Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Croatian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Zagreb [u.a.]
Centar za Ranosrednjovjekovna Istraživanja
2012
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju
monografije ; 1 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 358 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789535736905 9789531753678 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva |c Krešimir Filipec |
| 264 | 1 | |a Zagreb [u.a.] |b Centar za Ranosrednjovjekovna Istraživanja |c 2012 | |
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| 490 | 1 | |a Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju : monografije |v 1 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache | ||
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 800-1500 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
| 648 | 7 | |a Geschichte 1995-1997 |2 gnd |9 rswk-swf | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804150216796930049 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SADRŽAJ
I. Uvod
x s
A. Prirodni položaj Đakova
15
B. Povijest mjesta
16
a) Utvrda (castrum)
21
b) Trgovište
(oppidum,
forum, civitas)
22
c) Predgrađe
-
župna crkva sv. Lovre
23
II.
Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje
27
A. Položaj srednjovjekovnog groblja i naselja
27
B. Povijest istraživanja
32
III. Katalog
36
A. Objašnjenja uz popis grobova
36
B. Katalog
-
Popis grobova i nalaza
40
C. Popis slučajnih nalaza iz uništenih grobova, jama i različitih drugih slojeva (izbor)
96
IV.
Veličina i oblik rake te način pokapanja
99
A. Veličina i oblik rake
99
B. Orijentacija grobova
101
C. Način pokapanja
103
D. Položaj kostura u grobu
105
E. Unutrašnja struktura i preslojavanja
107
V.
Nalazi u grobovima
111
A. Naušnice i sljepoočničarke
111
a) Žičani nakit
111
b) Filigranski nakit
121
B. Ogrlice i privjesci
133
a) Ogrlica od perli
133
b) Naočalasti spiralni
disk s
kukicom
135
c)
Kauri
puževi
135
C. Kasnosrednjovjekovni ukrasni vijenac
135
a) Brončana aplika
135
b) Dvopetljasta kopčica
s
kukicom
136
D. Narukvica
137
E. Prsteni
137
a) Prsteni
s
krunom i okom
137
b) Lijevani prsteni
141
c) Prsteni oblika S-karičice
143
d) Prsteni
-
obična karika
143
e) Prsteni od uvijene (tordirane) žice
144
f) Trakasti prsteni rastavljenih krajeva
145
g) Prsteni od tanjeg ili debljeg lima
s
proširenim raskucanim gornjim dijelom
145
F. Kopče,
predice i
pojasna garnitura
149
a) Pojasna garnitura
149
b) Kopče
149
e) Predice
150
G.
Gumb
150
l3
H.
Pribor
a)
Křemen
i željezna alka
15і
I. Kovanice
^1
J.
Čavli i klinovi !53
a) Čavli
15З
b) Željezni klinovi i54
K. Ostali predmet
154
a) Vršak str
j
elice
15 4
b)
Nedefinirani brončani i željezni predmeti
154
L. Ulomci keramičkih i staklenih posuda, te opeka i lijep upali u grobne rake prigodom zatrpavanja
154
a) Ulomci keramičkih posuda
154
b) Ulomci staklenih posuda
156
c) Ulomci opeke
156
d) Ulomci lij epa
15 7
M
.
Životinj
ske
kosti
/
j aj e
15 7
VI.
Srednjovjekovno naselje
158
A. Ulomci keramičkih posuda u zasipima raka grobova
158
B. Srednjovjekovni humusni sloj
163
C. Stambene građevine na sjevernoj, sjeveroistočnoj i sjeverozapadnoj strani srednjovjekovnog
groblja u Đakovu
170
a)Poluukopana kuća J-67
170
b)Poluukopana kuća J-111
171
c)Poluukopana kuća J-113
178
d) Poluukopana kućaJ-117
183
e)Poluukopana građevina (kuća?) J-135
191
fjPoluukopana građevina
101/102
(J
-101
i J-102)
194
D. Nadzemna građevina na groblju
197
E. Ostale stambene građevine, različite jame i rupe od stupova, bunari, vatrišta i dr.
201
F. Izgled srednjovjekovnog naselja
202
VII.
Zaključna razmatranja
209
A. Groblje i naselje
209
B. Veličina groblja i naselja
217
VIII.
Ranosrednjovjekovna groblja u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj
220
IX.
Sažetak
/
Summary
233
X.
Popis korištene literature
250
XI.
Table
2б5
XII.
Popis slika u tekstu i tabli 3 5 5
A. Popis slika
,,,
B. Popis tabli
I.
From
1995
to
1997,
a major section of the settlement ce¬
metery and medieval settlement was researched in the area of
the former parish church in
Đakovo.
A total of
500
graves were
examined
(486
graves from
1995
to
1997)
and over one hun¬
dred different structures. After burials finally halted there du¬
ring the period of Ottoman rule over
Slavonia,
the cemetery
would be used again, albeit over a small and limited space. The
precise date when
Đakovo
was first inhabited remains, in part,
unresolved. Unfortunately, individual finds in the so-called
medieval humus layer and in the grave fill show that a settle¬
ment had existed at this site in the eighth or ninth century.
Thus, the number of these first residents and when exactly they
began to perform burials at this site cannot be accurately ascer¬
tained. Thus far, the northern, north-eastern and western pe¬
ripheries of the cemeteries have been partially researched, as
well as one often assumed original centre of the cemetery.
Many of these graves, arranged closer to the centre, were de¬
vastated by the digging of more recent graves. Entire blocks
have been left empty by recent activities. Theoretically, burials
may have commenced even before the time indicated by the
items found in the researched section of the cemetery. The
finds of settlement pottery in a certain number of graves show
that houses were not far away. In one section, the area in que¬
stion ran right up to the houses, if it is not a case of a single
structure that was overlaid. In its northern and north-eastern
section, the cemetery is close to residential structures, which in
more recent times extended in part to the detriment of the ce¬
metery. Since roughly the same surface was used throughout
this period, it often happened that during the digging of a new
grave an older grave was partially or entirely destroyed. Based
on the finds in graves and ascertained overlaying, it was possi¬
ble to distinguish two primary phases of use at the cemetery. In
turn, individual sub-phases may be distinguished within these
two primary phases. It is important to stress that throughout
the period of its use, the Christianized population was interred
in the cemetery. Besides the complete absence of goods in the
graves, the method of burying the deceased, their orientation,
the position of hands, and individual, entirely sporadic finds
of rings bearing Christian motifs all testify to this fact. During
the use of the cemetery, the deceased were laid in bare cuts of
varying shape. They were most often buried in the graves wit¬
hout coffins. The coffin, boards and traces of certain wooden
structures used in attempts to protect the bodies of the decea¬
sed from the pressure of the soil were only discovered in a few
cases. The composition of the soil is such that simple lumber
could not be preserved. All of the deceased were buried on
their backs, except for a few who were laid on their sides. These
were children s burials. A diversity of positions of the arms was
ascertained. In most cases the hands of the deceased were ex¬
tended. Some had them turned toward the shoulder, crossed
over the chest or waist or had one or both hands simply placed
in the area of the thorax. It also occurred that the hands, due to
various causes, slipped from their original position to some
other place. This is demonstrated by finger bones preserved at
one position, and the forearm in another, such as, for example,
in graves
63,149,234, 253,
and
328.
On a high number of ske¬
letons, the fingers were not preserved. Therefore, any conclu¬
sions can only be drawn based on the position of the forearms.
The cemetery was next to a settlement. Thus, individual pots¬
herds and pieces of daub would be found in the area gradually
encompassed by the cemetery. Besides medieval potsherds,
Roman-era potsherds were also found. In later periods, the
settlement would also begin to expand in the area on which
graves were located. The cemetery was devastated by excava¬
tions for various structures, wells, and waste pits, particularly
after it was abandoned. The partial destruction of the ceme¬
tery, which the present-day population has totally forgotten,
has been going on up to date.
Three primary burial phases may be distinguished at
the cemetery:
PHASE I, from the 9th/
IO*
to early 12th
centuries
233
PHASE
II, from the early 12th to mid-13th
centuries
PHASE III, from the
mid-B 1
century to
the Turkish occupation
(1536)
At some places an older phase of burials may also be distin¬
guished inside the first phase. This primarily refers to grave
154,
which with its
-
unfortunately only partially preserved
-
loop-and-knot earring indicates an even earlier burial horizon
(Tab.
26,1).
Ceramic vessel sherds testify to the existence of a
settlement in the eighth century. Such potsherds which fell into
tenth century graves by chance indicate that the cemetery de¬
veloped at the site of an existing settlement (the settlement also
existed during the ninth and tenth centuries), despite the fact
that not a single grave can be dated to that period with any cer¬
tainty. Overlaying was particularly frequent during the period
when the cemetery of individual
Đakovo
tribes became the ce¬
metery for the entire parish. Often the graves from the oldest
cemetery in rows and the graves which belong to later burial
periods cannot be distinguished from each other because items
appear in them which cannot be more precisely chronologi¬
cally determined. Nonetheless, individual finds may be decla¬
red specific to burial phase I, while others to burial phase II.
The fourth, Early Modern phase of the cemetery s use
which ensued after the liberation of
Slavonia
from the Otto¬
mans was ascertained during the excavation of an ossuary east
of the church in
1995.
Burial phase I
-
cemetery in rows (from
9th/
10*
to early 12th century)
At its beginnings, the
Đakovo
cemetery exhibited all fea¬
tures of a cemetery with graves arranged in rows, of which a
number have been researched in the territory of medieval
Sla¬
vonia
and neighbouring regions.
The
Đakovo
cemetery also exhibits all features of an early
medieval cemetery with graves arranged in rows at which a
Christian population was buried. The oldest dated graves are
from the tenth century, but it certainly existed even earlier. The
oldest graves are closer to the existing church, and most were
destroyed by various subsequent activities. During the first
phase, the more-or-less regular rows expanded from south to
north. The oldest graves are in blocks HI, IV, V,
VII,
VIII,
IX,
N6,
and
N7.
From this area the rows gradually expanded north,
north-east and west. The cemetery encompassed its widest ex¬
tent during the first phase. It is unclear as to whether the ce¬
metery emerged at a single site or if the oldest
Đakovo
tribes
initially conducted their burials at different sites. Many of the
graves remain unexcavated, while in the excavated and re¬
searched section, it was precisely these oldest graves which suf¬
fered the most due to later activities. It is very probable that the
various tribes conducted their burials in proximity to each
other. This was made possible for them by the large amount of
free space. With time, the rows got closer. Overlaying was quite
rare in this burial phase. By contrast, since the graves which
belong to this oldest ascertained period were most often dug
relatively shallow, they were very frequently destroyed during
later burials. The concentration of bones from destroyed graves
was particularly high in blocks I, II, III, VI and
VII.
Only an oc¬
casional grave from this time has been preserved among the
rows of more recent graves. Sometimes the fill of newer graves
contains items which belonged to graves of this phase. Toward
the end of phase I, the quantity of goods in graves steadily de¬
creased. This can, in particular, be very nicely seen along the
northern edge of the cemetery, in blocks
XVI
and
XVII.
In the
researched section, it would appear possible to discern a mini¬
mum of two groups of graves which in the initial period may
have been physically separated by an empty area (the graves in
blocks VI, XI,
XVI
and
XVII
are separated by an empty space
from the group of graves in blocks IX,
XIII
and
XIV).
The grave cuts can only be defined for a small portion, be¬
cause the cuts were generally dug into the humus layer which
could only be distinguished from the layer of grave fill with
considerable difficulty. Since the skeletons of this phase were
most often very shallow, they were the most poorly preserved.
The cuts were most often rectangular with rounded corners,
but there are those which widen at the feet or head. Hands have
also been scantly preserved. Their position could only be de¬
termined among a relatively small number of skeletons. The
arms were most often extended, folded or crossed over the tho¬
rax. The bottom of grave cuts
89
and
209
had fragments of
coarsely made ceramic vessels scattered over them, which
would indicate pagan customs, but here it was a matter of pots¬
herds which fell into the grave by chance.
The oldest group of graves is characterized by various
types of wire jewellery: silver, bronze and iron S-rings (a hoop
made of a thick or thin wire on which one end is cut off
straight, while the other is bent into an s shape),
О
-rings (a
hoop made of a thick or thin wire on which one end is cut off
straight, while the other is bent into an o shape) and ordinary
rings on which one or both ends are cut off straight and sepa¬
rated. Often large and small S-rings, thicker and thinner, with
wide or narrow S-loops, appear together, so that they cannot be
used to draw any chronological conclusions. Small iron rings,
otherwise quite rare in the
Pannonian
Basin, appeared at the
oldest burial horizon at the cemetery. S-rings were worn in va¬
rious ways, either directly braided into the hair or hung on a
ribbon. Such jewellery and such wear was characteristic of all
Slavs and Magyars in the
Pannonian
Basin. Thus, in grave
83,
an example of a large iron S-ring was found with a small O-
ring. Iron rings appeared as of the oldest burial horizon at the
cemetery. They are typical of the entire first burial phase. When
several bronze S-rings appear, most often there is a minimum
of one iron hoop or S-ring among them. Because of their poor
state of preservation, only one portion could be conserved.
Most often several S-rings were found in graves, which had to
have been directly braided into the hair or hung from a ribbon.
S-rings were worn both in pairs and individually at the same
time. In the yard of the parish rectory, graves were excavated in
which S-rings and
О
-rings worn in pairs were discovered.
These graves were next to one another in a row, so that they in¬
dicate a different fashion. This manner of wear may also be par¬
tially followed in the area north of the present-day church. This,
for example, is the case in grave
181,
in which a ring with dou-
ble-S loop and
О
-ring
was found. Besides the various wire je¬
wellery, so-called triple-bead earrings were found in graves
50
and
146.
In both graves, triple-bead earrings were found
among several S-rings. They were also worn like S-rings, brai¬
ded into the hair, thus like temple ornaments. Both graves are
fully incorporated into the existing rows. The triple-bead ear¬
ring found in grave
146
had three uniform, smooth and una¬
dorned beads. This is a type of jewellery that became
fashionable during the twelfth century. It was highly favoured
over a wide territory spanning from the sea to deep in the in¬
terior. Luxurious examples were crafted in Byzantine wor¬
kshops, while variants were made in local workshops. The
triple-bead earring from grave
146
made in one of these local
workshops is rather interesting. This triple-bead earring has
three uniform, smooth and unadorned beads, which were in¬
tertwined with S-rings and ordinary rings. An identical triple-
bead earring was found at
Crkvina
in Makljenovac, near Doboj
in medieval Usora (territory under the jurisdiction of the Bo¬
snian bishop). Very similar earrings were also found at other
sites throughout medieval Croatia. They were probably made
by craftsmen who attempted to imitate more luxurious exam¬
ples and thus satisfy the local market. In child s grave
50,
a tri¬
ple-bead earring made of filigree wire was found, which was
made for a wealthier client. The fashion which spread through
what is today
Slavonia
during that period had its hub in By¬
zantine territory, and similar filigree jewellery also spread
throughout medieval Croatia. Individual cast rings also appear
in this layer. A closed ring with convex cross-section was thus
found in grave
32.
In graves 111,
418
and in the fill of grave
250,
rings with concave or rectangular cross-section were
found with open ends crossing over each other. A bronze ring
with rhomboid cross-section and separated, tapering ends was
found in grave
90.
A silver ring made of two strands of bent
wire with soldered ends was found in grave
328,
while a ring
made of three bands of twisted wire was found in grave
376.
There are also silver rings which have collets soldered onto the
hammered ends of their shanks, used to mount glass beads.
The edge of the collet is adorned with filigree grains in grave
158,
and with a small decorative plate in grave
402.
The only
analogy to the ring from grave
158
is from the cemetery in
Bi¬
jelo Brdo.
Since the use of the cemetery at
Bijelo Brdo
ceased
at the end of the eleventh century, that is the latest point when
this ring may have been placed in the ground. A silver S-ring
was used as a ring in two cases, in graves
349
and
379.
In chil¬
dren s graves and the graves of younger women, necklaces with
beads made of glass paste and baked earth were found. In grave
367
two fluorspar beads were also found. Based on the items
cited here, burials at the cemetery in
Đakovo
were conducted
already during the tenth century. Burials in this area probably
began even earlier. If the small rings with double S-loops are
excluded, then all other items typical for this earlier dating are
absent. Above all this refers to cast raceme-shaped earrings,
but torques, variants of rings and similar jewellery are also ab¬
sent. In its earliest phase, it bears a similarity to neighbouring
cemeteries situated on both banks of the
Drava
River. Analo¬
gies to them may be found at the cemetery in
Bijelo Brdo
near
Osijek,
in Vukovar-Lijeva
Bara
and at other contemporaneous
cemeteries. All of these are cemeteries at which
Pannonian
Slavs who wore similar jewellery were buried, and they buried
their deceased in the same or similar manner. The finds of tri¬
ple-bead earrings prove that trade existed between this region,
the coastal belt and the Byzantine zone. The triple-bead ear¬
rings from grave
146,
which were worn as temple ornaments,
thus in compliance with local custom, were probably local pro¬
ducts based on a model that originated in some major pro¬
duction centre.
The periphery of the medieval cemetery in
Đakovo,
an
area otherwise poor in finds, was also researched. It belongs to
the later phases of functioning of the first cemetery with graves
in rows. The graves closer to the centre, the earliest ones richest
in finds, have only been partially examined, and it was precisely
at this researched area that the greatest subsequent destruction
was sustained. The uniformity and general poverty of the finds
indicate that by the tenth century the population which con¬
ducted burials here had been entirely Christianized. Not one
grave in this phase can be called wealthy. The poverty of finds
certainly does not mean that the residents of
Đakovo
were im¬
poverished or that they could not procure high-quality jewel¬
lery and luxury items. This would be an entirely invalid
conclusion. The existence of wealthier inhabitants is indicated,
among other things, by the burials in wooden coffins, which at
that time were associated with the more well-to-do populace.
Commoners usually wrapped their deceased in linen and laid
them in simple grave cuts. The local Slavs had converted to
Christianity by the end of the ninth century. Up to this time,
goods were still found in graves. Already in the ninth century,
and particularly by the mid-tenth century, after Christianiza-
tion had been completed, the custom of burying the deceased
in everyday attire, including the jewellery which adorned it,
came back into fashion. In the tenth, eleventh and twelfth cen¬
turies, the quantity of items which a person wore in the grave
was not tied to the wealth of the deceaseds family. They did
not place items used by the deceased during their lifetimes in
graves, nor did they compete with others to see who could
place more goods with the deceased. This did not conform to
the Christian spirit of the time. The quantity of goods in a grave
depended more on local traditions, the age of the deceased and
other factors tied to their everyday lives. It can be stated with
certainty that the graves of the poorest and wealthiest residents
of a given parish in
Pannonian
Slav cemeteries in the tenth, ele¬
venth and twelfth centuries most often did not contain goods.
The poorest could not afford jewellery, while the wealthiest
were quite often buried in compliance with the Christian cu¬
stoms of the time, meaning without any sort of adornments.
There are more finds in children s and women s graves than in
men s graves. This fashion, which spread throughout almost all
of the
Pannonian
plain in the tenth century, allowed for the
archaeological determination of graves until the mid-thir¬
teenth century. At that time, goods in graves again became
quite rare, or they disappeared entirely. Potsherds which fell
into grave by chance in the tenth and subsequent centuries
show that the cemeteries grew at the site of existing settlements.
The houses of
Đakovo
were raised near the cemetery. Semi-bu¬
ried house J-67 lies in a clearing which bypasses graves. This is
evidence that it existed already during the functioning of burial
phase I at the cemetery. Structure J-67 was burned, and per¬
haps it was devastated during the Mongol invasions.
Burial phase II.
-
parish cemetery (from mid-
12th to mid-13th centuries)
Changes occurred in the mid-twelfth century which re¬
sulted in a halt of the northward expansion of the cemetery. It
also narrowed in the researched area, and burials commenced
on the already occupied space which, at the time had to have
been abandoned. Initially, the vacant space was filled between
the rows of graves whose mounds were visible on the surface,
but very soon burials on top of older, obviously abandoned,
graves began. At individual places, the multiple overlaying of
older abandoned graves has been ascertained. The new graves
were dug to roughly the same level, while children s graves were
rather shallow. At this time a church was constructed next to
the cemetery, on its southern side, and the population of the
time attempted to place the graves of their deceased closer to it.
Its construction resulted in a halt of the northward expansion
of the cemetery. The rows of new graves had the same or simi¬
lar orientation as in the preceding phases. This made it possi¬
ble to dig new graves over the older ones with an entirely new
orientation. The boundaries of this parish cemetery ran along
the line which can be drawn from grave
114,
over graves
136,
107
and
163
to grave
62.
Remains of the church have not been
found, but its remains have been placed roughly between the
former parish rectory and the Church of All Saints, probably
somewhat closer to the existing church.
The interment method does not differ in the least from
that of the preceding horizon. The primary difference mani¬
fests itself in the greater poverty of finds in the latter phases. S-
rings, found in the first phase, also appear here. The larger
examples appear more often, as well as the entirely small ones
used as earrings. The finds from both burial horizons are ge¬
nerally similar. The characteristic wearing of S-rings in this
phase is exhibited by graves
299, 348, 190
and others. Various
types of rings were found, most often ribbon-like with separa¬
ted ends or made of ordinary wire. Ribbon-like rings with
small plates shaped like six-, seven- or eight-sided stars solde¬
red to the top belong to this period. (A collet, in which a glass
bead was set, was soldered to the plate. Each edge of the star
was adorned with four filigree grains.) Toward the very end,
rings with expanded upper portions decorated by engraving
appeared. Hungarian and Venetian coins of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries also appeared
(124, 148).
In blocks I, VI
and XI, the overlaying of phase I graves can be observed. En¬
tire rows of older graves were destroyed by the digging of new
graves from phase II. Thus, for example, in the fill of graves
116, 117
and
119
there are the scattered remains of skeletons
from older, destroyed graves. Next to the grave
119
there is
child s grave
124,
which contained a coin, a twelfth-century fri-
zatik (Friesacher Pfennig) hung on a small ring. Grave
136
was
dug right along the very edge of the cemetery, and it contained
a fragmentarily preserved triple-bead earring. This grave was
incorporated entirely into the existing rows, and only the find
in it sets it apart from the nearby graves, in which typical
Bijelo
гЗб
Brdo
materials were found. The new graves, adhering to the
existing orientation, as well as the existing rows for the most
part, filled in all of the free space. Thus, the older graves were
often damaged or entirely destroyed. This can be nicely obser¬
ved in test trench
2
in the yard of the parish rectory. Two bu¬
rial horizons were also established. The first, older horizon
encompasses the graves without goods (destroyed graves 444a
and 464a, damaged graves
463
and
471)
or graves containing S-
rings
(447, 469
and
474),
or rings with end bent into an o
shape
(446).
Filling the empty spaces
(445, 475),
or partially
damaging older graves
(444, 464, 466, 467, 472),
new graves
appeared which contained rings with bezels and eyes
(467,
472),
but also a ring with rectangular cross-section and sepa¬
rated, tapered ends
(472).
There is also an earring with three
loops and knots through which two baked earth beads were
drawn
(475),
and an ordinary ring with ends overlapping
(445)
or touching
(467).
During the second burial phase, graves appeared in which
filigree jewellery was once more found. In this phase, besides
triple-bead earrings, plaited earrings and earrings with one and
three loops and knots were found. Individual items exhibit very
high-quality rendering, while others are only imitations of lu¬
xury jewellery made in local workshops. Similar jewellery also
appeared in the Byzantine cultural sphere. It can be found in
Croatia, Bosnia,
Mačva,
in the Byzantine zone and elsewhere.
It is important to note that a similar spectrum of finds also ap¬
peared in the nearby cemetery in
Bošnjaci
near
Županja,
and
in
Županja
and in the cemetery next to the Church of St. Peter
in
Zdenci.
The Vinkovci-Meraja and
Borinci-Crkvište
cemete¬
ries belong to this period. Filigree earrings appear as the only
head adornment in graves
4, 34, 79, 82,136,187,191
and
475.
Most of these graves overlaid older graves. There are two cases of
overlaid graves in which S-rings were found. In block IV, graves
with earrings decorated by filigree and granulation
-
temple or¬
naments
-
were dug over the graves of the older phase, creating
separate rows. They differ from each other in terms of orienta¬
tion. Grave
191
fits into the existing orientation completely. The
remaining graves were dug without any visible order. This was
only possible when the older graves at this site were no longer vi¬
sibly marked. Grave
182
has an orientation that is entirely simi¬
lar to that of grave
187.
An S-ring was found in this grave, which
was the third, dug over two older graves.
The twelfth century was a time of political ascent for the
Byzantine Empire, but also a time when Hungary gained
strength. Despite the unstable political circumstances, inclu¬
ding constant wars between these two states with varying for¬
tunes from the mid-eleventh to the end of the twelfth centuries,
a potent Byzantine cultural influence over a broad region could
be felt. Similar jewellery appeared in a much higher number in
what is today
s
Dalmaţia,
primarily in the area bounded by the
Zrmanja
and
Cetina
Rivers. Theoretically, it could have made
its way from this central zone of the medieval Croatian state to
the northern area through Bosnia by trade or quiet coloniza¬
tion. On the other hand, it may also have been made, particu¬
larly the more luxurious examples, on the territory under the
suzerainty of the Byzantine Empire. The more modest exam¬
ples were probably made in local workshops, particularly du¬
ring the time when the Byzantine workshops were no longer
able to supply the market. This particularly pertains to jewel¬
lery on which casting was used to imitate expensive goldsmit-
hery. Triple-bead earrings became favoured jewellery among
the Slav population and this jewellery type remained in use for
a considerable time. The finds from Slakovci, near
Vukovar,
te¬
stify to this, among other things. The appearance of this jewel¬
lery in
Slavonia
may perhaps be linked to the intensified
colonization that was recorded throughout the twelfth century.
Indeed, according to sources it is known that
Bela
III
(1173-
1196)
opened his state to settlers from all sides. Deserted areas
were settled, cities were colonized and villages were populated.
This enabled stronger economic growth in the country. People
may have arrived from various directions, and since the Bo¬
snian bishop was the feudal lord in
Đakovo,
they probably
came from his territory as well. Great similarities can be found
at various lower
Srijem
and
Mačva
cemeteries, since the po¬
pulations wore the same or similar jewellery. The end of the se¬
cond burial phase at the
Đakovo
cemetery actually corresponds
to the arrival of the Bosnian bishop in
Đakovo.
Burial phase HI (mid-13th to roughly mid-16th
centuries)
The final phase was characterised by relatively deeply dug
graves which regularly overlaid older graves. Very well-preserved
skeletons can usually be found in them. Since these graves were
often dug into pure black soil (uncultivated soil), which was then
used to bury the grave cut, they can be clearly discerned from the
earlier graves which were usually, because they were shallower,
covered with earth containing more humus. In blocks I, II, III,
IV, V,
VI, VII,
VIII,
IX, X,
N4, N6
and
N11,
a high number of
these deeply cut graves appear which can be clearly distinguis¬
hed from the remaining older phases. However, this cannot be
a universal rule that can be applied to the entire cemetery. In¬
dividual graves of this phase may have been more shallowly dug.
The best example is grave
259.
The orientation of the graves
through this phase remains roughly the same.
The poverty of finds is the chief characteristic of this ho¬
rizon. The sole, rare finds are cast rings made of thin or thick
bands with widened upper portions, buckles and frames, ear¬
rings made of ordinary wire with separated ends and buttons.
As noted previously, the rare rings can only be classified to this
second phase based on the find site. This is because similar ring
types can also be found in graves belonging to the cemetery s
first burial phase. Motifs customary for the twelfth, thirteenth
and fourteenth centuries appear on them. Similar rings appea¬
red in the hoards concealed before the Mongol onslaught in
1241/1242.
They are one of the sings of the beginning of a new
burial phase, which should be placed in the thirteenth century,
roughly at its midpoint. Articles typical of the medieval period
are not at all or are very rarely present in the cemetery. Thus, in
only a single grave, in its fill in fact, there was
a fragmentárny
preserved decorative garland for the head, a typical find of the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (late medieval period). Two
Hungarian denarii were found that were minted during the
reign of Queen Mary
(1382-1385)
and King Vladislaus II
(1490-1516.).
A very small quantity of goods were found in the
graves of this phase, and most often these are buckles and rings
made of hammered sheet metal, on which there are engraved
or etched depictions of various emblems, such as crosses, geo¬
metric motifs, animals, floral images, lilies, etc. Tiny ceramic
potsherds can often be found in the fill of the grave cuts, inter¬
mingled with fragments of brick and daub. Grave
369
contai¬
ned fine white pottery with a red-painted net ornament. Such
pottery, i.e. vessels, cannot be dated prior to the mid-thirteenth
century, but it was also typical of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries. Nails and the remains of wood testify to the burial of
the deceased in coffins. This is a typical late medieval cemetery
characterized by a small number of goods in the graves.
The digging of new graves over older, abandoned graves
began already during the first phase, particularly during the
period when this was the parish cemetery. Already by this time
it had begun to withdraw somewhat toward the south and re¬
linquish space to houses and yards. This process intensified du¬
ring the burial phase III. Individual semi-submerged houses,
J-l
11,1-113,1-117
and J-135, and utility structures
101/102
Ο¬
ΙΟΙ
and J-
102)
may also be dated to this period. The construc¬
tion of houses in increasing proximity to the cemetery and the
appearance of a well and various pits above the graves indicate
that the cemetery became progressively narrower. The ceme¬
tery would shift even farther southward during the third phase.
Thus, late medieval structure J-135, which is situated in block
N6
and
N7,
on the cemetery s north-west side, would be exca¬
vated over phase II graves as well. A high concentration of gra¬
ves in a limited space was ascertained at the same time in block
N4,
which is closest to the presumed site of the medieval
church. Sometimes it is rather difficult to distinguish the gra¬
ves which belong to the end of the second phase from those
which belong to the third phase. This is because the finds in
the graves decrease and they become entirely exceptional.
There is something of a discontinuity between these new and
older rows of graves. This discontinuity in burials is best seen
in the stratigraphy, as the graves are deeper and they overlay
all of the older graves. This failure to adhere to older rows and
the new row of burials indicate that some sort of catastrophe
occurred at this locale in the thirteenth century which had to
have been reflected on the cemetery as well. This catastrophe
may only be linked to the Mongol invasions which occurred in
1241/1242.
Historical sources say that the major portion of the
imperilled population withdrew before the Mongols to protec¬
ted areas. Even Thomas the Archdeacon wrote about the refu¬
gee camps that reached to Split. Many hoards throughout the
Carpathian Basin have been dated to this time. Graves began to
be arranged according to some new order in the abandoned
cemetery, in which the mounds were no longer
discernable.
The new cemetery moved even closer to the church. The occu¬
pation of each free place closer to the presumed site of the
church led to frequent overlaying. Many of the graves which
belong to this last phase have not been preserved because they
were destroyed by later construction.
The medieval settlement was situated at roughly the same
position as the modern one, and its buildings were not packed
together but rather scattered. During this phase, houses and
other residential structures began to appear on the researched
surface directly adjacent to the cemetery. From then until the
very end of burials, the settlement would increasingly limit the
space on which the cemetery could spread. Pits and wells can
be more frequently found over graves of all phases.
Precisely when burials stopped is not known. The Otto¬
man occupation of the town in
1536
led to a thinning of the
Christian population. Even so, the first two censuses conduc¬
ted in the mid-sixteenth century, showed that Christians still
formed the majority of the town s population. It was only in the
third census conducted in
1565
that the population structure
shifted in favour of Muslims. The remaining Christians may
have theoretically been interred at the cemetery throughout
this period. The final cessation of interments came with the
construction of a mosque in the latter half of the sixteenth cen¬
tury. Grave
431,
in which a denarius of Vladislaus II
Jagiełło
from the early sixteenth century was found, constituted one of
the final burials at the cemetery. The construction of the mo¬
sque is the termination date up to which the cemetery could
have theoretically existed. As shown by archaeological research
conducted in
1990,
the mosque was erected above the medie¬
val cemetery at a site closer to the road.
Ottoman
Đakovo
(Jakovo I
Diacono)
essentially retained
the contours of the medieval settlement, which attained its hig¬
hest degree of urban development at the end of the fifteenth
and beginning of the sixteenth centuries. This may be conclu¬
ded based on the analysis of available written sources, arc¬
haeological research and the analysis of the existing structure
and organization of space. It was not seized by force of arms in
combat, nor was it destroyed, but the houses simply passed
from the hands of their medieval owners into those of the
Ottomans. The case with the wars of liberation would be simi¬
lar, as new residents moved into the Ottoman houses. This
enabled the preservation of the settlement s medieval urban
matrix into a more recent period. Houses and other buildings
were demolished in the area of the medieval marketplace in
front of the fortress, which was thereafter transformed into
Josip Juraj
Strossmayer
Square. Similar tendencies to demolish
medieval towns, actually remote Ottoman peripheral settle¬
ments, proceeded throughout
Slavonia
after the liberation from
the Ottomans. After the liberation of this part of
Slavonia,
four
burial phases ensued. By all accounts, the new cemetery occu¬
pied a narrow area around the present-day church. How long
this cemetery was in use is not known.
II.
The Avaro-Slav westward push was followed by an end to
life in elevated fortifications. Layers of soot and charred re¬
mains document this era well.677 Research at the Church of Our
Lady of the Mountains in Lobor in northern Croatia has shown
that soon after the fall
-
or already during the siege
-
of Mi-
trovica, ancient Sirmium, the Avars and Slavs were at the bor¬
ders of Noricum and entering Italy.678 The archaeological finds
from this period of Slavic occupation of their new homeland
are scant, and the written historical sources are similarly mea¬
gre. In Croatia, as in other parts of Europe occupied and sett¬
led by the Slavs during the sixth and seventh centuries, it is
easier to follow the disappearance of older settlements and in¬
digenes than it is to ascertain the appearance of new settlers.
This state of research in recent years has sparked various deli¬
berations which sometimes went to the verge of negating the
existing of the Slavs. Nobody disputes that the traces of the
physical culture of the indigenous peoples, either Late Anti¬
que/Romanesque, or Germanic, may have been retained even
after the arrival of the Slavic and Avar newcomers. Archaeolo¬
gical sites and finds testify to this. Processes began in the sixth
and seventh centuries which can be observed in later stages at
the cemetery in
Đakovo,
where a settlement was established
very soon after the Avars and Slavs occupied the country. The
archaeological items discovered during excavations have con¬
firmed that the
Đakovo
settlement existed in the eighth cen¬
tury. Thus, a settlement had been established at this site very
soon after the aforementioned events. Archaeological research
nonetheless does not supply evidence of a clear continuity bet¬
ween the oldest finds, those from the eighth century, and those
from later periods, i.e., the eleventh and twelfth centuries, to
which more finds date. This, however, is when the problems
begin in the interpretation of both the cemetery in
Đakovo
and
those located throughout Croatia and Central Europe, which
archaeology has not satisfactorily resolved to this day. There
are many views, often insurmountably diverse and diametri¬
cally opposed. It would appear that there was a constant flux of
people, accompanied by establishment and then abandonment
of settlements and certain locales, as well as the establishment
and abandonment of cemeteries, etc. Such processes seemed
to continue until the middle or end of the tenth century, when
the continuity of existence of individual settlements may be
followed until more recent times. Do the circumstances stabi¬
lize at that time, or will the archaeological disciplines only then
offer more evidence on existence and extended continuity at
individual sites? I believe both options are relevant.
Research into early medieval sites, above all cemeteries,
began in northern Croatia
-
which is the focus of interest he¬
rein
-
in the latter half of the nineteenth century. By the be¬
ginning of the twentieth century, a number of sites had been
examined, among them parts of the cemeteries in
Bijelo Brdo,
near
Osijek,
Veliki
Bukovac
and Svinjarevci, which were pu¬
blished by
Josip Brunšmid
and which became the eponymous
site of the so-called
Bijelo Brdo
culture.679 The results of Brun-
šmid s
research very quickly reverberated among the world s
leading archaeologists and spurred numerous discussions
among them. Regardless of many years of dealing with this
problem, no satisfactory solution has yet been reached. During
the
1920s
and
1930s,
new sites were discovered, such as
Velika
Gorica,
Zagreb-Kruge
and
Čađavica.680
A new phase in re-
677
Ciglenečki,
1987;
Petru-Ulbert,
1975;
Filipec,
2008;
Filipec, 2009a,
113-
124.
This is an extended discussion which emerged on the basis of an arti¬
cle published in the journal
Starohrvatska prosvjeta
in
2009
entitled:
Problem
kronologije
grobalja
9.
і
10.
stoljeća u sjevernoj Hrvatskoj ( The
Chronology
Problem
of Ninth and Tenth Century Cemeteries in Northern
Croatia ).
678
Filipec,
2008;
Filipec,
2010, 51.
2З9
search ensued upon the establishment of communist Yugosla¬
via. In the
1940s,
Franjo
Ivaniček
researched parts of the
Avaro-Slav cemetery in
Bijelo Brdo-Bajer,
which is not far from
the aforementioned
Bijelo Brdo
cemetery at the
Venecija
street
site.681 Methodologically superbly grounded, this research si¬
gnified the dawn of a new era, which would be marked by Kse-
nija Vinski-Gasparini and, in particular,
Slavenka Ercegović
(Brodski Drenovac
-
Avar cemetery,
Bošnjaci
near
Županja
-
twelfth- and thirteenth-century cemetery)682 and
Zdenko
Vin¬
ski,
who examined the cemetery at
Vukovar-
Lij eva
Bara.
This
is one of the main cemeteries with graves arranged in rows of
the tenth and eleventh century which was finally, after several
decades, published by
Željko Demo.683
During the
1950s
and
1960s,
Stojan
Dimitrijević
recorded and researched several new
sites in
Vinkovci
and its surroundings:
Otok
near
Vinkovci
(Avar-era site), Borinci-Staro
Crkvište,
which
Dimitrijević
cha¬
racterized as a cemetery of the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere with
pagan
featuresó84
and Vinkovci-Meraja (early Romanesque
church with
Bijelo Brdo
culture cemetery).685 When speaking
of
Borinci-Crkvište,
there are no certain indicators that vessels
were placed in graves as goods, rather that it is a matter of dif¬
ferent positions which do not all date to the same period.6861
concluded that this was not a tenth- or eleventh-century ce¬
metery with vessels which would in some manner serve as con¬
firmation of
Váña s
first group. The cemetery in
Vinkovci-Meraja is the model of a parish cemetery at which an
early Romanesque church was constructed at the end of the
eleventh and early twelfth centuries throughout the Hungarian
church province. The subsequent period was also marked by
research conducted by
Marija Šmalcelj,
who examined a series
of Avar-era
(Otok, Privlaka-Gole njive, Stari Jankovci-Ga-
tina)687 and
Bijelo Brdo
culture cemeteries in Delekovac in the
Podravina
region, where, as she asserted, the upper chronolo¬
gical boundary for similar cemeteries has been established. Be¬
sides summary reports, not one of these cemeteries has been
published.688
Katica Simoni
examined the cemetery in Stenje-
vec.689 Since the
1980s,
Željko Tomičić
dedicated himself to re¬
search into manifestations of the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere in
northern Croatia. Since that time,
Tomičić
has researched nu¬
merous sites of this cultural sphere, among which I would
highlight the following:
Sveti Juraj
in
Trnje, Josipovo
and
Zvo¬
nimirovo.
Additionally, he dealt with the problem of the earlier,
Carolingian period.690 He also developed a draft chronological
outline of the
Bijelo Brdo
culture in the interfluve of the
Mura,
Drava,
Danube and
Sava
Rivers in his dissertation. Many other
archaeologists were active, and although I did not mention
them here, it does not diminish their professional and scho¬
larly contributions. A number of very important sites have
been researched in south-western
Pannonia,
which lies inside
the boundaries of Bosnia-Herzegovina, such as, for example,
Gomjenica near
Prijedor,
Mahovljani-Baltine bare,
Petoševci-
Bagruša
near
Banja Luka,
and others.691 In Croatia, Bosnia-
Herzegovina, Serbia and Slovenia, an entire series of sites have
been examined, but this work still comprehensively lags be¬
hind the research done in neighbouring Hungary and other
Central European countries. Progress in research into national
medieval archaeology was expected once Croatia gained its in¬
dependence, but it has in fact been largely absent. The imba¬
lance in knowledge or lack thereof on certain phases of
development of individual archaeological cultures in northern
Croatia, or southern
Pannonia,
is a result of long-term neglect
of research into the early Middle Ages and Slavic and Early
Croatian archaeology. Very little
-
indeed, shamefully little
-
has been done. This is a result of structures which have survi¬
ved and imposed themselves on the new state.
Željko Tomičić,
Marija Šmalcelj,
Katica Simoni
and others continue their re¬
search, and new generations have emerged.692 Research into the
cemetery in
Đakovo
at the Parish Church site in
1995
illustra¬
tes the transformation of cemetery with graves arranged in
rows into a church graveyard in the early twelfth century.693 But
it is the cemetery next to the Church of Our Lay of the Moun¬
tains in Lobor in the
Hrvatsko Zagorje
region which has con¬
tributed the most to our knowledge of events in northern
Croatia. This research, led by the author of this book, has in
679
Brunšmid,
1903/4, 30-97;
Ercegović,
1958, 171;
Kiss,
1973, 334-338;
Tomičić,
1991,95-148.
680 Hoffilier, 1909., 120-134;
Vinski,
I960,47-65.
681
Ivaniček,
1949,111-144.
682
Vinski-Gasparini
-Ercegović,
1958, 129-161;
Ercegović,
1961, 225-239;
Čečuk-Dorn,
1967, 395-417.
683 Demo, 2009
and 2009a.
684
Dimitrijević,
1966.
685
Dimitrijević,
1957, 21-38;
Dimitrijević,
1966;
Dimitrijević,
1979, 201-
268.;
Iskra-Janošić,
1997, 243-249.
686
Filipec, 2010b,
255-284.
687
Šmalcelj,
1981,142-143;
Šmalcelj, 1981a,
143-144.
688
Šmalcelj,
1975,132,
P.
LXV, 3-4.
689
Simoni,
1994,157-159;
Simoni,
1996, 73-78;
Simoni,
2004.
690
Tomičić,
1
992a,
113-130;
for a list of
Tomičić
s
new works, see:
Tomičić,
2007,173-174;
Tomičić,
1996, 151-161.;
Tomičić,
2000,142-161.
691
Miletić,
1989,175-200.
692
See the overview in:
Tomičić, 1992a,
113-130.;
Tomičić,
2007, 151-197;
Filipec,
1996, 189-197;
Simoni,
2004;
Sekelj Ivančan-Tkalčec,
2006, 141-
212.;
Filipec, 2007a,
411-422.
693
Filipec,
1996,189-197.
240
many ways changed and supplemented what we know about
cemeteries in northern Croatia. For this is still the only ceme¬
tery in this part of the Slavic world at which burials were con¬
ducted continuously from the eighth to nineteenth centuries.694
Worth mentioning in the end is the research conducted at the
Slavic incineration cemetery in
Belišće
-
Zagajci, the only
wholly researched Slavic incineration cemetery in Croatia.695
Archaeological materials have been preserved dispropor¬
tionately as a result of various factors, and this may create an
entirely different picture of the population density of indivi¬
dual regions and who inhabited them. Such problems make it
difficult to use the existing archaeological sources to render a
historical reconstruction. However, despite all this, certain hy¬
potheses may be drawn, which
-
I hope
-
shall be borne out by
future archaeological research. All in all, there are few researc¬
hed sites, a considerable quantity of chance finds and other
finds gathered in unsystematic research. Eastern
Slavonia
has
been subject to slightly better research, thanks to excavations
made on motorway routes.696 Ultimately, there are immense
empty areas lacking find-sites or finds. Cemeteries and
chance finds are virtually the only sources which provide data
on the period in question. Besides the fundamental, already
denoted questions of which part of the country was settled by
the
Pannonian
Slavs, many questions still have not been
posed. Within the context of research into the cemetery in
Đakovo,
the topic that arouses the most interest at this point
is whether it is possible to hypothetically ascertain what stood
between the chance finds of eighth-century potsherds and the
certainly dated eleventh century. Was this site inhabited in
continuity and what would (or would not) prove this? Is it
possible to assume that individual graves not containing finds
may be dated even prior to the mid-tenth century, when, ac¬
cording to the accepted view, the
Bijelo Brdo
culture began?
In this context, it is vital to ask how long the incineration gra¬
ves lasted, and when the transition to skeletal burials occur¬
red. What was the appearance of the ninth- and tenth-century
graves? Is there any continuity between the ninth-century ce¬
metery (Carolingian era) and the cemetery dated after the
mid-tenth century? When did the first cemeteries of the so-
called
Bijelo Brdo
culture or
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere ap¬
pear? When did the transition to burials around the church
occur? Was there a universal burial culture among the peoples
of Central Europe that was not ethnically dictated? Research
in
Đakovo
cannot provide answers to any of these questions.
The Frankish seizure of the western section of the Avar
Khaganate led to changes that are relatively well-documen¬
ted by archaeological materials. Almost all cemeteries with
Avar features, including those with a long continuity, disap¬
peared in the first decades of the ninth century. Cemeteries of
Zalakomár
or
Sopronkőhida
type may, according to
Béla Mi¬
klós Szőke,
be dated to the mid-ninth century at the latest.697
During the ninth century new cemeteries appeared at new
sites that contained newer items of western origin. The Fran¬
kish conquests more or less halted at the Danube River. Thus,
they only placed a portion of the Avar Khaganate under their
rule. Earlier, typical late Avar cemeteries, as well as Slavic in¬
cineration, skeletal and biritual graves could be found in these
territories. The western edge of the Khaganate was inhabited
by a mainly Slavic population. These are parts of today
s
Slo¬
venia and the Eastern Alpine zone, the eastern parts of to¬
days Austria, the Moravian basin, northern Croatia, and so
forth. Southern
Pannonia
was the periphery of the Avar Kha¬
ganate in which, based on the configuration of the terrain,
the lowland forest-steppe zone along the
Drava
and Danube
Rivers
(Podravina,
eastern
Slavonia,
Srijem)
can be seen. Al¬
most all known Avar find-sites are in this forest-steppe zone.
In the late Avar period, cemeteries with Avar features, such as
Zagreb-Kruge
and
Brodski Drenovac,
and individual chance
finds could be found even west of this line, normally along
the
Sava
River and other strategic points.698 Whether this was
a matter of a westward shift of the Avar ethnic territory in the
latter half of the eighth century or some other processes will
be illuminated by future research. Within the framework of
the current level of research, a general question which may
be posed is: what was the Avar ethnicity? In the territory de¬
signated above as ethnic Avar , there are two Slavic incine¬
ration cemeteries, in
Vinkovci/Duga
street
99
and in
Belišće-Zagajci.699
The first cemetery is situated in the city of
Vinkovci
in the area of the former Roman-era agglomeration
known as Cibalae, whence somewhat earlier Gepid finds are
known, while the other is in
Belišće-Zagajci,
at a strategic po¬
sition, on a sandbar between the
Karašica
and
Drava
Rivers.
It is in a purely steppe zone, on a thoroughfare which led from
Roman era Iovalia, today s
Valpovo,
to
Sopianae,
modern-day
Pécs.
New sites, largely residential, discovered along the routes
of motorways throughout northern Croatia, should be added to
the aforementioned find-sites. Here I would certainly like to
mention the finds from
Stari Perkovci-Debela
šuma,
which in
many ways correspond to the finds from the aforementioned
694
Filipec,
2002;
Filipec, 2007a,
411-422.;
Filipec,
2008.
695
Filipec, 2008a,
27-30.
696
Filipec
et al.,
2009.
697
Szőke,
1985,161-167;
Szőke,
1990, 91, 145-157.
698
Filipec,
2002- 2003, 117-143.
699
Sekelj
Ivančan, Tkalčec,
2006, 141-212;
Filipec,
2008, 27-30.
241
cemeteries.700 The finds from the cemetery in Belisce-Zagajci,
which can now be preliminarily dated to the eighth century,
are indicative in many ways, both for consideration of the pe¬
riod of Avar domination and what came after. The cemetery in
Belišće
at the Zagajci site belonged to a small Slavic community
which settled this strategically more suitable location next to a
river. Roughly thirty graves were discovered. These are mostly
burials in ordinary pits, followed by urn burials, which were
also done in grave pits, while in one case there was a grave wit¬
hout an earthen urn. This was a burial in some organic mate¬
rial which decayed. The excavation of sand destroyed and
damaged many graves, so that there may have been roughly
forty graves in all. The entire site, the entire cemetery, has been
examined. The urns were made of poorly purified clay without
use of, or made on a primitive, potter s wheel, with considera¬
ble admixtures of small stones, sand and other substances. Very
similar examples have been found, both in Vinkovci-Duga
street
99,
and at other cemeteries and settlements throughout
the Carpathian Basin. It is customary for similar small vessels
to be found as goods in Avar cemeteries. Larger fragments of
human, but also animal bones were found in the urns. The
grave pits without urns contained, besides the remains of soot
and ash, fragments of coarsely rendered ceramic vessels that
featured the typical combed wave pattern as a decoration. Ba¬
sically this is a rather unattractive cemetery, at which hand¬
made vessels, or those made on a slow-turning potters wheel,
were found. Such cemeteries are a general feature of the Slavic
cemeteries of the fifth to seventh and subsequent centuries.701
Only the urns, a total often, have been processed at the ceme¬
tery in Vinkovci-Duga street
99,
which has not been entirely
examined in compliance with archaeological methods.702 One
may speculate as to how many undiscovered grave pits without
urns remain here; given that they are situated at a very shallow
level, most already appear in the humus layer. It is almost im¬
possible to expect similar finds in territories with an extensive
continuity of life at the same site. This means we are deprived
of a great deal of data. Perhaps this is a result of the fact that Sla¬
vic cemeteries over a major swath of southern
Pannonias
ter¬
ritory are unknown. More is known about Avar-era skeletal
cemeteries. It would be appropriate to expect that in the pe¬
ripheries of the Avar settlement territory individuals and entire
groups of Slavs switched to skeletal burials very soon after the
occupation of new lands. During the eighth, and then in the
first centuries of the ninth century, one should also expect gra¬
ves with pottery and other items; thus, one should expect that
group with pottery described by
Paola
Korošec.703
After all, the
graves of the so-called group with pottery are well-documen¬
ted in Slovenia, which is also significant for this region, because
in the eighth and even ninth centuries they belonged to the
same political space, actually the periphery of the Avar Kha-
ganate mostly inhabited by Slavs. The Early Croatian cemete¬
ries in
Dalmaţia
also testify to similar development. The rich
individual graves containing weapons from
Podsused, Medve-
dićka
and other finds of Carolingian origin, etc. should also be
considered in this context.704 Carolingian finds have been tho¬
roughly analyzed in other works, so they need no attention
here. I believe that a biritual cemetery, similar to those in to¬
day s Hungary, will appear in northern Croatia in the ninth-
century layer. By the same token, the appearance of
incineration graves in the layer younger than the skeletal gra¬
ves, as is the case at the cemetery in
Alsórajk- Határi tábla,
should not be discounted.705 Historical sources mention seve¬
ral migrations in
Pannonia
during the ninth century. Thus,
they mention the flight of the Obotrites and Timochani before
the
Bulgars,
the settlement of Slavs in the Blatnograd of
Pri¬
bina
and
Koceľ,
and finally the flight of the
Pannonian
Slavs
from
Pannonia
before the Magyars, seeking refuge with the
Croats,
Bulgars
and others.
Urns (two examined), graves containing vessels (two gra¬
ves) and graves which, according to the author, may be linked
to the Early Croatian and
Bijelo Brdo
culture, were found at
the cemetery in
Bagruša
in
Petoševci.706
The urns may belong
to the same period as the graves with skeletal burials, and the
author posits that this is a biritual cemetery.707 Analogies to the
ceramic vessels can be found in the Carpathian Basin and at
the Early Croatian cemeteries throughout
Dalmaţia.
Graves
with skeletal burials have been dated by
Zdenko
Žeravica
ac¬
cording to the goods found in them (decorative buttons, spurs,
cast raceme earrings, etc.) from the reign of the Frankish vassal
Prince
(Knez)
Braslav
to the reign of the Croatian King
Mihajlo
Krešimir
II (end of ninth to latter half of tenth centuries). A
high number of graves contain no finds at all. According to
Željko Tomičić,
this is a cemetery which should be dated par¬
tially into the ninth century as well, i.e., far earlier than the mid-
tenth century. He mostly places the cemetery in
Petoševci
before
his transition phase which preceded the early phase,
Bijelo Brdo
700
Filipec,
2009, 21-39.
701
Sekelj Ivančan, Tkalčec,
2006., 164-167.
70- Sekelj
Ivančan, Tkalčec,
2006., 141-212.
703
Korošec,
1979.
704
Tomičić,
1996., 153.
705
Szőke,
1996., 61-146.
706
Žeravica,
1986, 165-194.
707
Žeravica,
1986,161-164, 194.
342
I.708 Can it serve as an example of the appearance of burials in
southern
Pannonia
at the end of the ninth and early tenth cen¬
turies, meaning at the time of the first appearance of items of
the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere. Can the following chronologi¬
cal sequence be proposed here:
1.)
incineration graves
-
urn
burials (partially coterminous with skeletal graves);
2.)
skeletal
graves with ceramic vessels and graves without any finds;
3.)
graves in which various tiny items appear, such as decorative
buttons, wire earrings, cast raceme earrings, spurs, and finally
4.)
graves in which, besides the latter, items appear which may
be linked to the Early Magyar culture and those which may be
linked to the cemeteries of the latter half of the tenth century?
I believe that it may be established thusly
-
even at the present
level of research. All the more so given that a similar situation
appears at the cemetery next to the church in Lobor.
The general characteristic of most cemeteries in
Pannó¬
nia
is that in the latter half of the ninth century grave goods
slowly disappeared. This is a characteristic of both cemeteries
in today s Hungary and in the sole researched cemetery next
to a ninth-century church south of the
Drava
River in Lobor in
the
Hrvatsko Zagorje
region. In Lobor, at the Church of Our
Lady of the Mountains, two ninth-century churches were dis¬
covered: an older one made of lumber and younger one made
of stone. The wood-built church is a single nave structure with
a rectangular apse and vestibule. The stone-built triple nave ba¬
silica has three apses, a narthex and belfry at its front
façade.
Burials alongside the wooden church began by the mid-ninth
century at the latest. It was erected by missionaries, probably
Benedictines, who initiated the conversion of the
Pannonian
Slavs. Next to these two churches there were graves which nor¬
mally contained no goods, while only three graves
-
out of se¬
veral dozen
-
contained goods. Several cast raceme earrings, a
double loop-and-knot earring and biconical pendant were
found in a grave next to the head of an interred small girl. Ana¬
logies to cast raceme earrings, among others, can be found in
Petoševci
as well, while luxury examples were found in grave
62
in the
Nin-Ždrijac,
dated based on a coin of Emperor Lothair
(840-855).
The loop-and-knot earring and biconical pendant
have their analogies, again, in the nearby cemetery at the Ptuj
Castle in grave
35
1.709 This is therefore undoubtedly a ninth-
century grave. The other two graves are associated with the pre-
Romanesque triple-nave basilica. Two arrowheads, one on the
bones of the deceased, and the other wedged into the clavicle,
were found in the grave, which is in the first row adjacent to the
church. Besides the buried goods, an iron spike, probably part
of a coffin, and a ceramic spindle-whorl, were found in the
vaulted tomb in the vestibule of the
pre-
Romanesque church.
All graves found next to both the wooden and pre-Romane-
sque churches were at relatively greater depths, and the con¬
tours of wooden coffins were found in all of them. There were
no finds in the graves situated in the first several rows next to
the pre-Romanesque church, but then as of the third row finds
began to appear which may be linked to the typical finds of the
Bijelo Brdo
culture. Such rows extend to the edge of the site,
up to the earthen rampart on the northern side, and then they
appear at the higher levels above the oldest graves adjacent to
the church mentioned herein.710 May this be a feature of the
other cemeteries of the Croatian part of the interfluve? I dare¬
say that this is a characteristic of the closest cemetery at the
Ptuj Castle and those slightly farther away in
Zalavár.711
There
are pagan layers and those of the so-called group with pottery
at the Ptuj cemetery, while graves of the latter half of the ninth
century appear in continuity with these. The similarities bet¬
ween the cemeteries at the Ptuj Castle and Lobor are great, with
the sole difference being that at Ptuj there are many more goods
in the ninth-century graves.712 No church was found at this
find-site or, more likely, one was not recognized. If this is the
appearance of the northern Croatian cemeteries of the latter
half of the ninth and early tenth centuries, it will be difficult to
define this horizon where no sacral architecture is discovered,
as it was in Lobor. The graves from Lobor show that initially
elites were buried alongside the church, and then the remai¬
ning people. The burials in coffins show that poor people were
not buried here, and the richly-appointed pre-Romanesque
church also testifies to their material status. In the first period
of Christianization, care was taken not to place goods in the
graves. Here an effort was obviously made to implement so¬
mething that had already been the practice in Western Europe
for decades. Over time, when everyone became Christian, less
attention was paid to this aspect. The Magyar incursion may
have just as easily prompted the break from discipline, so that
individuals were allowed to place certain ornaments and other
everyday items in graves. The time in which goods in graves
began to appear more often can be associated with the begin¬
ning of the appearance of items of the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural
sphere. This process did not begin in the mid-tenth century,
but rather much earlier, already at the time when the afore¬
mentioned small girl, probably from a ruling dynasty, was bu¬
ried in a wooden coffin. Similar examples of burials in churches
708
Tomičić,
1992a,
113-130;
Tomičić,
2007,
P.
3.
709
Žeravica,
1985/86,173-174;
Belošević,
1980,88;
Korošec,
1950,207, Fig.
108.
710
Filípec,
2002;
Filipec,
2007, 411-422.
711
Sós,
1963.
712
Korošec,
1950;
Tomičić,
1993, 543-579.
24З
in the ninth and tenth centuries have been recorded in Slavic
countries in Central Europe. But by the same token, it may also
be said without reserve that this is a grave of the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere, which dates to the latter half of the ninth cen¬
tury. Based on architecture, it has been dated far better than
many other graves which can only be dated more closely based
on the typology of materials. Does such a conclusion seem apo¬
cryphal? Can we place the commencement of the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere in the latter half of the ninth and early tenth
centuries, or should we wait for the Early Magyar component
in order to be able to say with certainty
-
yes, the
Bijelo Brdo
culture began at this time? Let us recall that Slavic graves from
the sixth to ninth centuries normally also contained no goods,
or such goods were entirely rare. This was also a characteristic
of the incineration graves and graves from the so-called group
with pottery. The poverty of goods is a feature common to the
entire Slavic world in the earlier period. An occasional fibula,
belt frame, knife, arrowhead, flint and so forth appeared in the
sixth and seventh centuries. As of the eighth and into the ninth
century, more goods appeared in graves, but even then they
were occasional sundry items, such as an earring, ring, button,
etc. or some article of everyday use. We may conclude that ob¬
viously by the beginning of the tenth century, and more often
by the mid-tenth century, burials with individual decorative
items began as a result of a new fashion. Jewellery and other
small items of everyday wear also appeared in Ptuj, which was
under the jurisdiction of the Salzburg archbishop in the tenth
and eleventh centuries, as well as in more remote areas far from
any stronger clerical authority. The appearance of jewellery, an
article of everyday use or perhaps a higher-quality item in a
grave certainly does not mean that it belonged to a wealthier re¬
sident of given settlement, rather only that individuals placed
everyday components of attire and perhaps an odd item of eve¬
ryday use or something else in the grave. Goods in the grave
may, but need not, be social indicators. One of the youngest
graves, in Lobor dated to the mid-nineteenth century, belonged
to Count
Petar Keglević,
who was buried in a masoned tomb.
There are no goods in this tomb, just as no goods were found
among the oldest graves of lords from the ninth century. At the
same time, individual goods were found in the graves of his
subjects and lower-ranking nobles. In
1956,
Ljubo
Karaman
wrote that just because
..
.individual
Bijelo Brod
culture items
have their origins in earlier periods, this does not refute the
established dating of this culture, based on numerous reasons,
as a mature and fully-formed group and comprehensive cultu¬
ral grouping from
950
to
1100 .713
This stands, for the begin¬
nings of what in the archaeological literature would be called
the
Bijelo Brdo
culture, the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural group or the
Bi¬
jelo Brdo
cultural sphere appeared far earlier than the mid-
tenth century and before the Magyar conquest of
Pannonia.
Despite similar items which appeared in cemeteries with the
same or similar burials, we may speak of the characteristics of
cemeteries of the ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth or thirteenth
centuries in
Pannonia.
Bulgarian suzerainty was established over Syrmian
Pan¬
nónia
and the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin. The we¬
stern section of the interfluve remained under direct Frankish
rule until the arrival of the Magyars in the Carpathian Basin.
The Croats occupied a part of
Pannonia,
obviously that part
which later became known from the boundaries of the Zagreb
diocese from a later fourteenth-century source, actually the
Sisak
diocese mentioned in the Split synod of
928.
Research in
Lobor testifies to the fact that the western part of the interfluve,
i.e. south-eastern
Pannonia,
belonged to the Croatian state, as
no discontinuity in burials was recorded there, although they
were well documented in those territories taken by the Ma¬
gyars by
950.
Constantine
Porphyrogenitus wrote that part of
the
Pannonian
populace sought refuge with the Croats, anot¬
her part to the
Bulgars
and so forth. These refugees could only
have come to the aforementioned area of the now expanded
Croatian kingdom in the north. Whether Croatia held on to
Slavonia
until the end of the eleventh century is a question to
which there is no reliable answer, and it is of less importance to
this topic, because similar materials were found in eleventh-
century cemeteries on both sides of the
Drava
River. Only a
pagan ritual or burial method different from that known pre¬
viously at a given site may indicate new elements. Perhaps a
good example is Halimba
Cseres,
where it is possible to see a
robust return to paganism, or perhaps the arrival of a new po¬
pulation from the eastern parts of the
Pannonian
plain.
Whence could this population have come? This was free Avar
territory that had not been Christianized. To be sure, the ele¬
venth century cannot provide sufficient information on this.
The eleventh century saw the introduction of the universal
Middle Ages in which articles of jewellery cannot serve as clear
evidence of ethnicity. This could not even have been the case in
the ninth century with its burial philosophy best shown by
Lobor. There are no goods in the graves, and the deceased were
buried in wooden coffins. Wooden coffins would become the
standard for burials only from the seventeenth century onward.
Prior to this, they were an indicator of the elites
-
the nobility
and the wealthy. So this ninth-century novelty would only be¬
come generally accepted many centuries later. The finds in the
711
Karaman,
1956,134.
244
graves
are rare and this is the beginning of this new era. The
new era experienced stagnation due to the Hungarian incur¬
sions, but it nonetheless persisted in individual parts of the
country. What does it mean when individual simple ear¬
rings/temple ornaments or individual rings or necklaces, tor¬
que bracelets or some other items of everyday use are deposited
in graves? Was this something associated with paganism? No,
it cannot be this. Even if a whole vessel, remains of food, other
supplies or an egg
-
as is the case with child s grave
300
in
Đa¬
kovo
-
are found in a grave, this cannot be a sign of paganism.
This may only be a relic of old and still living pagan beliefs
among the Christian population. By this time it was already
the third generation of Christians at the very least. What then
does the appearance of these simple jewellery forms, which
characterize graves from today s Bulgaria and Macedonia to
the Baltic, mean to us? They are a matter of a new fashion
which bypassed the placement of goods in graves. This may
very well have been a consequence of some general crisis which
beset the entire Christian world, and was reflected in this area
settled by various Slavic and Germanic peoples, as well as Avars
and Magyars. Perhaps the arrival of the latter two caused this
break from discipline. Thus, they destroyed or curtailed the
established clerical organization in Central Europe
-
organi¬
zation which ad been established throughout the entire ninth
century. The appearance of different items, jewellery first and
foremost, is a phenomenon that resulted from a decline in dis¬
cipline and Magyar incursions. This phenomenon, which may
even be called a fashion, helped for graves on the verge of be¬
coming archeologically unrecognizable to once more being
archeologically legible. Was there
a Bijelo Brdo
culture or
Bijelo
Brdo
cultural sphere? No, something like this did not exist, par¬
ticularly not in the sense of the chronological considerations
and ethnic classifications developed by
Lubor Niederle,
Jan Ei¬
sner,
Zdeněk Váňa,
Géza Fehér, Béla Szőke and
Jochen Giesler,
and, among the Croats,
Zdenko
Vinski and Željko Tomičić.
Not one of these schemes can be entirely applied to our sites.
Váňa
spoke of phases, wherein pagans predominated in the be¬
ginning, while the second phase was equally Christian and
pagan, and the third phase was dominated by Christians. Such
a model is not applicable to Lobor nor
Mačvanska Mitrovica,
where it is apparent that only Christians resided there and con¬
ducted burials next to the church. The aforementioned models
cannot be applied to the area in question here. Giesler
s
con¬
struction in particular is not applicable, for, with full regard for
the older
Pannonian
traditions, he saw an Early Magyar layer
at the beginning of the
Bijelo Brdo
culture. The Magyar con¬
quest of the country contributed to the appearance of a new
spectrum of finds and pagan burial rites in the Carpathian
Basin. To a certain degree, this also led to enrichment of the
fashions among the people already living there. The Early Ma¬
gyar horizon cannot be the first phase of development of the
so-called
Bijelo Brdo
culture. Newer research clearly shows that
there was continuity between the cemeteries of the eight and
ninth and later centuries. This best example thereof is the
Lobor site. The Magyar component was very important, but it
was not the beginning. In his own chronology of the
Bijelo
Brdo
culture,
Tomičić
called Giesler s Early Magyar phase a
transitional phase. However, he did not specify what this tran¬
sition stood between: between the Magyars and the onset of
the
Bijelo Brdo
culture, or between the Slavic culture of the
eighth and ninth centuries and the Magyars, which resulted in
the
Bijelo Brdo
culture. As a Croatian archaeologist, he ob¬
viously did not want to designate the phase preceding the
Bi¬
jelo Brdo
culture as Early Magyar, but nonetheless his
transitional horizon appears less like a transition and more like
a Magyarone horizon.
Josip Korošec
wrote about the transitio¬
nal horizon between the late Avar cemeteries and the
Bijelo
Brdo
culture. He believed that there was one transitional hori¬
zon, one transitional cultural group which he called the post-
Keszthely (post-Avar period), and this group would encompass
the grave finds from
Turnišče
next to Ptuj, or perhaps the finds
from
Brodski Drenovac,
where wire jewellery appeared in gra¬
ves.714
Mirko Šeper
attempted to tie the beginnings of the
Bijelo
Brdo
culture directly to the
Keszthely
culture, and he dated its
beginnings to the early ninth century.715 His theory was criti¬
cized by
Ercegović.716
However, he was on the right track, des¬
pite the time in which sound archaeological research was
lacking. I would prefer to refer to the cemeteries of the ninth
and subsequent centuries by a different name entirely. Howe¬
ver, there is every indication that any name used to denote this
period would be incomplete and forced, and would not reflect
the actual situation. Concealment behind a culture name is
pointless. This is why this study sets forth from the seventh
century. Thus far nobody has formulated a clear definition of
the Slavs at the time of their great expansion. Today it is more
or less certain that there was no unified designation for all of
the Slavs. The Slavs were not only those who cremated their
deceased, for skeletal burials among individual groups were re¬
corded in their original homeland. If the Slavs were not the
same from the beginning, but rather differed from one another
in many ways, how then can it be expected that these same
Slavs or Slavic peoples had the same qualities and same culture
714
Korošec - Korošec,
1953,181-235.;
Ercegović,
1958, 177.
Seper,
1955,52-53.
716
Ercegović,
1958, 176-177.
245
in their new homeland, where they intermingled with many
other ethnicities? How is it even possible to expect a uniform
Slavic culture in the Carpathian basin in the late tenth and ele¬
venth centuries after so much time? Did the Frankish, Greater
Moravian or even, say, Bulgarian influences have absolutely no
effect on the local peoples? There was also an Avar component,
since the Avars dominated these territories for several centu¬
ries, leaving their mark on them. Until the appearance of the
Frankish Empire and the strengthening of Christianity, the
Slavs cremated their dead. The best example of this is Lobor,
but also
Bagruša
near
Petoševci.
The appearance of cremation
of the dead in
Bagruša
at
Petoševci
has yet to be clearly and
reasonably explained.
Zdenko
Žeravica,
who led the excava¬
tions at this site, wrote that the incineration graves appeared
in rows with skeletons. There is no reason not to believe him,
even if this situation does not appear at other sites. What can
be said about the ninth century, both in the Frankish (Lobor)
and Bulgarian
(Mačvanska Mitrovica)
parts of
Pannonia
is that
Christianization had been successfully finalized. Up to the be¬
ginning of the tenth century, this process also encompassed
places which were far from missionary and political hubs in
both the Frankish and Bulgarian sections.717 Skeletal burials,
meaning burials according to Christian rites, became the stan¬
dard. Goods in graves disappeared entirely, and only simple
items were retained in rare cases, mainly women s and chil¬
dren s graves. What happened during the tenth century is that
the number of these items, components of everyday apparel,
began to appear in graves more often. Cast variants of the fa¬
voured earrings of the ninth century appeared, as well as enti¬
rely new items with fashions dictated by the market. Expensive
items are rare, which complies with Christian teachings. It may
be said, with Lobor once again the best example, that goods are
entirely exceptional in the graves of elites. A result of this items
from the richest graves in these cemeteries, the graves of the
elites and nobles, are absent, and since the poor most often
could not place any goods with their deceased, all that is left is
the golden mean , the average, meaning the middle classes from
individual settlements. And so this middle class is used to con¬
struct a chronological chart and to draw far-reaching conclu¬
sions on the appearance of settlements and their populations.
This is a rather difficult and thankless task, all the more so since
the items most often appear in women s graves. Can we, like
Tomičić
using the example of Josipovo, highlight individual
graves and proclaim that elites were buried in them?718 Skele¬
tons in individual graves at the cemetery in
Bijelo Brdo
were
found with several rings on them.719 Were these elites? Perhaps;
in any case, they brought more into their graves than others.
But this does not mean that they were the wealthiest in the vil¬
lage. In Lobor, the graves of serfs contained more items than in
the aforementioned tomb of Count
Keglević.
But can we draw
arbitrary conclusions by simply making a tally of such items?
As soon as we move toward the tenth century, we are entering
a time when archaeology provides progressively less evidence.
The finds in graves cannot be casually linked with the social
status of the deceased. Items in graves will appear in subse¬
quent centuries, and never entirely disappear. If this is the case,
then there are many problems which need to be resolved.
Above all, there is the problem of dating the onset of this pro¬
cess. This commencement should be linked
-
as I have already
underlined
-
with the successful implementation of Christia¬
nization in the ninth century. This was the beginning of a new
era. Christianization was completed in southern
Pannonia
by
the tenth century. Various ethnicities and the Slavs of differing
traditions were converted and all practiced a similar mode of
burials from the tenth century onward. The Christian manner
of burial had by that time become customary throughout Eu¬
rope. What can be observed in the graves of that time are the
items associated with the fashion of the ninth century, when
there was a strong Byzantine influence and items tied to the
appearance of new fashions brought by the Magyars. This pro¬
blem also persists when speaking of the oldest graves in the
Đakovo
cemetery, which in fact prompted its consideration.
The oldest graves need not be those which were dated using a
ring or earring. The percentage of graves containing finds is
very small in comparison to graves without them. Theoreti¬
cally, the lower boundary of the cemetery may be moved to the
tenth century or lower to the turn of the ninth into the tenth
century, or even lower, i.e., to the time when a Christian ce¬
metery could have hypothetically been established at this site or
when a Christian phase began at a pagan cemetery with graves
arranged in rows. It cannot be stated with any certainty that
this is the beginning, because the items found do not back this
assertion. What does assure us of this view is that this was the
time when Christianization was concluding, quite coinciden-
tally corresponding to a period when a new pagan ethnic group
appeared in the Carpathian Basin. Theoretically, until the com¬
mencement of the tenth century, the incineration burial met¬
hod at this site can and must be expected, or skeletal burials if
it was a population with different customs. Do the ceramic ves¬
sel finds in the so-called medieval humus layer not in fact sup¬
port this claim? The appearance of the so-called
Bijelo Brdo
culture must not be linked to the cessation of pagan burial rites
717
Popović,
1979, 33-40;
Fiedler,
1992,39-43.
718
Tomičić,
1997;
Tomičić,
2003, 549- 560.
719
Brunšmid,
1903/4, 30-97;
Ercegović,
1958,165-184.
246
among the Magyars and dated to the mid-tenth century as
Váňa
did. The beginnings of the
Bijelo Brdo
culture corre¬
sponded to the finalization of Christianization in the Carpat¬
hian Basin. A feature of almost all graves of the
Bijelo Brdo
cultural sphere south of the
Drava
River is that these are the
graves of a Christianized population. This applies equally to
the Frankish, later Croatian part, and the Bulgarian, later Ma¬
gyar, part. Christianization succeeded throughout southern
Pannonia
and a return to the pagan custom of placing items in
graves did not appear. Similar processes occurred at individual
sites that were under Magyar rule. There are some similarities
in burial methods and the wearing of certain types of articles
which appeared in much of Europe from the Baltic to the Black
Sea. Was the
Bijelo Brdo
culture firmly tied to the Magyar in¬
vasion and can one speak of some Early Magyar layer or tran¬
sitional layer preceding it)720 Perhaps this is the case, although
I am doubtful. This may have been possible only in that area
conquered by the Magyars, but in the Croatian part of
Pannó¬
nia
there is no such defined transitional period. In northern
Croatia this was a natural process which began in the first half
of the ninth century, but these processes were a direct conti¬
nuation of a earlier processes originating during the period of
Avar domination. Cemeteries were moved next to churches pa¬
rallel to the appearance of Christian cemeteries with graves in
rows. New items appeared with time, and among them items of
Early Magyar origin which had until then been unknown in
this territory. There were no ninth-century Carolingian coins in
southern
Pannonia,
but Hungarian coins of Stephen I did ap¬
pear. They are nonetheless quite rare, so it is sometimes diffi¬
cult to absolutely chronologically date graves and the items in
them. However, the cemetery in Lobor, where the remains of
two churches were found, the cemetery at the Ptuj Castle and
the cemetery in
Zalavár
clearly show that by the mid-tenth cen¬
tury burial methods and typical items appeared in graves
which would have their visible continuation in the typical ma¬
terials of cemeteries dated after the mid-tenth century. New
items began to appear in graves as of the mid-tenth century,
among them cast earrings which had already appeared earlier
in a number of variants. The Magyar invasion of the Carpat¬
hian Basin slowed some already advanced processes that had
commenced in the ninth century, mainly the construction of
churches and the movement of cemeteries around churches.
They were slowed, but not halted, as the research in Lobor in¬
dicated. The process of church construction and the movement
of cemeteries next to them concluded in most of
Pannonia
by
the mid-twelfth century. This was, for example, the case with
the cemeteries in Vinkovci-Meraja,
Borinci-Crkvište
and
Đa-
kovo-Parish Church.721 The typical items of the so-called
Bijelo
Brdo
cultural sphere disappeared from graves by the mid-thir¬
teenth century at the latest. New items already appeared du¬
ring the eleventh and twelfth centuries, while as of the latter
half of the twelfth century finds in graves became increasingly
rare.722 Almost all researched cemeteries of this sphere in
south-western
Pannonia
show that Christian populations were
buried in them. The pagan elements throughout this territory
are very rare, and there was almost no placement of goods in
graves. Only two cemeteries exhibit certain pagan elements:
Bijelo Brdo
and Vukovar-Lijeva
Bara. A
vessel found at the
Bi¬
jelo Brdo
site need not immediately indicate a pagan burial. A
deposited item, even a vessel, cannot be a certain sign of paga¬
nism. According to
Zdenko
Vinski,
444
graves were researc¬
hed at the cemetery with graves in rows in Vukovar-Lijeva
Bara.
Over half of them, more accurately
243
graves, contai¬
ned no goods.723 The remains of quivers, reflex bows and ar¬
rowheads were discovered in several graves. These finds should
undoubtedly be linked to nomadic people.724 Even though this
was an area controlled by the
Bulgars
since the 930s, these are
obviously buried Magyars, who established their rule at this
site after they seized Syrmian
Pannonia
from the
Bulgars.
It is
difficult to imagine that there would still have been pagan Slavs
or
Bulgars
(in the narrower sense of the word) still living there
in the mid-tenth century, so close to the Bulgarian episcopates
in Sirmium, Singidunum and elsewhere.725 Here one may agree
with
Zdenko
Vinskis assertion that the graves in the eastern
part of the interfluve differ from those in the western part.726
This is truly a matter of centuries-long development, for when
we speak of the ninth and tenth centuries, the Avar heritage is
still apparent. Is it any coincidence that Avar-era items, as anti¬
quities to be sure, appear at the cemetery in Vukovar-Lijeva
Bara?
If one observes the Carpathian Basin of the tenth century,
diverse traditions may be discerned. In the broader sense, some
are Avar, while others are Slav descendents. All Slavs were not
the same at the onset of the great Slavic migration, and neither
could they be the same at the beginning of the tenth century.
720
Giesler,
1981;
Tomičić, 1992a,
113-130.
721
Dimitrijević,
1979;
Filipec,
1996,189-197;
Filipec, 2010b,
255-284.
722
Filipec,
2003, 561-568.
723
Vinski,
1955,238-239.
724
Vinski,
1955, 231-255;
Vinski,
1970, 74;
Demo,
1996;
Demo,
2005, 77-
89;
Demo,
2009
and Demo, 2009a.
725
On the dating of the churches with one and three apses, see:
Ercegović-
Pavlović,
1980, 64
and also
Minie
1980,
VI-IX, in particular, the Syrmian
episcopate was active during the time of the Bulgarian ruler Samuilo
(976-
1014);
Fiedler,
1992, 39-43.
726
Vinski,
1970, 72-73.
247
What must be acknowledged, and certainly underscored, is the
very great influence of Magyar items on the local population.
The latter accepted individual items and these became favou¬
red among them. But jewellery has no ethnic denominator. Alt¬
hough Christianization in
Mačvanska Mitrovica, Mačva
and
Srijem
was complete by the beginning of the tenth century, no¬
body may claim that some new peoples could not have appea¬
red in
Mačvanska
Mitrovica, from the territory of Usora and
Bosnia for example, who perhaps spoke the same language and
may have resided under the same jurisdiction. People travel,
marry, trade and intermingle normally, and entirely different
traditions appear in a given territory. I therefore assert that
there was no
Bijelo Brdo
culture. Its beginning was not in the
mid-tenth century. I know of no foundation for this
-
the
Tokay hoard or some other falsified find, or because at the time
burials of Magyars began in large cemeteries with graves in
rows north of the
Drava
River? It did not begin in the mid-
tenth century, nor end by the 1240s, i.e., at roughly the time of
the Mongol invasions of
1241/2.
Individual items which belonged to the
Bijelo Brdo
cul¬
ture persisted until the 1240s. As of the end of the twelfth cen¬
tury, clothing fashions in
Pannonia
changed slightly, as the
customary attire and jewellery were replaced by new variations.
By the end of the thirteenth century, the universal late medie¬
val culture spread throughout this region, and it brought no¬
velties that had already become commonplace in Western and
Central Europe. Finds in graves became quite rare in line with
the customs of the time. The rich burials which appeared in
this period should not be seen as the better property status of
the deceased: sometimes it was precisely the well-to-do who
expressed the desire for simple and modest burials as a sign of
penance. Interesting is a burial in Crkvari
-
the Church of St.
Lawrence, where several ribbons of fabric with golden threads
were found in grave
43.
™ Exceptions to the rule will always
exist. However, a problem in the analysis of medieval graves is
that after the appearance of Christianity among the local po¬
pulation, the social status of the deceased can no longer be
ascertained with any greater certitude. As noted, an apparently
modest burial does not mean that an individual of lower social
standing was laid in the grave. I would say precisely the oppo¬
site is true. From the mid-twelfth century onward, cemeteries
with graves in rows were largely replaced by church graveyards.
The placement of cemeteries around churches had begun in
western
Pannonia
already during the Carolingian era, as shown
by the example of the graveyard around the Church of Our
Lady of the Mountains in
Lobon István
Bòna
illustrated the ap¬
pearance of church graveyards in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries with, among others, the example of the graveyard
around the church in
Dunaújváros.728
The principal features of
this time at the cemetery in
Dunaújváros,
and in other con¬
temporary church graveyards throughout Hungary, is the small
number of finds in graves in comparison with the earlier ce¬
meteries with graves arranged in rows.729 Among other things,
the most common goods in graves, besides religious articles,
were necklaces, pins, large, medium-size and small S-rings
made of wire, ordinary rings, round buckle frames, and
twelfth- and thirteenth-century coins. Hoards from Etyek,
Nyáregyháza, Akasztó, Karcag, Esztergom-Kőláb,
dated with
coins concealed before the Mongol raids, testify to the use of S-
rings.730 What distinguishes the cemetery in
Đakovo
from
other coterminous cemeteries north of the
Drava
River is the
appearance of a large number of jewellery items made using fi¬
ligree and granulation techniques or in cast variations. Here it
is above all worthwhile noting the triple-bead earrings, furro¬
wing earrings and temple ornaments with one or three loops
and knots. In the
Pannonian
Basin such jewellery is entirely
rare, but it can be found at Slavonian and
Srijem
sites south of
the
Sava
and Danube Rivers in the territory of today s Bosnia
and Serbia, and elsewhere over a broad territory inhabited by
Slavs, from Russia, through Poland and Moravia, to coastal
Croatia. It may perhaps be possible to speak of
Bošnjaci, Mač¬
vanska
Mitrovica and Jakovo type cemeteries, cemeteries
which illustrate how the local population was buried around
the
Sava
and Danube Rivers and where items appear in the gra¬
ves. Twelfth- and thirteenth-century fashions appear at these
cemeteries, fashions which replaced the fashion we tended to
call the
Bijelo Brdo
culture.
The post-Carolingian time in which a new fashion ap¬
peared needs a new name.
Bijelo Brdo
culture is not a suitable
name, for it does not uniformly describe the burial rites and
finds in cemeteries in the territory over which it supposedly ex¬
tends. The
Arpad
era is an unsuitable term for the area south of
the
Drava
River. Thus a new designation should be devised that
will have a neutral meaning and which will describe this fas¬
hion which appeared at the end of the ninth century and persi¬
sted through the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, with its
focal point running from the tenth to the mid-twelfth centu¬
ries. Thereafter new items appeared in compliance with new fas¬
hion trends, so that the cemeteries remained more-or-less
representative until the beginning of the fourteenth century.
727
Tkalčec-Kušan-Krznar,
2008,124.
728
Bòna,
1978, 99-157;
Filipec,
2003, 561-568.
729
Bòna,
1978,140.
730
Bòna,
1978, 135-138.
248
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Filipec, Krešimir 1969- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)133606686 |
| author_facet | Filipec, Krešimir 1969- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Filipec, Krešimir 1969- |
| author_variant | k f kf |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040921205 |
| classification_rvk | NF 1685 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)844043261 (DE-599)BVBBV040921205 |
| discipline | Geschichte |
| era | Geschichte 800-1500 gnd Geschichte 1995-1997 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 800-1500 Geschichte 1995-1997 |
| format | Book |
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| owner | DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-188 DE-M157 DE-12 DE-M100 |
| owner_facet | DE-19 DE-BY-UBM DE-188 DE-M157 DE-12 DE-M100 |
| physical | 358 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Centar za Ranosrednjovjekovna Istraživanja |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju |
| series2 | Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju : monografije |
| spelling | Filipec, Krešimir 1969- Verfasser (DE-588)133606686 aut Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva Krešimir Filipec Zagreb [u.a.] Centar za Ranosrednjovjekovna Istraživanja 2012 358 S. Ill., graph. Darst., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju : monografije 1 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 800-1500 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1995-1997 gnd rswk-swf Siedlungsarchäologie (DE-588)4181216-5 gnd rswk-swf Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd rswk-swf Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 gnd rswk-swf Đakovo (DE-588)4357933-4 gnd rswk-swf Đakovo (DE-588)4357933-4 g Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 s Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 s Geschichte 800-1500 z DE-604 Siedlungsarchäologie (DE-588)4181216-5 s Geschichte 1995-1997 z Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju monografije ; 1 (DE-604)BV040921204 1 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025900356&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025900356&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis |
| spellingShingle | Filipec, Krešimir 1969- Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva Istraživanja Katedre za Opću Srednjovjekovnu i Nacionalnu Arheologiju Siedlungsarchäologie (DE-588)4181216-5 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4181216-5 (DE-588)4071507-3 (DE-588)4071980-7 (DE-588)4357933-4 |
| title | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva |
| title_auth | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva |
| title_exact_search | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva |
| title_full | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva Krešimir Filipec |
| title_fullStr | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva Krešimir Filipec |
| title_full_unstemmed | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva Krešimir Filipec |
| title_short | Srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje Đakovo - Župna crkva |
| title_sort | srednjovjekovno groblje i naselje dakovo zupna crkva |
| topic | Siedlungsarchäologie (DE-588)4181216-5 gnd Funde (DE-588)4071507-3 gnd Gräberfeld (DE-588)4071980-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Siedlungsarchäologie Funde Gräberfeld Đakovo |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025900356&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025900356&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV040921204 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT filipeckresimir srednjovjekovnogrobljeinaseljeđakovozupnacrkva |