Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után:
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Hungarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Budapest
L'Harmattan
2011
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Klappentext Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | 484 S. Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9789632364872 |
Internformat
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| 546 | |a Zfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Transylvanian foreign policy after the peace of Westphalia | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804149651899678720 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | 1648
mind az egyetemes, mind az erdélyi történelem számára
emlékezetes évszám. A vesztfáliai béke megkötése, illetve
I.
Rákóczi György halála egyaránt egy folyamat végpontjának
látszik: olyan eseménynek, amely után a politika újragondo¬
lására, új elemek bevonására, vagy a korábbi szempontok rang¬
sorának megváltoztatására van szükség. A könyv célja, hogy
bemutassa, milyen módon alakult át a külpolitika
II.
Rákóczi
György uralkodása alatt, annak kezdeményező,
1657
őszéig tartó
szakaszában. A külpolitika változásainak vizsgálata a tényleges
politikai cselekvésen és a kitűzött stratégiai célokon kívül annak
elemzését is felöleli, miképpen alakult át a külpolitikáról foly¬
tatott beszéd, az egyes lépések legitimációjának stratégiája, ezen
belül is kiemelt szerepet szánva a felekezeti elem funkció¬
változásainak.
TARTALOM
Előszó
.......................................................7
Bevezetés
....................................................
с»
1.1. A felekezeti elem
I.
Rákóczi György 1644-45-ös hadjáratában
.....
gg
1.1.1.
1644-45
es a szent háborúk:
Lehetséges-e felekezeti háború felekezeti állam nélkül?
..........36
1.1.2.
Felekezeti sérelmek mint rendi sérelmek
.....................42
L1.3. Nem felekezeti jellegű érvek
..............................48
1.1.4.
Authoritas-kérdések: Ki képviseli a hazát?
...................52
L1.5.
Publicum
és privatum
...................................
Go
I.i.
6.
Konklúzió: Felekezeti politika?
............................
GG
1.2.
Erdély helye a korabeli Európa politikájában
....................73
1.2.1. A gyulafehérvári és munkácsi szerződések létrejötte
és ratifikációja
.........................................
yg
1.2.2. A linzi különbéke fogadtatása a szövetségesek körében
..........88
1.2.3. Erdély és a vesztfáliai béke
...............................103
11.
1.
Lengyel királyválasztás 1648-ban
.............................
iig
11.1.1. Rákóczi lengyelországi támogatói
.........................
izo
11.
1.2.
Kísérletek külföldi hatalmak támogatásának megszerzésére
.....
izy
11.
1.3.
I.
Rákóczi György kísérletei további támogatás szerzésére
......
igg
11.
2.
Két nagy birodalom között:
II.
Rákóczi György
erdélyi uralmának megerősítése
..............................ißg
11.
2.1.
II.
Rákóczi György és az Oszmán Birodalom:
Az adó kérdése
........................................140
11.
2.2.
II.
Rákóczi György és a Habsburg Birodalom:
A jezsuiták körüli konfliktus
.............................148
11.
3.
Az erdélyi külpolitika lengyel iránya, 1649-1652
................
igg
11.3.1.
A lengyel-kozák konfliktus fejleményei 1649-1652
............
1G0
11.
3.2.
A Rákócziak kísérletei a lengyel-kozák
konfliktusba való beavatkozásra
..........................164
11.
3.3.
A legitimáció problémája: a segítségnyújtás mint háborús ok
....
1J4
11.
4.
A nemzetközi protestáns kapcsolatok fenntartása:
Rákóczi Zsigmond és Pfalzi Henrietta házassága
...............
іуд
11.
4.1.
A menyasszony kiválasztása
..............................180
11.
4.2.
A házassági szerződés
.................................. 185
11.
4.3.
Esküvő és temetés
.....................................193
б
Tartalom
ІІ.5.
A Rákócziak és a magyar rendi politika
1648-1653..............201
II.j.i. A felekezeti kérdés háttérbe szorulása, 1646-1649
.............
zoi
11.5.1.
Pálffy Pál és a Rákócziak
kapcsolattartásának dinamikája, 1650-1651
..................205
11.5.3.
Pálffy Pál szövetsége a Rákócziakkal, 1651-1652
..............
21G
III.
1.
Erdély a változó kelet-európai államszerkezetben 1653-1655:
A román vajdaságok és a lengyel szövetség kérdése
..............227
111.1.1. Erdély és a két román vajdaság viszonya
1653
előtt
............227
111.1.2. Erdély és az 1653-as moldvai válság
........................
23y
ІІІ.і.З.
Változások a lengyel-erdélyi-kozák viszonyban
1653-54........244
111.1.4.
A havasalföldi konfliktus 1655-ben
.........................254
111.1.5.
A preventív háború elképzelése
II.
Rákóczi György háborúiban
...........................
26b
Ш.2.
II.
Rákóczi György és a magyarországi
rendi politika,
1653-1656.....................................265
111.2.1.
A fejedelem és a király közötti új közvetítő:
Szelepcsényi György
...................................270
111.2.2.
Erdély fejedelme és a magyar országgyűlés 1655-ben
...........
2/G
111.2.3.
И·
Rákóczi György és a Magyar Királyság
a lengyel hadjárat előtti időszakban
........................285
111.3. Svédország és Erdély útja a radnóti szerződéshez
................2,97
Ш.з.і.
X.
Károly Gusztáv háborúja a
Rzeczpospolita
ellen
...........299
111.
3.2.
Kísérletek a kapcsolatfelvételre
Erdély és Svédország között 1655-1656
......................310
111.
3.3.
A radnóti szerződés megkötéséhez vezető tárgyalások
.........¡26
111.
4.
A felekezeti elem
I.
Rákóczi György külpolitikájában
...........
111.4.1.
Comenius szerepe
II.
Rákóczi György külpolitikájában
........
111.
4.2.
A lengyelországi hadjárat indokai és céljai a történetírásban
.....565
111.
4.3.
A lengyelországi hadjárat legitimációja
.....................372
111.
4.4.
II.
Rákóczi György lengyelországi hadjáratának indokai
.......378
Összegzés avagy elüldözi-e
a ratio
status a többi ratiókat?
........383
Bibliografía
................................................
ggi
Névmutató
.................................................46/
English
summary
.............................. .............4//
TRANSYLVANIAN FOREIGN POLICY AFTER THE
PEACE OF WESTPHALIA
English summary
1648
is a well known year for both European and Hungarian history. The peace
of Westphalia, as well as the death of
György Rákóczi
I, Prince of Transylvania
seem to be closing a period: events after which it became necessary to rethink
politics, include new elements and preferences, or change the ranking of the pre¬
viously existing ones. The peaces of
Münster
and
Osnabrück
are traditionally
defined as the last steps of closing the age of religious wars. The fundamental as¬
sumption of the book is that the Prince who took the power in
1648
had to form
new directives for foreign policy not only because his plans differed from that of
his father, but also because the international milieu had drastically changed with
the end of the Thirty Years War, and Transylvanian foreign policy had to accom¬
modate itself to the new circumstances.
The goal of the book is to show how foreign policy was transformed under the
rule of
György Rákóczi
II, in its initiative phase, until the autumn of
1657.
Apart
from the positive political actions and envisaged aims, it also includes the analysis
of the changes in the discourse around foreign policy, the strategies of its legiti-
misation. Thus, the book aims to be a contribution not only to the history of
politics in its narrow sense
-
meaning the history of events
-
but also to the his¬
tory of ideas, or even mentalities of politics. It also builds its analyses on a broad¬
er basis of sources not available so far: using Hungarian, German, Romanian,
Swedish, French and Danish source editions and the materials of archives and
manuscript collections from Budapest,
Esztergom,
Cluj,
Vienna, Stockholm,
Uppsala, Berlin, Hannover, Marburg, Dresden, London, Oxford and Chelms-
ford.
The monograph is organised around the topic of the confessional element in
foreign policy, which made it possible to connect its results to some important
debates of European
-
primarily German
-
historiography on the Early Modern
period. This means, in the first place, the polemics over the theory of confession-
alisation: one of the most important
-
and also, most controversial
-
elements of
the concept, as it was developed by Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang
Reinhard in
the
1980s,
was the interference between the formation of the confessions, and the
478
English summary
establishment of the modern state. My analysis of Transylvanian foreign policy has
its main focus on the question of how a state, which represented itself as multi-
confessional and showed only very few signs of developing into a confessional state,
could place itself in an international system, which
-
according to Schilling
-
formed
itself around the confessional element, only to surpass it later on.
On the other hand, the monograph was inspired by yet another trend of Ger¬
man historiography, which also started in the
1980s
and which could be labeled
as a structural history of politics . By concentrating on the long-term questions
of politics, the changes in the mechanisms of power and the characteristics of
inter-state relations, it re-integrated the world of politics among the methodo¬
logically sensitive approaches and fruitful themes of inquiry, from where it was
banned by the breakthrough of the social history in the mid-zoth century. Apart
from the surveys aiming to clarify the relations between political thought and the
practical forms of government, or to describe specificities of early modern politics
with contemporaneous terms, the most important methodological conclusions for
the monograph came from the research on legitimation, initiated by
Konrad
Repgen.
The methods suggested by the German historian, a systematic overview
of the manifests written for or against a given war, the analysis of their strategies
of argumentation and a definition of their place in contemporary trends, meant
an important starting point for my own research. The various applications of the
method of discourse analysis on Early Modern material have also given me exam¬
ples for establishing a closely text-based, systematic approach, which also takes
into account the characteristics of and limits set by various types of sources. The
introductory chapter gives an overview of this theoretical and methodological
background.
The aim of the first chapter was to clarify, what were the traditions that
György Rákóczi
II had to relate to and towards which he had to re-define Tran¬
sylvanian foreign policy: this includes the analysis of the confessional element in
the pre-1648 period, on the other hand, the place of Transylvania in the political
map of mid-17111 century Europe. The attitude of
György Rákóczi
I towards the
confessional element in foreign policy was somewhat ambivalent (chapter I.i.). In
the writing for the legitimation of his
1644-45
war>
Rákóczi
tried to push the
confessional arguments into the background
-
the same way as his forerunner,
Gábor Bethlen
did. He distanced himself from the idea of a sacred war
-
that
is, the dissemination of his faith with weapons
-
and tried to address, apart from
his obvious allies, the Protestants of Hungary, also the Catholic elite of the coun¬
try. For this, he professed religious grievances in the form as defending the estates
rights: the injuries of the confessions appeared as such against the Hungarian
estates confessional rights in the texts arguing for the war, connected to other,
English summary
479
confessionally neutral grievances. The strategy of the Prince had, however, only
a limited success: his Catholic opponents
-
primarily the Palatine
Miklós Esterházy
-
propagated their conviction that the campaign of
Rákóczi
had only religious
background; at the same time they obviously questioned its justifications. Simul¬
taneously, they accused the Prince of keeping only his own selfish interest in mind
when he entered Hungary with his forces. A separation
oí
publicum
and privatum
in the motives of
Rákóczi
would be hardly feasible methodologically; nevertheless,
it is clear that one of the most important reasons for starting the war for the Prince
and his adherents was the defence of their own religion. The confessional element
was
-
contrary to the attempts of eclipsing it in the legitimatory writings
-
indeed
a momentous element in the Transylvanian participation in the Thirty Years
War.
In chapter I.z. I analysed the conditions of the activities of Transylvanian
foreign policy: what was the place of the Principality in the hierarchy of the mid-
17111 century international system. The analysis was performed through a discussion
of the diplomatic procedures of the treaties of
Gyulafehérvár
(1643,
between
Sweden and Transylvania) and
Munkács
(1645,
between France and Transylvania),
their enforcement and the Transylvanian participation at the peace congress of
Westphalia. Although Transylvania s contribution to the Thirty Years War was
indeed very advantageous for the anti-Habsburg alliance of the Crowns of Sweden
and France in the critical period of
1644,
both states were reluctant to treat the
Principality as an equal partner. The government in Stockholm did not ratify the
treaty signed by its representative in Transylvania
-
and although this formal act
did take place in the case of France, Mazarin s government, in its turn, did not
keep its conditions concerning the payments of subsidies. Their conduct concern¬
ing the treaty mirrors an attitude which is also clear from the question of the in¬
vitation of the Principality s envoys to the peace congress in Westphalia: one one
hand, these powers did not trust
Rákóczi s
honesty; on the other, they were afraid
that the Prince will raise exaggerated claims, which would hinder the possibility
of vindicating their own interests. Their concerns were surpassing the level cus¬
tomary in early modern diplomacy, and although the Prince provided reasons for
it with his own conduct, the conclusion can nevertheless be drawn: their mistrust
worked as a self-fulfilling prophecy and it lead to results exactly contrary to the
intended. The cumbersome execution of the conditions of his treaties provided an
excellent pretext for
Rákóczi
-
who was anyway struggling with reconciling the
diverging interest of his supporters
-
to conclude his separate peace, thereby re¬
inforcing the stereotype existing about him in contemporaneous Europe, that of
the unreliable ally.
480
English summary
The first, exploratory period of Transylvanian foreign policy is covered by the
second chapter: primarily the questions, in what degree and from what perspective
did the conditions of the international system change, and which were the attempts
of the Prince for the challenges offered by these. The analysis of the election of
the King of Poland in
1648
(chapter II.i.) takes a look at these new ways: with the
unprecedented success of the Cossack uprising, there were new opportunities for
realising the traditional aspirations of the Princes of Transylvania related to the
Polish throne. Contemporaneous observers did not give much chance to the can¬
didacy of the Transylvanian Prince; surprisingly, however, the conditions that
they had imagined for his success, were fulfilled. Due to the death of
György
Rákóczi
I, no Transylvanian candidate had any role at the actual election; none¬
theless, the political alliances formed during its preparatory process remained
valid in the long run: the same people were the most important elements in the
network of the Prince during the 1650s.
The most urgent task for the young Prince was to strengthen his rule in the
Principality towards the two neighbouring great powers (chapter II.z.). It took
two years until
György Rákóczi
II managed to solve the financial conflicts with
the Ottoman Empire that he had inherited from his father
-
with paying the tax
arrears demanded from the Sultan s administration. The clarification of the rela¬
tions towards the
Habsburg
Empire required less time
-
in this case, it was the
reinforcement of the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Principality in
1653
that
created tensions. In both cases, however, the relations to these great powers were
relatively peaceful, and hardly limited the scope for action of
Rákóczi s
own po¬
litical intiatives.
The most important direction for broadening this scope for action remained
the
Rzeczpospolita,
even after the failure at the election of
1648.
The contacts
with
Janusz Radziwiłł
and other Protestants in the Polish-Lithuanian Common¬
wealth still flourished, and the Prince of Transylvania also stayed in permanent
communication with
Bohdan
Khmeľnyts kyi,
Hetman
of the Cossacks. In this
period, there are already available sources for describing the attempts to legitimise
the activities of Transylvanian foreign policy, and even an incidental war. In the
conception of
Rákóczi,
he would have sent his troops to the
Rzeczpospolita
to
answer an invitation of the Cossacks, but at the same time with the aim of rein¬
stalling peace. Therefore, the justification of the Transylvanian invention to the
war between Poles and Cossacks would have been a combination of the legitima-
tory strategies of assistance and mediation.
The only measures in Transylvanian policy to produce actual results in this
period did not take place towards the
Rzeczpospolita:
it was the long series of
negotiations which lead to the marriage of
Zsigmond Rákóczi
with
Henriette
English summary
Mary, the sister of Charles Louis, Elector Palatine (chapter
П.4.).
Although there
is no data supporting the thesis that this match would have been a preparation of
any concrete political co-operation between the two Principalities, this princely
matrimony has certainly raised the prestige of the
Rákóczi
dynasty and would
have furthered the realisation of their long-term plans. Marrying into the inter¬
national
Calvinist
political elite brought only temporary results in the end: although
there were plans to seek another
fiancée
after the untimely passing of
Henriette,
these were nevertheless also thwarted by the death of
Zsigmond
himself in
(>џ.
Confession played an outstanding role in choosing the right match for
Zsigmond
Rákóczi:
however, it had less and less of a power of motivation in the direction
where it was of the greatest importance in the preceding decade (chapter Il.y.).
The political life of the Hungarian estates was radically transformed after the
codification of the regulations of the peace of
Linz
(1647):
the confessional issue
was overshadowed by other questions, and the political group forming around
Palatine
Pál PálfFy
was dominated by Catholic aristocrats, as well as their main
opponents, whose leader was the Archbishop of
Esztergom
and High Chancellor,
György Lippay.
Although the Prince s good relations to the Palatine were not
permanent
-
in the second half of the year
1650,
a certain estrangement could be
registered
-,
their contacts were in the period between
1649-53
continuous and
unusually harmonious, taken into consideration the connections of the earlier
holders of these two offices. The support received from the Palatine and his po¬
litical group gave security to the
Rákóczis,
and what is more, it contributed to a
formulation of anti-Habsburg plans in the princely court.
The third chapter addresses the activities in the period between
165?
and
1657,
when the Prince
-
whose foreign policy was rather active in the preceding years
as well
-
took part in several armed conflicts. The primary results of the crisis in
Moldova in the year
165? -
into which all powers of Eastern Europe, except for
the Tsar, were involved
-,
and the suppression of the riots in Wallachia in
1655,
was that the Prince of Transylvania, for the first time in
halfa
century, could be
secure about the hinterland of his country. He did not only have a defensive alli¬
ance with both Romanian Voievods, but he
ако
received a yearly tribute from
them and had a continuous supervision over their political activities (chapter
Ш.І.).
The events of
1653
also caused a remarkable change in the field of the contact
between the Prince and the King of Poland: due to their common warfare against
Cossack troops, their enmity was replaced by a brotherhood in arms. Neverthe¬
less, their attempts to codify their league were doomed to failure: they had no
common enemy after
1654,
and none of them wanted to bring down the others
most powerful adversaries
-
the Tsar s, respectively the Ottoman and
Habsburg
Empires
-
wrath on themselves with concluding a defensive alliance. The warfare
48г
English summary
in the Romanian Voievodates also brought new colour into the field of the legiti¬
mation strategies of the princely foreign policy: the manifestos allocated both wars
into the category of preventive war , which remained somewhat controversial in
the political thought of the age, however, exactly in this period, it was gaining
increasing popularity.
The Prince of Transylvania could maintain its role as more or less of an out¬
sider, but still an important element of the politics of the estates in the Kingdom
of Hungary even after the death of
Pál Pálffy
(chapter
111.2.).
The mediation
towards the King was taken over from the deceased Palatine by
György Szelepc-
sényi,
the Chancellor of the Kingdom, who had established cordial relations with
Rákóczi,
even if their political ideas were far away from each other. The Prince
was disappointed to see that at the diet of
1655,
the office of the Palatine of Hun¬
gary was not given to a member of the
Pálífy-circle;
however, he could bridge over
his earlier diiferences with the newly elected
Ferenc Wesselényi,
and in the next
one year they could form a sober connection with each other.
Miklós Zrínyi,
who
attempted to re-organise the remnants of the
Pálffy-group,
maintained close rela¬
tions with
Rákóczi,
who also stood in permanent contact with the new Lord Chief
Justice,
Ferenc Nádasdy.
Even if there was no chance this time for gaining new
territories, the Prince could maintain a secure hinterland for his plans in Poland
in the Kingdom of Hungary.
The last piece of motivation for an attempt to realise his plans in Poland was
provided to
Rákóczi
in the treaty he concluded with the King of Sweden in Rad-
nót.
Chapter
Ш.з.
-
after giving a summary on the historiographical debates
around the foreign policy of Sweden in the 1650s
-
discusses the analysis of the
creation of the treaty of
Radnót
by
Sándor Gebei,
who suggested that this agree¬
ment was the result of the plans of the Swedish King, aiming at the division of the
Rzeczpospolita
from the beginning of his campaign, and that Charles X
Gustav
involved Transylvania in a false and deceitful manner into his war
-
just as he did
with Brandenburg. The systematic re-reading of the documents supported an¬
other interpretation:
György Rákóczi
II established connections with the Swed¬
ish King out of his own initiative, and Charles X Gustav s attitude under the
process of negotiation
-
which he could hardly influence, due to communication
problems
-
does not seem to be transgressing the norms which were accepted in
the age and followed also by the Prince himself. This interpretation seems to be
especially valid if we take into consideration the attitude of the Swedish and French
Crowns in the 1640s, compared to which the conduct of Charles X
Gustav was
extraordinarily correct.
In the last chapter, my analysis focuses on the question of the motivations of
György Rákóczi
II s foreign policy, and especially that of the Polish campaign.
English summary
483
The well-spread image of Swedish historiography
-
shared also by some Hungar¬
ian historians
-,
according to which
Rákóczi
was a religious zealot and that would
have been the chief motivation of his actions, is hardly tenable. The arguments
usually presented to support this thesis
-
his connections to Comenius and the
mission of
Constantin
Schaum,
a member of the Czech scholar s circle, to the
Protestant powers of Europe in
1655 -
show rather that the Prince could skilfully
use the network of the radical Protestants in order to further his own interests.
There are theses in Hungarian historiography according to which the winning of
the Polish throne would have only been a first step in
Rákóczi
s
conception. These
could not be supported by direct sources, and although they could be accepted as
hypotheses, one can be sure that the Prince would have had to face severe prob¬
lems, had he tried to use his newly gained power for either anti-Habsburg, or
anti-Ottoman actions. The legitimation of the war
-
whose formation can be fol¬
lowed in several steps in this case
-
was building upon the invitation coming from
the Poles, and the defence of their interest, respectively the liberty of conscience.
The personal motivation of the Prince can be found primarily in his dynastic in¬
terests, and the economic gains connected to them
-
the war could be unleashed
on the other hand due to the structural specificities of the Transylvanian and
Polish states: the lack of a strong estates-based control of the power of the Prince
in the one side, and
-
through the individual ambitions of the magnates in the field
of foreign policy
-
the extraordinarily strong power of the estates on the other.
It is clear from the private correspondence of
György Rákóczi
I that the con¬
fessional element had an outstanding relevance in foreign policy for him. One
could also say that it provided the goals
-
even if not the only ones
-,
for which
the Prince had to mobilise the means of power politics. This relation between aims
and means turned over after
1648.
Although
Zsigmond Rákóczi
selected a wife
strictly from the offsprings of
Calvinist
German princely houses, his opinion was
that in order to further the co-operation with the
Pálffy-circle,
the Transylvanian
foreign policy had to drop the religious discourse in its relations with the estates
in Hungary. In his politics towards the Kingdom of Hungary,
György Rákóczi
II
has indeed given up references on the confessional factor. His first two wars, the
armed conflicts in Moldova and Wallachia, in
1653
and
1655
respectively, entirely
lacked connections to the traditions of confessionally-based foreign politics in their
legitimation as well as actual motivations. His contacts with the estates of the
Rzeczpospolita
were indeed organised around the religious principle: the primary
goal of these was to establish an
anti-
Catholic block, even if it was not repre¬
sented in the possible legitimation strategies for the Prince s intervention at the
first half of the decade. It is, however, noteworthy that legitimation and actual
motivation mutually changed positions in
1656:
the Prince
-
maintaining good
484
English summary
relations with Catholic Polish magnates
-
did everything in his power so that his
campaign could not have been interpreted as an anti-Catholic move. According
to this trend, it was not the protection of the Protestants, but the general defence
of the liberties of conscience, that found its way to the legitimation of the war.
All this lead me to the conclusion that confessional interests and the reason of
state changed positions in the foreign policy of
György Rákóczi
II. Contrary to
the rule of his father, religious factors meant only a complementary element for
reaching his own dynastic goals of power politics. The only radically
Calvinist
measures of the church politics of the Prince, the reinforcement of the expulsion
of Jesuits, was important less from a religious perspective, than that of legal tech¬
nicalities. The confessional element had the same career as described for Europe
in general for the second half of the 17th century by Johannes Burkhardt: it did
not disappear, but it lost its primary position, and was turned into a complemen¬
tary element, mainly used for legitimatory purposes.
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kármán, Gábor 1977- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1028081847 |
| author_facet | Kármán, Gábor 1977- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kármán, Gábor 1977- |
| author_variant | g k gk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040574663 |
| classification_rvk | NN 3920 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)820419650 (DE-599)GBV68921944X |
| discipline | Geschichte |
| era | Geschichte 1644-1647 gnd Geschichte 1648- gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1644-1647 Geschichte 1648- |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Siebenbürgen |
| id | DE-604.BV040574663 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:26:25Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789632364872 |
| language | Hungarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025401937 |
| oclc_num | 820419650 |
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| owner | DE-12 DE-739 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-739 |
| physical | 484 S. Kt. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
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| publisher | L'Harmattan |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Kármán, Gábor 1977- Verfasser (DE-588)1028081847 aut Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után Kármán Gábor Budapest L'Harmattan 2011 484 S. Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: Transylvanian foreign policy after the peace of Westphalia Geschichte 1644-1647 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1648- gnd rswk-swf Konfessionalität (DE-588)4164948-5 gnd rswk-swf Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd rswk-swf Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 gnd rswk-swf 1\p (DE-588)4113937-9 Hochschulschrift gnd-content Siebenbürgen (DE-588)4054835-1 g Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 s Geschichte 1648- z DE-604 Konfessionalität (DE-588)4164948-5 s Geschichte 1644-1647 z 2\p DE-604 Digitalisierung UB Passau application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025401937&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung UB Passau application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025401937&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Klappentext Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025401937&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract 1\p cgwrk 20201028 DE-101 https://d-nb.info/provenance/plan#cgwrk 2\p cgwrk 20201028 DE-101 https://d-nb.info/provenance/plan#cgwrk |
| spellingShingle | Kármán, Gábor 1977- Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után Konfessionalität (DE-588)4164948-5 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4164948-5 (DE-588)4003846-4 (DE-588)4054835-1 (DE-588)4113937-9 |
| title | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után |
| title_auth | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után |
| title_exact_search | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után |
| title_full | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után Kármán Gábor |
| title_fullStr | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után Kármán Gábor |
| title_full_unstemmed | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után Kármán Gábor |
| title_short | Erdélyi külpolitika a vesztfáliai béke után |
| title_sort | erdelyi kulpolitika a vesztfaliai beke utan |
| topic | Konfessionalität (DE-588)4164948-5 gnd Außenpolitik (DE-588)4003846-4 gnd |
| topic_facet | Konfessionalität Außenpolitik Siebenbürgen Hochschulschrift |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025401937&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025401937&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025401937&sequence=000006&line_number=0003&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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