is he
a dominant factor in its tangible unfolding? Viewed his¬
torically and in the social-psychological plan, is it not
folk singing rather than folkloric instrumental music
that from time immemorial has dominated public at¬
tention? Besides, the domination of song reminds us
of the connection of folklore with the idea of the natu¬
ral. Unlike the human voice, the musical instrument is
not nature itself, is not a part of the body although,
at least in the context of traditional folkloric culture,
instrumental sound, besides a connection with ritual-
material symbolism, also carries a corporeal tie (Za-
harieva
1987:11).
As
Svetlana Zaharieva
points out, the process of de¬
tachment from the object-symbolic nature of the instru¬
ment and a concentration only on its acoustic-artistic
features is a recent phenomenon, connected to the
transition to the modern era. This process is associated
with the differentiation of music as autonomous art, and
with the gradual breaking down of folklore as a ritual-
ceremonial system. Although not focusing especially on
this problem, which she views as an aspect of the cor¬
relation between traditional folklore and modernity, the
author hints that this newer cultural-historical variant
221
Музикалната пародия
of the musician is an artistic creator of a modern type.
This type, which begins to form during the breakdown
of the traditional system...uses musical tradition as an
artistic heritage, as a repertoire-displaying composition
in a new non-folkloric situation... (Zaharieva,
1987:1
Τ¬
Ι
8).
In this sense the rules of instrumental music follow
their internal logic of development, in which the artistic
tendencies toward self-development of the sound materi¬
al appear ever more strikingly. This leads to the isolation
of an independent, purely musical expression... (Zaha¬
rieva
1987:119).
According to Zaharieva, regardless of
what this instrumentalist plays (authentic folklore or
arrangements of non-folkloric music), he already lives
with a new type of self-confidence (concert-performer s
or even in some cases composer s). Such a performer,
even when playing folk music, is no longer the offspring
of the folkloric tradition, is not its creator and bearer. He
is the product of a contemporary, complicated and pol-
ystylistic musical-cultural situation, which is far from
the folkloric tradition
(Ibid., 17-18).
On the other hand,
notes the author, the living tradition never carries only
its external form, but preserves the memory of a deep
meaning: the myth breaks through the artistic fantasy,
the archetype becomes an aesthetic model, but the tra¬
dition carries in itself the emotional memory of the an¬
cient, of the collective-incorporating
(Ibid., 46).
Zaharieva understands the new role of the folk-play¬
er in the light of a predominant direction in the context
of modernity. Her reflections elucidates mainly the aes¬
thetic orientation of the folkloric ensembles created dur¬
ing the second half of the twentieth century. But how,
in the case of such a formulation, are we to understand
that in-between phenomenon that we designate with
the term urban folklore? Can we insert the concept of
the music of wedding musicians in the framework of cat¬
egories like concert music-making, performer and,
only by exception, author?
222
________________
Summary
Today s folk-player obviously actualizes that model of
artistic behavior which enters into neither the aesthet¬
ics of the folklore ensembles nor the museum-like idea
of preserving tradition. This model gives up the preten¬
sions of the artistic, understood as an alienated cat¬
egory, and turns toward the folkloric, not simply in
order to interpret it, but to hold on to the essence of
its nature. Today s player creates music, but does not
live as a composer; plays on the concert stage, but does
not need the inherent distance between musicians and
public of concert music-making; plays for weddings, but
is not confined to the zone of ritual-ceremonial music;
guards the memory, but does not see it as a frozen relic
of the past. Music-making for him is woven into the idea
of community life and is directed toward that mutuality
in communication that integrates musical activity in a
common, all-embracing field.
It is precisely in this idea we notice reasons for ac¬
knowledgment not simply of a given genre trend, but of
the formation of a new cultural-historical phase. It might
be something different, something which is entered nei¬
ther in traditional notions of concert music-making nor in
left-behind models of a traditional folkloric type. But we
may sense in it, as in classical forms of jazz, that particu¬
lar synthesis between
premodern
and modern that is
a synthesis between different types of cultures, sympto-
matically marked by a yearning for community* life.
Can we then look at today s player as a bearer of
tradition?
Indeed, it would certainly be closer to the truth to ac¬
cept the fact that the neofolkloric musician actually does
not merely carry the tradition. He is the tradition. For
him folk is not past, is not nostalgia, is not a museum.
For him folk resides in the present. Intruding by non-
traditional means into the notions of traditional music,
the player today introduces new, actualized touches into
the dynamic of that ceaseless re-signification of memo-
223
Музикалната пародия
ry,
of the past. In earlier phases of Bulgarian authored
music the folkloric heritage was construed as somehow
alienated, mainly from the perspective of composers who
had been distanced from their roots. They mined folk¬
lore predominantly for building material, for an arsenal
of means of expression, for a distinctive sound palette,
a source of creative ideas and views of the world, or for
a specific approach in the search for national identifica¬
tion. Now, however, the player embodies the very idea of
folkloric tradition in the contemporary situation. But he
is not simply the interpreter of the heritage. He revives
his role of a creative subject, which seemed to have been
taken away, and himself assumes the fate of his music.
The folk player today apparently experiences a new wave
creativity and freedom in reappropriating the two sides
of the coin, as if to revive the syncretism of that artistic
behavior, which in jazz as well as in folk, does not divide
musicians into composers of performers but turns them
into full masters in the process of music-making.
Discussion here includes a closer look at the mu¬
sic of emblematic representatives in the field, including
Theodosii Spassov (kaval),
Ivo
Papasov (clarinet), Atesh-
han Yuseinov (guitar), Ikadem Orchestra (piano, kaval,
guitar and drums) as well as the drum-duet of Stoyan
Yankoulov and Elitsa Todorova.
Chapter seven explores parody rhetoric as a par¬
ticular approach in relation to issues of identity as in¬
terpreted in two particular albums: Cyclops
Cameľ
of
Karandila
(Brass Orchestra) and Balaknatolia of the
female jazz vocalist Yildiz Ibrahimova.
Cyclops Camel points to aspects of what might be
considered as the black music within Balkan (Bulgar¬
ian) context. Certainly, music has no color19 and the very
term appears to be highly problematic. Even though,
19
On this matter see
Tagg,
Philip. Open Letter: TBlack
Music , Afro-American Music and European Music .
-
Popular Music
8/3 1989,
pp.
285-298.
224
________________
Summary
without having in mind any ethnocentric stereotypes, the
term is still very much in use among journalists, schol¬
ars and listeners. Generally, the term relates to cultural
traditions of African American people and to the roots of
some major twentieth century developments in music.
But attention here is drawn to another notion of black¬
ness, associated with Roma musicians
-
the proverbial
Balkan black people whose performing skills draw on
the tradition of
chai
gij
a, developed in the context of ur¬
ban vernacular instrumental music all over the Balkans.
Why to refer to music of local Roma people as the
black music of the Balkans? And what, on the other
hand, Balkan black music and African American roots
of jazz might have in common? Hypothetically, such a
comparison suggests
socio-cultural
similarities between
traditions of two otherwise geographically distant and
musically distinct ethnic cultures. One common line be¬
tween them reminds, however, that both of them are ex¬
pected to perform the Exotic Other in the modern west¬
ern world.
However, it must be pointed out that the accelerated
pace of migration and crossing of musical languages at
present times seems to blur not only the boundaries be¬
tween folk, pop, and art as historically constructed do¬
mains, but also between notions concerning the issue of
ethnicity and its relation to music and identity. The ex¬
otic Other, ideally imagined as the charming primitive,
seems to refuse imposed images and claims to inhabit
simultaneously different human and musical worlds,
as if to break down any stereotypes. Such an assump¬
tion becomes quite evident while observing much of the
music that today occupies particular trans-border zones
and develops new forms of eclecticism observed under
the label of world music, or, say, in locally developed
genres like, for example, wedding orchestras, ethnojazz
or popfolk observed within Bulgaria.
Arguments in this direction are implied in the activi-
225
Музикалната пародия
ties of
Karandila -
the Gypsy brass band from Bulgaria
who over the first decade of the twentieth first century
actively toured all over Europe and gained popularity in
local, national and international term. As noted in the
booklet of their album, entitled Cyclops Camel , re¬
leased in
2005,
their music strikes with an unusual
stylistic diapason which ranges from swing and bebop
to operetta and circus tunes, yet all of them spiced by
traditional Balkan folk idioms... .
Even only the very design of the album suggests a
notion of particular clash between seemingly incom¬
patible cultural polarities. Images in the spirit of naivety
hint, in a joking manner, of particular exoticism
-
as if
domestic, but yet not quite from here. The allusion
of Balkan affiliation of the musicians, bearing the tra¬
ditional drum (named daul) and other instruments,
attributed to the specific arsenal of the Balkan chal-
gija, is located in a space which apparently contrasts
the typical geographical landscape of the Balkans.
Looking at the flip side, one will notice a sign that
shows two counter pointers: the one points to Sliven
-
the home town of
Karandila
musicians. The other points
to New Orleans
-
the emblematic spot considered as the
birth place of jazz. As to the figures on the pointers,
they hint that the presumable geographical landscape is
somewhere in-between these too distant from each other
destinations: the one located in South-Eastern Europe,
in the Balkans; the other
-
in the southern part of North
America. In other words, the depictions on both sides of
the cover seem to create a notion of an imaginable third
place
-
a desert, located quite far away East from the
Balkans.
Apparently, both the title of the album and the im¬
ages on both sides of the album s cover play around in¬
tentionally on exotic symbols of three spots located in
three different continents.
Why is this so? Is this parallel between the town of
226
________________
Summary
Sliven, considered to be the informal capital of Roma
people from Bulgaria, and New Orleans, the birthplace
of jazz , only a commercial trick? What might be the re¬
lation between the black music of the Balkans and the
African American roots of jazz? Even in the sphere of
the imagined comparison, such a parallel suggests on
the first place an act of self-irony but also a particular
typological resemblance between musical traditions of
two otherwise different and quite distant from each other
ethnic cultures, any of them charged, however, with the
exoticism of the Other in the modern western world. On
the other hand, the intention here suggests unpredict¬
able windings in the process of
hybridity
which indicates
particular transnational and transethnical traffic of mu¬
sical ideas. The intention here suggests as well possible
multiple identifications in the context of diasporic cul¬
tures which usually play a significant role in the inter-
cultural communication.
Musically, these polarities are embedded in much of
the music presented in the album through mixing idi¬
oms based on Bulgarian folk, classical American jazz,
Oriental dance patterns, and, certainly, on the specific
oriental melismatic manner of playing. Intended to fit
what is nowadays considered as world music, this album
seems to be quite symptomatic in terms of the process of
hybridity
-
a concept, which recently is very much in use
when discussing issues of Diaspora, cultural difference
and change as well as the complex interplay between
ethnicity, cultural politics and social identities in con¬
temporary culture.
The term
hybridity
appears as a convenient and chal¬
lenging concept that describes moments of communica¬
tion across incommensurable polarities. It has come to
mean all sorts of things to do with mixing and combina¬
tion in the moment of cultural exchange and signifies a
key part of cultural modelling that proliferate in modern
culture. Besides, it cut across traditional boundaries of
227
Музикалната пародия
nations and groups and give rise to transnational spaces
for a range. In this sense, the concept of
hybridity
presents
an alternative model which can address the ambivalence
towards fixity and mobility in contemporary culture.
My concern in relation to the productive effects of the
term
hybridity
is motivated rather by the assumption
that it might oppose the romantic nationalistic myth,
still very much alive among Bulgarians, which take for
granted the notion of cultural purity. The music in the
album clearly informs on how unpredictable the forms of
cultural exchange might be and how a variety of musical
vocabularies might interplay and cut across any bounda¬
ries. Without romanticizing on this matter, I would come
back to the present cultural situation within Bulgaria to
suggest that
-
through its crossovers
-
the hybrid music
of minorities, and especially the one of Roma Diaspora
in Bulgaria, performs a particular impact on the domi¬
nant society and, potentially, on diversifying the notion
of national identity. I would suggest that this impact
may transform the traditional Bulgarian ethnic nation¬
alism, which, as argued by Donna Buchanan, is root¬
ed in the nineteenth-century Bulgarian state and was
created mainly in reaction against... remembrances of
Ottoman subordination (Buchanan
2006:37).
The am¬
bivalent attitude towards the inherited Balkan past, re¬
alised as a controversial, yet relatively autonomous and
specific cultural entity, accompanies all phases of the
new Bulgarian history. At the same time it continuously
stimulates the idea concerning this past as of the other
to Bulgarian national identity which supposedly drags
to the zone of primitive and uncivilised oriental back¬
wardness. Some analysts see here also the old dilemma
East or West? which still since the time of Bulgaria s
opening towards Europe, but even today, seemed to have
chronically run away from the alternatives of comple¬
mentary visions. In this sense, all attempts to ignore the
Ottoman cultural legacy are symptomatic in terms of a
228
________________
Summary
mentality and sentiments, deeply seeded in the national
consciousness that might explain some of the frustra¬
tions experienced at present by the dominant Bulgarian
society while meeting demands of the sociopolitical doc¬
trine of democracy, including in terms of understanding
and conceptualizing cultural pluralism and cross-ethnic
musical developments within the Balkan region.
No doubt, Karandila s music is among those exam¬
ples which represent, revive and further develop remem¬
brances of Ottoman cultural legacy through their artistic
dialogism, connected to particular adaptive mentalities
of Roma Diaspora, open (inevitably) to all possible sur¬
roundings, especially to those forms of local vernacu¬
lar music which are part of the host culture. This is
why Roma music in Bulgaria, Russia, Hungary or, say,
Spain, differentiate from each other. The sustaining of
Turkish-derived musical remembrances of Roma music
in Bulgaria is quite visible when comes to local vernacu¬
lar genres and especially to the specific style of instru¬
mental improvisation and virtuosity, developed in nearly
two century discourse associated with the tradition of
chalgija
-
a testimony of interethnic cultural exchanges
taking place throughout the Balkans.
Since
1998
when
Karandila
made their first major
crossover through the film entitled Gypsy Summer:
Tales of Surviving , accompanied by a CD release of
the same name, the notion of exchange and transmis¬
sion through ethnically mixed local practices seems to
be flourishing home and abroad. Even so, the shade of
the traditional Bulgarian ethnic nationalism and the ob¬
sessive fear about keeping the notion of pure national
identity is still there. You can still hear accusations that
such developments gypsify Bulgarian music and dam¬
age the authenticity of Bulgarian national heritage. Oth¬
er voices insist on preserving the authenticity of Roma
music, that is, its the exotic image, as if leaving aside the
understanding that the category of authenticity is also
229
Музикалната пародия
a matter of changes. Alternative viewpoints come from
those open-hearted, sensitive learners, who appreciate
their others and share the assumption that such devel¬
opments point to particular aspects of democratization
in the musical life in Bulgaria and an increasing un¬
derstanding of national as multifaceted and changing
category.
Such an alternative calls for recognition of multicul-
turalism and pluralism. But is that good enough to catch
the subtle processes of cultural identifications? Can we
refer to the musicians of
Karandila
as representatives of
any frozen idea concerning gypsysness while they appar¬
ently appropriate and inhabit different cultural worlds?
On the other hand, how to look at those non-Gypsy mu¬
sicians who nowadays perfectly use all that idioms once
attributed to Gypsies?
Dwelling on such issues, the American historian Da¬
vid Hollinger developed a postethnic perspective to ar¬
gue, from another point of view, that identity is not an
essence. The author posits a postethnic perspective that
favours voluntary affiliations over fixed identities. Ac¬
cording to him, a postethnic perspective recognizes that
most individuals live in many circles simultaneously...
(Hollinger
2000:106).
In his words, a postethnic per¬
spective also tries to remain alert to features that are
common to one or more other ethnic identities inclined
to see each other as opposed
(Ibid.,
p.
107).
Even though Hollinger refers to the North American
society, his theoretical model suggests perspectives that
might be applicable to other modern multiethnic socie¬
ties. Far from the idea to apply mechanically this model
to Bulgarian society, I would suggest that much of its
points relate to issues of modern democracy. Consider¬
ing music as a dynamic category which denies any static
or frozen condition, the postethnic perspective seems to
be self-obvious. Self-obvious is also the people s ability
to embrace and enjoy a variety of artistic values. Years
230
________________
Summary
ago the ethnomusicologist John Blacking posed a rhe¬
torical question. How musical is the man?, he asked.
The question contains a humanitarian notion which
draws attention to the relative nature of cultural values
-
a notion that, according to Blacking himself, is sys¬
tematically disregarded by Eurocentric views, implied in
the western concepts concerning music and musicality.
Following the pathos of this question, today we can ask:
and how many musical worlds, after all, can co-exist in
the mind of a man?
Rather in this sense, the co-existence of different sty¬
listic lines in the music of
Karandila
suggests not merely
the profile of particular artistic fusion but also particular
internal freedom in the process of cultural self-identifica¬
tion
-
a freedom which refuses stereotypes locked in the
prism of exoticism. Listening up to the music of Cyclops
Camel , one can assume that there is no much sense
to try to track and identify any single component, no
matter whether it brings an allusion of the steady pulse
based on oriental dance patterns, of Bulgarian folk into¬
nations, of the particular virtuosity associated with the
free improvisational approach attributed to Bulgarian
(Balkan) wedding orchestras, or, of classical jazz idioms
that remind the global impact of the swing big bands,
while all of them intermingle under a particular cultural
logic that conceptualizes music, according to the words
of James Clifton, as temporal, contested, and emer¬
gent (Clifford
1986).
None of these components work in
any pure way. Appropriating a foreign vocabulary and
turning it into a part of one s own expressive arsenal is
a process that recalls the eternal interplay between self
and the other, taken not so much as oppositional cate¬
gories, but rather as complementary aspects of personal
identity. The other in myself or myself in the other
-
no matter how we choose to call this interplay, it from
time immemorial indicates that music, as pointed out by
Richard Middleton, is not a possession (Middleton
2000:
231
Музикалната пародия
60)
that one can lock away in one s own safe.
Issues of identity are specifically interpreted in the
album Balkanatolia
(1997).
Following a personal posi¬
tion, the jazz singer of Turkish descent Yildiz Ibrahim ova
uses intentionally the secret language of artistic meta¬
phors to tackle frozen categories of the self-other dichot¬
omy by juxtaposing and signifying particular Bulgarian
and Turkish folk tunes. Their musical resemblance come
to remind of common origin, hidden back in the history
of Balkan musical traditions.
In conclusion, it is pointed out that the main thesis
presented in this book insists on a broader understand¬
ing of contemporary parody. With the whole variety of its
semantics, parody today looks not only for the ridicu¬
lous effect but also for the self-reflexive ironic gestures
of positive reverence and innovating attitude to musical
conventions and cultural memory.
232
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Levy, Claire 1947- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)141484012 |
| author_facet | Levy, Claire 1947- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Levy, Claire 1947- |
| author_variant | c l cl |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040959779 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)844075269 (DE-599)OBVAC10716670 |
| edition | 1. izd. |
| era | Geschichte 1990-2010 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1990-2010 |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV040959779 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:36:15Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789548594363 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025938156 |
| oclc_num | 844075269 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 239 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Inst. za Izsledvane na Izkustvata - BAN |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Levy, Claire 1947- Verfasser (DE-588)141484012 aut Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek Kler Levi 1. izd. Sofija Inst. za Izsledvane na Izkustvata - BAN 2012 239 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Musical parody at the late 20th and early 21st century. - Literaturverz. S. 233 - 239 In kyrill. Schr., bulg. Geschichte 1990-2010 gnd rswk-swf Musik (DE-588)4040802-4 gnd rswk-swf Parodie (DE-588)4044719-4 gnd rswk-swf Parodie (DE-588)4044719-4 s Musik (DE-588)4040802-4 s Geschichte 1990-2010 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025938156&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025938156&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Levy, Claire 1947- Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek Musik (DE-588)4040802-4 gnd Parodie (DE-588)4044719-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4040802-4 (DE-588)4044719-4 |
| title | Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek |
| title_auth | Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek |
| title_exact_search | Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek |
| title_full | Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek Kler Levi |
| title_fullStr | Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek Kler Levi |
| title_full_unstemmed | Muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek Kler Levi |
| title_short | Muzikalnata parodija |
| title_sort | muzikalnata parodija v kraja na 20 i nacaloto na 21 vek |
| title_sub | v kraja na 20 i načaloto na 21 vek |
| topic | Musik (DE-588)4040802-4 gnd Parodie (DE-588)4044719-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Musik Parodie |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025938156&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025938156&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT levyclaire muzikalnataparodijavkrajana20inacalotona21vek |