Sacro egoismo: Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
---|---|
Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Slovenian |
Veröffentlicht: |
Ljubljana
Cankarjeva Založba
2012
|
Ausgabe: | 1. izd., 1. natis |
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
Beschreibung: | 512 S. Ill. |
ISBN: | 9789612318710 |
Internformat
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Datensatz im Suchindex
_version_ | 1820165701232492544 |
---|---|
adam_text |
KAZALO
9
UVOD
13
PROLOG
29
EVROPSKA POLITIKA NA
PRELOMU
19.
STOLETJA
33 POSLEDICE BERLINSKEGA
KONGRESA
39
NEMŠKO-AVSTRO-OGRSKA NAVEZA
43
TROJNA ZVEZA (ALIANSA)
51
TROJNI SPORAZUM
-
ANTANTA
55
STOPNJEVANJE NAPETOSTI PRED VELIKO VOJNO
59
ITALIJA MED TROJNO ZVEZO
IN
TROJNIM
SPORAZUMOM
69
VELIKE SILE
IN
VZHODNO VPRAŠANJE
77
DELITEV ALBANIJE PO BALKANSKIH VOJNAH
83
SVET
V
VOJNI
93
ITALIJA RAZGLASI NEVTRALNOST
101
NARAŠČANJE VPLIVA ITALIJANSKEGA
IREDENTISTIČNEGA GIBANJA
109
SLOVENCI
OB
ZAČETKU VOJNE
117
TRST
-
MEJNIK SLOVENSTVA
119
Poselitev Trsta
129
Prva uradna štetja prebivalstva Trsta
122
Politični položaj Trsta
123
Svoboden
Trst
in
neodvisna Slovenija
225
Trst
-
slovenska pljuča
127
Hrvaška politika novega
kurza
in
vprašanje Trsta
129
Delovanje političnih strank
v
Trstu
131
Misija
Carla
Gallija v
Trstu
133
Tržaški politiki iščejo mednarodne zaveznike
137
SLOVENCI
IN
PROGRAM JUGOSLOVANSKEGA
ZDRUŽEVANJA
245
ITALIJA SE POGAJA NA
ОВЕН
STRANEH
-
UVODNI
POGOVORI
255
REAKCIJE SRBIJE
IN
POLITIČNE EMIGRACIJE
NA UVODNA POGAJANJ A ITALIJE
Z OBĚMA
TABOROMA
261
RUSKI POGLED NA SRBIJO, JUGOSLOVANSKO
VPRAŠANJE, PANSLAVIZEM
IN
SLOVENCE
171
ITALIJA SE
ZAČNE
POGAJATI
Z OBĚMA
STRANEMA
287
ZAVEZNIKI SPREJMEJO ITALIJANSKE POGOJE
295
RUSKI CILJ
-
ISTANBUL
203
JUGOSLOVANSKA POLITIČNA EMIGRACIJA
IN
SRBIJA BREZ VPLIVA NA POGAJANJA
223
VLOGA
GREYA, ASQUITHA,
SAZONOVA
IN SONNINA
PRI SKLENITVI PAKTA
223
Edward Grey
-
Viscount Grey of
Fallodon
(1862-1933)
218
Herbert Henry Asquith
(1852-1928)
230
Sergej
Dimitrijevič Sazonov
(1860-1927)
239
Baron
Giorgio
Sidney Sonnino
(1847-1922)
243
PODPIS
LONDONSKEGA PAKTA
255
VATIKAN
IN
TAJNI PAKT
259
SRBIJA ZAVRAČA PAKT
265
JUGOSLOVANSKI ODBOR PROTI LONDONSKEMU PAKTU
279
REAKCIJE NA LONDONSKI PAKT MED SLOVENCI
IN
СЕНІ
293
ITALIJA SE PRIDRUŽI ANTANTI
IN
IZSTOPI
IZ TABORA CENTRALNIH
SIL
299
ITALIJA NAPADE AVSTRO-OGRSKO
311
VELIKA ITALIJA
-
VELIKA MADŽARSKA
319
DELITEV ALBANIJE MED VOJNO
327
RIMSKI
PAKT IN
SLOVENCI
339
ITALIJANSKA OKUPACIJA BIVŠIH AVSTRO-OGRSKIH
OZEMELJ
351
ITALIJANSKA OKUPACIJA TRSTA
361
ZDA
IN
PROBLEMATIKA TAJNIH SPORAZUMOV
369
LONDONSKI
PAKT IN
MIROVNA KONFERENCA
V
VERSAILLESU
389
EPILOG
409
OPOMBE
479
Priloga:
THE PACT OF
LONDON
487
SUMMARY
493
VIRI IN
LITERATURA
507
IMENSKO KAZALO
О;
Ι η
his way to the Paris Peace Con¬
ference, which officially took
place between January
1919
and January
1920
in intervals, American
President Woodrow Wilson urged his advisors to give him clear prin¬
ciples that he would fight for at the conference. Following his arrival
in Europe and at the beginning of the conference, he boldly defended
his principles but quickly succumbed to the strong resistance of the
so-called "old diplomacy", which was based on the forging of nume¬
rous secret agreements to the detriment of other countries.
One of these secret agreements was the London Pact, signed on
26
April
1915
in London between the Triple Entente (Great Britain,
France, Tsarist Russia) and Italy. In order to enter the war on the side
of the Entente (at the time, the Entente armies were in a rather bad
state), the Entente "sold" extensive territory of the
Habsburg
Monar¬
chy to Italy in secret. This territory was primarily inhabited by Slo¬
venes and Croats. An important piece of territory in Albania was also
assigned to Italy, which now had full control over entry to the Adriatic
Sea. The Entente Powers transferred the following territories to Italy:
the Slovene Littoral
(Primorska),
Trieste with
Istria,
a larger portion of
Dalmaţia,
parts of the Albanian coast with the port Vlora
(alb.Vlorë)
and the island of Sazan. The Entente handed over territory that was
487
SACRO
EGOISMO
not in their control but was part of the territory of Austria-Hungary,
which was a member of the rival block of Central Powers.
Despite emphasis on blood relations with the southern Slavs, Rus¬
sian Tsarist diplomats did not engage in defending the fate of the most
western of the Slav nations, the Slovenes, neither did they do so for
the Croats; orthodox Russians were not interested in Catholics, they
even thought it a danger that orthodox Serbs might wish to unite_with
them in one state. The Tsarist Minister of Foreign Affairs Sazonov only
prioritized that Serbia should receive access to the open sea.
Imperial Vienna had difficulty in agreeing to give up this important
piece of its territory (so that Italy would stay on their side although
it was formally a member of the Triple Alliance) .Trieste and
Dalma¬
ţia
were considered to be the pearls of the Imperial crown. Without
these, the
Habsburg
Monarchy would lose the status of a superpo¬
wer. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy gradually but slowly gave in to the
intense pressure from Berlin, which was, for strategic reasons, striv¬
ing to keep Italy in its influence by forgoing certain territories of the
monarchy. When the ageing Kaiser Franz Josef gave to the loss of a
large part of his most valuable territory, it was already too late. On
26
April, Italy signed a secret agreement with the Entente Powers; a
month later, it was at war with its former ally. As late as
1
May, the
most influential Hungarian politician, Count
Tisza,
who was against
the attack on Serbia, sent the Kaiser a final memorandum, in which
he attempted to prevent Austria-Hungary from granting Italy exces¬
sive concessions. He suggested that the Entente Powers be offered
peace; this would present a great success for them, while the Central
Powers would be saved from a complete catastrophe.
Tisza
was one
of the rare politicians who possessed the foresight that the war would
eventually lead to the demise of the monarchy.
The agreement, one of five forged by members of the Entente
during the war, was a sheer product of secret diplomacy. Secrecy
was not only aimed at the "enemy" but also at ally Serbia, which
was not officially informed of the forging of the agreement. Due to
Italian perseverance, the allies did not divulge the contents of the
agreement to Serbian diplomats and members of the Yugoslav Com¬
mittee. The agreement only saw the light of day when following the
October Revolution in late
1917,
the Bolsheviks published all secret
488
SUMMARY
agreements signed by Tsarist Russia. The first to uncover the truth
regarding the agreement was a member of the Yugoslav Committee,
Frano
Supilo,
who through his intelligent methods and provocative
manner, managed to wield a confession regarding the conclusion of
the secret agreement from the Russian Foreign Minister Sazanov dur¬
ing a trip to Russia in
1915.
Serbian officials also quickly uncovered
certain details. Their joint conclusions were that the secret agreement
prevented the union of the southern Slavs into one state, as the Entente
"presented" Italy with all of the western Slovene territory, including
Trieste and
Istria
and a larger portion of the Dalmatian coast (except
for
Rijeka
and the section of territory south of
Dubrovnik,
which was
acknowledged as Serbian). The struggle to annul the secret London
Pact thus became their main goal.
The main personality of the drama that was to unfold surrounding
the pact at the Paris Peace Conference was American President Wilson,
who was (naively) convinced that the United States
-
a country that
had dealt a fatal blow to the Central Powers (without American mili¬
tary intervention at the Western front, the Entente would most likely
have lost the war)
-
would have enough power at the Peace Confer¬
ence to easily sweep away secret agreements comprised of "petty"
deals. President Wilson was however mistaken. Italian politicians,
led by the extreme nationalist Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino, de¬
manded the unconditional enforcement of the pact. Citing reasons for
such enforcement, Italians referred to defense and historical reasons, as
well as the right to self-determination of the Italian population living
in Austria-Hungary. Following the dissolution of the
Habsburg
Mo¬
narchy, against whom the pact was aimed, there were no longer any
substantial reasons for Italy, either for strategic or defense purposes,
to persist in the enforcement of the pact. On the contrary, the majority
of the leading politicians, together with the ever stronger irredentist
movement, believed that the process of Italian unification would only
be complete when Italia irredenta got back all its "lost" territory from
Austria-Hungary, meaning any territory Italians inhabited. The slo¬
gan of the movement thus became
"Trentino
-
Trieste". Supported by
leading politicians, the irredentist movement demanded, as in the case
of
Rijeka,
the right of self-determination for Italians also. The fate of
other nations living in these territories was not of particular interest
489
SACRO
EGOISMO
to them; for example, in the region of Friuli
Venezia-Giulia
(Julijska
krajina)
Slovenes were the majority inhabitants, excepting Trieste.
At the outset of the war, there were two main streams of thought
in Italian politics. One was the nationalist stream, led by Prime Mi¬
nister Antonio Salandra and Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino, who
supported the use of all means, including entry into war, in order to
fulfill their national interests. The second stream was more moderate
and led by former Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti, who wished for
Italy to achieve the same national goals by using only peaceful dip¬
lomatic means and without Italy's entry into war. Because it was not
clear which side (the Entente or Central Powers) would be the victor
of the war and consequently which side would be more sympathetic
to Italian demands, Italy entered into negotiation with both sides.
Prime Minister Antonio Salandra spoke historic words in parliament
on
18
October
1914
when he stated that the government would not be
privy to any emotions, just a steadfast commitment to this country
-
holy egoism
(sacro egoismo). In
other words, Italy was determined
to use all means at its disposal in order to fulfill its national goals.
Salandra proved to be the perfect Machiavellian scholar; the goal of
Italian politics was not only to unite all Italians in one state, but also
the complete domination of territories they inhabited, even if only in
a minority.
It became clear that Italian diplomacy would use all of the same
tactics at the Paris Peace Conference when the Italian army began to
occupy all the territory it had gained in the secret London Pact (even
occupying additional territory) after the fall of Austria-Hungary in
November
1918.
In their reports to Washington, American officers
stated that the Italian army was acting as an invader namely that it
was breaking the armistice agreement. Documents from the period
confirm that this was known and approved by certain American high
officials. For example, the president's confidante, Colonel House, who
was emotionally attached to Italy, openly allowed Italian occupation
to occur. From then on, American diplomacy was divided in regard to
the Adriatic question, comprised of a smaller pro-Yugoslav faction and
a more influential and larger pro-Italian and anti-Yugoslav faction.
Wilson, who took on the appearance of a new prophet in Paris, pro¬
mising to resolve all problems and bring culprits to justice, defended
490
SUMMARY
his principles and the peace programme at the beginning of the confer¬
ence. Yet he soon hit a brick wall due to Italian perseverance and the
viewpoints of the other two great powers, Great Britain and France,
who thought that the Italian demands were a bit excessive, but that
the agreement essentially had to be honored. Because his central aim
was the establishment of an international organization (the League
of Nations) to take care of collective safety, Wilson began to be more
lenient in other fields, including the demands of Italian diplomacy.
Italian nationalists namely received even more than was allotted to
them in the London Pact.
Slovenes left the conference utterly defeated. At the beginning of
his conversation with Wilson in June
1919
in Paris, Slovene Prime Mi¬
nister Dr. Brejc stated the following in Latin:
Ave
Wilson,
Sloveni mori¬
turi
te salutant
(Greetings, Wilson, the dying Slovenes greet you). The
extreme defeatism of Slovene politics of the time was caused firstly
by blind trust in Wilson's sense of fairness and secondly through the
conclusion that Slovenes would also lose Carinthia besides the Litto¬
ral,
Istria,
part of Notranjska and
Posočje
etc. The London Pact, which
was executed to the letter after the war, as well as the semi-dictatorial
Treaty of Rapallo that succeeded in
1920,
thus carved great grooves
in Slovene history as Slovenes were to lose one third of their national
territory and almost half a million inhabitants.
Translated by Tina
LipuŠČek
491 |
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Lipušček, Uroš |
author_facet | Lipušček, Uroš |
author_role | aut |
author_sort | Lipušček, Uroš |
author_variant | u l ul |
building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV040883139 |
classification_rvk | NP 4805 NP 5220 |
ctrlnum | (OCoLC)835558974 (DE-599)GBV689037120 |
discipline | Geschichte |
edition | 1. izd., 1. natis |
era | Geschichte 1915 gnd |
era_facet | Geschichte 1915 |
format | Book |
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genre | (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content |
genre_facet | Quelle |
geographic | Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 gnd Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd |
geographic_facet | Slowenien Italien |
id | DE-604.BV040883139 |
illustrated | Illustrated |
indexdate | 2025-01-02T19:14:40Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9789612318710 |
language | Slovenian |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025862843 |
oclc_num | 835558974 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 DE-355 DE-BY-UBR |
owner_facet | DE-12 DE-355 DE-BY-UBR |
physical | 512 S. Ill. |
psigel | BSBWK1 |
publishDate | 2012 |
publishDateSearch | 2012 |
publishDateSort | 2012 |
publisher | Cankarjeva Založba |
record_format | marc |
spelling | Lipušček, Uroš Verfasser aut Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 Uroš Lipušček 1. izd., 1. natis Ljubljana Cankarjeva Založba 2012 512 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Agreement between France, Russia, Britain and Italy 1915 April 26 (DE-588)1025456440 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1915 gnd rswk-swf Kriegseintritt (DE-588)4165684-2 gnd rswk-swf Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd rswk-swf Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 gnd rswk-swf Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4135952-5 Quelle gnd-content Slowenien (DE-588)4055302-4 g Agreement between France, Russia, Britain and Italy 1915 April 26 (DE-588)1025456440 u DE-604 Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 s Kriegseintritt (DE-588)4165684-2 s Italien (DE-588)4027833-5 g Geschichte 1915 z Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025862843&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025862843&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Lipušček, Uroš Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 Agreement between France, Russia, Britain and Italy 1915 April 26 (DE-588)1025456440 gnd Kriegseintritt (DE-588)4165684-2 gnd Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)1025456440 (DE-588)4165684-2 (DE-588)4079163-4 (DE-588)4055302-4 (DE-588)4027833-5 (DE-588)4135952-5 |
title | Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 |
title_auth | Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 |
title_exact_search | Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 |
title_full | Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 Uroš Lipušček |
title_fullStr | Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 Uroš Lipušček |
title_full_unstemmed | Sacro egoismo Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 Uroš Lipušček |
title_short | Sacro egoismo |
title_sort | sacro egoismo slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 |
title_sub | Slovenci v krempljih tajnega londonskega pakta 1915 |
topic | Agreement between France, Russia, Britain and Italy 1915 April 26 (DE-588)1025456440 gnd Kriegseintritt (DE-588)4165684-2 gnd Erster Weltkrieg (DE-588)4079163-4 gnd |
topic_facet | Agreement between France, Russia, Britain and Italy 1915 April 26 Kriegseintritt Erster Weltkrieg Slowenien Italien Quelle |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025862843&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025862843&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
work_keys_str_mv | AT lipuscekuros sacroegoismoslovencivkrempljihtajnegalondonskegapakta1915 |