Altaistika i archeologija:
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| 1. Verfasser: | |
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| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Russian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Moskva
Inst. Tjurkologii
2011
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| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | PST: Altaic studies and archaeology. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 251 S. zahlr. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9785424500015 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Altaistika i archeologija |c I. L. Kyzlasov |
| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a Altaic studies and archaeology |
| 264 | 1 | |a Moskva |b Inst. Tjurkologii |c 2011 | |
| 300 | |a 251 S. |b zahlr. Ill., Kt. | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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| adam_text |
ALTAIC STUDIES AND ARCHAEOLOGY
(SUMMARY)
The "Altaic language family" is a term used by linguists to refer to three
groups of languages of related typology (Turkic,
Mongolie
and Manchu-Tungus)
together with Korean and Japanese while research into these languages is
called "Altaic Studies". There is such comprehensive, diverse and multilayered
linguistic evidence of the commonality of these languages that it should be
viewed as a proven fact of the validity of the Altaic theory. However, linguists
do not agree about the nature of this commonality and the time and location of its
origins. Even those like-minded researchers who accept the intrinsic closeness
of the languages (the Altaic hypothesis) date the disintegration of the parent
language differently
—
ranging from the beginning of the 2nd century
ВС
to the
1st, 2nd, 3rd or even
10* —
8th millenniums
ВС
or as early as the Paleolithic Age.
The undated Altaic period is followed by the "Hunnic" period (starting in the
3rd century
ВС)
which is directly linked to the political history of Central Asia
currently in use. We see that Altaic Studies lack their own techniques of both
absolute and relative dating of inner processes. Consequently, it is impossible
to correlate the reconstructed stages of language development and their links
with particular historical events of the pre-literate period with any degree of
accuracy or certainty.
Some major linguists have denied the common origins of Altaic languages.
They explain their commonalities by their ancient character and the closeness
of interaction between peoples. This interaction led to large-scale borrowings
of previously uncommon speech elements from one language into another.
Thus, while developing this subject we need to differentiate between the
Altaic theory and the Altaic hypothesis. The need to identify the stages of deve¬
lopment over time and space and to explain the current linguistic unity through
history gives birth to the Altaic issue. As attempts at solving the issue through
linguistics led to the formation of two conflicting tendencies it seems relevant
to resort to data outside the scope of linguistic theories. When referring to the
past this is archaeological evidence above all.
The Altaic hypothesis in Russia has seen some intensive development over
recent years. One of the most important objectives is to identify the position
of the Turkic and the Proto-Turkic languages taking into consideration the
242
high degree of their influence on the
Mongolie
and Manchu-Tungus groups of
languages and the fact that their linguistic data from Asian runic inscriptions
goes back to earlier times. Comparative historical research published by the
Institute of Linguistics of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR (presently
the Russian Academy of Sciences) since
1984
including a vocabulary study
(published in
1997)
made it possible to compile a description of the terri¬
tory and the ancient and primeval culture of the Turkic peoples. However,
attempts at finding the ancestral land and tracing the ancient migrations and
contacts of the Turkic peoples proved to be totally dependent on theories by
historians and linked to political events of the early Middle Ages all the way
up to the 10th century. This dependence became obvious in several chapters
of the final volume of the series
(2006)
which limited the options for Proto-
Turkic origins to
Ordos
or the Huns of the Central Asia only. Still no sources
for a justified identification of their linguistic affiliation were cited (Chapter
1).
Some random vocabulary items preserved in Chinese language writings
dating from different periods of time should not be used as a basis for re¬
sponsible and clear-cut conclusions. The famous saying by the magician
Fotu
Deng featuring in "Jin shu" does not only date back to a later time
(328),
which makes it incorrect to use its speech characteristics to refer to the time
of the birth of the Hunnic state (the 3rd century
ВС),
but was even originally
said in the language of the Jie people who were distinct from the Huns proper
m
their anthropological type.
Today we are able to correlate the points of the Altaic hypothesis with
archaeological evidence. The most ancient remains of definitely Turkic origin
have only been found in the Sayan-Altai uplands. Not being indigenous they
were brought there in the 2nd
—
1st centuries
ВС
and led to the development of
new archaeological cultures (the Tashtyk and Shurmak cultures in the middle
and upper course of the Yenisei River). In their turn these cultures determined
the medieval local development of a number of succeeding cultures: the ancient
Khakass culture (ancient Kyrgyz)
—
the Chaatas; the Tyukhtyaty and Askiz
cultures (the
6* —
17th centuries); the Turkic peoples in Tuva
—
the Chicks
(čiks)
and the Turks. The Turkic nature of these cultures is proved by their links
with the Yenisei runiform writing and by the fact that this medieval cultural
basis gave rise to the contemporary Turkic peoples of Southern Siberia.
Apparently the most archaic and stable characteristics of any material
culture are evident in the forms of its dwellings. That is why in the search
for Proto-Turkic distinctive features close attention was paid to the types or
Southern Siberian dwellings (Chapter
2).
Three types of stationary above-
ground dwellings are known to the ethnography of the indigenous peoples ot
the Sayan-Altai uplands. They are most fully represented in house construction
by the Khakass and go by the names of
tura, alachikand
ib. Which of these were
243
familiar
to the indigenous cultures of the early Iron Age prior to the advent of
the Turkic people and which were introduced by them and were elements of
their culture? Our research yielded the following results.
The
tura
dwelling was a square-form timber house with a log frame or pil¬
lars with a flat roof and a daub hearth of the fireplace type to the side of the
entrance and benches along the walls (Figures
1, 2).
The vaulted graves of
all archaeological cultures of the early Iron Age in the Sayan-Altai uplands
are replicas of such dwellings: the Pazyryk culture in the Altai region (Figures
3-5),
the Tagar culture in Khakassia (Figures
6-8),
the Uyuk culture in Tuva
and north-western Mongolia. Thus, this type of dwelling was characteristic of
Pre-Turkic peoples (possibly Samoyeds and Ugrics). With the arrival of the
Turkic peoples and the Turkicization of the autochthons the
tura
dwellings
were preserved together with other substratum features. Such dwellings existed
in Khakassia in the 1st century
ВС
—
the 1st century AD as observed in the
Tasheba settlement and also in the 1st century
ВС
—
5th century AD as reflected
in the Tashtyk vaults (Figures
10-11)
and in the Chaatas culture tumuli (the
6* _
early 9th century) (Figure
12).
The alachik dwelling was a conical pole structure with a hearth in the middle
(Figures
13, 14, 16, 17).
Traces of such dwellings were unearthed at the sites
of settlements dating from the 3rd
—
the 1st centuries
ВС.
It is probable that the
Boyarskaya painting (Khakassia, the 2nd
—
1st centuries
ВС)
features an alachik
(Figure
15).
The cult significance of such structures in the wedding rites of the
taiga peoples (Figure
18)
and a wide ethnographic range of such dwellings in
the mountainous areas of Southern Siberia make it possible to consider them
Pre-Turkic.
The ib dwelling was a square, circular or polygonal construction (Figures
19-21, 23-30, 33, 34, 40).
Ib dwellings were timber pole (Figure
22, 2)
or
log cabins (Figures
22,
Л
3, 4)
and had bark or birch-tree bark roofing. These
dwellings had tall pyramidal roofs of either conical or pyramid shapes. The
hearth was in the middle. Ib dwellings were familiar to all Turkic peoples of
Southern Siberia and to western Buryats
(Mongolized
Turks) (Figures
31,32).
Ib dwellings are depicted on the Boyarskaya paintings (Figures
35-39),
were
found in the Tashtyk settlement (Figure
41),
they were recreated in stone in
the tumuli of the Chaatas (Figures
42, 43)
the Tyukhtyaty and Askiz cultures
(Figure
44).
Pillar ib dwellings were found in the memorial constructions of
the Turks of the
6*—
8th centuries in Tuva (Figures
45, 46).
Early medieval
Chinese historians wrote about ib dwellings in Southern Siberia.
Thus, polygonal structures with pyramidal roofs and a hearth in the middle are
the only type of Sayan-Altai dwelling which can be traced to the Turkic new¬
comers at the start of the Common Era. It was this type of dwelling that served
as a prototype for a portable felt
yurta
(to state the opposite would be errone-
244
ous) The common forerunner of the stationary (Figures
47, 4, 5)
and portable
dwellings (Figure
47, 6)
was the turluk frame house with faceted or circular
wattle walls in one row covered in clay (Figure
47, 2)
or in two rows with fil-
hng (Figure
47, 3)
(their types are familiar to archaeology and ethnography).
The turluk forms themselves originated from circular adobe houses (Figure
47,
1).
Evidence is found in the etymology of some words in the runic writings:
bafyq ~ "city", balyqdaqy
—
"citizen" from
bal
—
"sticky clay" (balyq re¬
ferred to clay as late as the
11*
century);
toi
or ton
—
"city, residence, camp"
from toi/ton
—
"clay"; toqy-
—
"put up, erect (walls)", initially "to beat, to
ram" relates to daub construction. The common root "model out (of clay)" is
hkely in such verbs as iap-
—
"build, make, create" and iap
—
"apply, stick".
The word qurgan
—
"regular construction" correlates with the verbs qur-
—
regulate" and qur
-----
"build, construct". The same is true for some ancient
military words originating from oasis irrigation symbols:
sü buk- —
"gather
army" and
sü aq
-----
"move army" (the exact meaning of the verb
bük-
is "dam,
block" and aq- is "flow, run").
Adobe construction (Figure
47,1)
is typical of treeless areas. The subsequent
turluk and pillar stage (Figures
47,2, 3)
is found in forest-steppe zones and the
last (pillar and log cabin stage
—
Figures
47,4, 5)
is common in forest-steppe
and mountainous taiga. Thus, the evolution of the dwelling types reflects the
movement of Turkic peoples through different landscapes from south to north.
According to archaeological evidence these migrations had completed by as
early as the 3rd
—
2nd centuries
ВС.
The Sayan-Altai tradition of erecting a son's house to the north of the father's
dwelling is reflected in the layout of the ancient Khakass (Kyrgyz) aristocratic
graves of the Chaatas type (Figures
48,49).
However, the same is found in the
early Iron Age tumuli in Altai (Figures
50-54),
which does not make it possible
to consider this characteristic a distinctive feature of ancient Turkic peoples.
Before we come up with a comparison with Proto-Turkic dwellings we need to
identify the specifics of the settled culture of the Huns of Central Asia (Chapter
3).
Their stationary settlements reflected their land farming and metalworkmg occu¬
pation (Figures
55,56)
and were built according to a regular plan with a dominant
southern orientation and were divided into square quarters (Figures
57, 60-63).
Doors of both palaces (Figures
58, 59)
and ordinary dwellings (Figure
63)
all
faced the south. The mountainous valleys with
Hurmie
grave fields (Figures
64,
65) and aristocratic vaults (Figures
66-68)
were open to the south. The dominance
of the southern orientation was not an influence of China. Cities (Figure
69),
impe¬
rial (Figure
70)
and other graves (Figures
72,73)
and burial grounds (Figure
71)
of
the Western Han dynasty were orientated from west to east.
The Pre-Turkic house construction culture described in Chapter
2
has no
common roots with
Hurmie
culture as stationary dwellings of the latter were
245
sunk into the ground (Chapter
4).
This type of building is well researched
m
Buryatia. The Hunnic dwellings were identical in settlements of different cha¬
racter and layout; they were the same in fortified (Figure
63)
and non-fortiiied
settlements (the Ivolga and Duryony settlements). The foundation pits of dwel¬
lings had the form similar to that of a square
(54
foundation pits were excavated
in the Ivolga settlement alone) with sides oriented according to the
cardmal
points. The main element of
décor
in a dwelling was a
Г
-shaped
bench
—
kang
running along the northern and western walls of the house (Figures
74-/0)·
There was a heating channel inside every kang. The dwellings were of frame
and pillar type with daub or cob brick walls. Archaeology expands on the la¬
conic comments of the Han Dynasty chronicles. According to the Japanese
authors, kangs in Hunnic houses were mentioned in "Qian Han shu
.
Ha
-
dugouts were common neither to the Chinese nor to the people living
m e
Sayan-Altai uplands invaded by the Huns.
,
In the Modern Age it was evident that the kangs were of truly Mancnu-
Tungus cultural signs as they were typical of the peoples living in the Amu
River region and Northern China. However, kangs were also familiar to
t e
later Mongols (the Daurs) and those living in the 13th
—
14th
centunes,
une
and the same type of dwelling was used in Mongol cities all across the
empir
from Transbaikalia to Moldova; these were square frame dwellings without a
foundation. Solid clay benches with an inner two-channel heating system ran
along the three of the walls (Figure
77).
Kangs were used in the Golden
Hora
houses both in above-ground dwellings and in dugouts. They usually oc^f
just one or two sides of the
П
-shaped benches sometimes with one heating
channel inside (Figure
78).
The classical
П
-shaped kangs existed in
Sarai a
well. The existence of houses with kangs proves that the Mongols coming
Europe were great in numbers and that there were builders among
ш^т,
some Golden Horde cities they preserved the Central Asian form of bncks
m
У
built their houses of.
The construction of houses with kangs in the 13th-14th centuries goes back to the
settled culture of
lhe
Mongol peoples of the ancient times. The issue has not bee
thoroughly researched by archeologists yet, but even the steppe way of life ot
Mongols failed to make them give up the techniques of ancient house
construção
and the habit of a settled lifestyle. As late as in the
12*
century the Mongols con¬
structed wooden benches in the form of kangs in their felt yurtas heated by centra
open hearths thus preserving the old interior. It is not uncommon to find uaoaa-
tion
on kangs used by the Khitan people in the 10th
—
12th centuries. HoWf^
we do not have any exact data proving this fact as their settlements and sites na
not been unearthed yet. When the Bohai kingdom was conquered some parts
о
where kangs were traditionally used were surely integrated into the Khitan
ешри_·
It is highly likely that the Bohai
neonie fthe
Mnhe and the Koguryo (Gogurye
)
246
peoples) came across the kangs of the Khitan people and the Northern Chinese. In
the search for the Proto-Mongolian kangs we need to trace the roots of U-shaped
benches heated through double channels and not just any heated benches. The wide
straight kangs in round and square houses with conic roofs are still used in Inner
Mongolia. It is no coincidence that the under-floor heating of felt yurtas still has a
П
-shape and double heating channels.
There is plenty of information on the history of kangs used by the Man-
chu-Tungus peoples of the Amur River region and Primorye. Quadrangular
half-dugouts with kangs were found in the settlements of the Duchers in the
middle course of the Amur River; the Manchurians had
П
-shaped kangs with
4-5
heating channels while the Chinese had straight kangs running along two
walls of a house heated by two stoves. Dwellings sunk into the ground were
common in the region of the middle course of the Amur River starting from the
Neolithic Age until the late Middle Ages. There were no kangs in them inclu¬
ding the houses of the Mohe people. They were introduced into the culture and
they were found in just one of the two types of dwellings of the local groups
of the Mohe culture (the indigenous Naifeld culture in the lower course of the
Amur River in the 4th
—
9th centuries and the introduced Troitskaya culture, the
7th
—
12*/13th centuries) as well as in one type of dwelling in the neighboring
culture of the Amur Jurchens. The earlier dwellings of the Poltsevskaya culture
are also indicative. This culture existed in the middle course of the Amur River
m
the 8th— 3rd centuries
ВС
and spread to the lower course of the Amur River
and Southern Primorye in the 1st
—
3rd centuries where it borrowed the idea of
П
-shaped kangs in the first half of the 1st millennium AD.
The spread of kangs in the Amur River region is frequently explained by
the Manchurian and Chinese influence. But we should not neglect the dif¬
ference in the appearance of kangs. These were usually of the
П-3-2
type,
sometimes
Г-3146.
The kangs sometime ran along the fourth wall too in the
houses of the
Nanais
and the Ulichs. The fact that there is common terminol¬
ogy both for kangs
(пакет',
nakhan', nakan,
nagan
among the Manchun-
ans and the Negidals, nakan, naka, nakha among the
Nanais,
the Uhchs and
the Orochs) and their parts proves the ancient nature of kangs. This also in¬
cludes the Nivkh nakh, nakn, the Southern Mongolian lakha and the Chinese
ka"g— traces of the Manchu-Tungus influence. The words used in ™orye
to refer to kangs belong to an earlier period of time; they even predate
ше
Manchu-Tungus usage.
. .
a
.
The Chinese authors considered the kangs of the Jurchens (as the word Jcang
toelf) to be truly local and drew attention to their
П
-shape. According to the
archaeological data, it was the spread of the Jurchen culture that made kangs
T^PUrth—
he text for the sake of brevity the fonn of ,he kangs is marked by
Г, П,
I and I!
reflect their look; the number of knags is given in Arabic numerals.
247
common in the Far East, including China. By the 12th— 13th centuries the
T-shaped kangs were substituted by the
П
-shaped kangs with even
5
sections
going to the door in two elbows. The two channels were frequently substituted
with three and more, the kangs become wider; the number of furnaces and
channels-smoke ducts became larger (Figure
79).
The old single-channel kangs
were still used. The warm benches in the form of earthen ledges and a sunken
floor reveal the initial connection between kangs and dugouts.
The half-dugouts and above-ground dwellings were only heated by hearths
in the early history of the Bohai kingdom
(698 — 926)
and kangs of three types
were used at a later time; they were
П-
and
Г
-shaped
with
1
or
2
heating chan¬
nels and I- shaped with
3
channels, that is all types of kangs used to the east of
the Big Khingan Ridge were utilized.
The
Г-1
kang of the Bohai kingdom and the Poltsevskaya culture of the
4* —
7th centuries AD (where the earthen kangs were not unfamiliar) goes
back to the tradition of the Southern Primorye and the north-east of Korea of
the
5*
century
ВС
—
2nd century AD (Figure
80).
The kangs of the Krounovs-
kaya culture dated to the same period of time were more diverse than those of
the Huns: the
Г-
1-2-3
and
П
-types
of kangs which the Huns lacked. The latter
were also common in the Poltsevskaya culture which sometimes succeeded the
Krounovskaya culture in the same settlements. In "Han shu" single channel
kangs of Manchuria were mentioned. The
Г-1
kangs were found in the Fenglin
settlement of the Gungtuling culture (the Lower Songhua River, the 3rd
—ƒ
centuries). Thus, the origination of the kangs is linked with both the Krou¬
novskaya and the Thesonri cultures (Korea) and the Upper Xiajiadian culture
(Manchuria) dating from the same historical period. The I- or the
Г
-kangs
were
commonly found in the 4th
—
7th centuries dwellings in Koguryo discovered
during the excavations based on information from "Tang shu". From the Neo¬
lithic Age to the 18th century half-dugout were typical dwellings on the Korean
Peninsula. Rudimentary kangs were first found there in Neolithic dugouts. No
data on this type of heating during the Bronze and early Iron Ages was found.
However, it is significant that it was not the under-floor smoke ducts (ondols)
indigenous to Korea but the above-floor kangs whose origin is traced to
ѕегш-
recessed dwellings that were used in the northern part of the country in the
ancient times and in the early Middle Ages.
In the dwellings of the Yankovskaya culture of Primorye of the early Iron
Age there was evidence of benches not kangs which were also absent in the
Bronze Age sites. However, some heating smoke ducts of the mid 3ri
—
rnM
2
millenniums
ВС
were discovered in the lower course of the Amur River
(Suchu
Island); the clay covered wooden structures channeled the heat from the hearth
in the circular dugout of the Voznesenskaya culture. The form of the dugout
followed the tradition of the
6*
millennium
ВС
with earthen beds along the
248
walls. Still such early structures should not be taken for kangs as they were not
heated beds and most of the heating was produced by the hearth in the center of
the dwelling. But it seems the idea of the heating channels was local.
Various systems of under-floor heating should not be confused with kangs
(for example, the heating channels in Kazakhstan which lead from tandyr stoves
to corner pipes similar to fireplaces
—
Figures
81, 82).
While looking for distinctive founding features of the interior of dwellings
where kangs were traditionally used it should not be forgotten that square form
dugouts with rounded corners in the lower course of the Amur River and Pri-
morye take their roots in ancient Paleoasiatic houses preserved by the Nivkhs.
They typically featured the
П
-shaped benches as well. When these houses were
supplanted by fanzas with kangs during the Modern Age it did not affect the
interior design. There is evidence from Far Eastern artifacts that beds which
first originated in dugouts in the form of earthen ledges turned into benches in
above-ground dwellings. The evolution of the heating system took place within
the established design.
So the available data suggest that kangs were introduced over a vast but
quite distinct cultural zone stretching from the Korean Peninsula and Eastern
Manchuria to the lower course of the Amur River. It is likely that kangs were
not indigenous to the Manchu-Tungus and Mongol dwellings. They might have
arrived in Primorye and the Amur River region in their
Г-1
form during the
Hurmie
period from the Paleoasiatic South-East. The historical credit given to
the Manchu-Tungus and Mongol peoples is that they promoted kangs across
Eastern, Central and Middle Asia of the medieval times.
One way or another the archaeological evidence separates the Huns from
the cultures of Turkic peoples making them closer to Manchu-Tungus-Mongol
and Paleoasiatic worlds in terms of a significant cultural indicator—the look of
their dwellings and the way they were heated. Some significant characteristics
of Hunnic economy supported by archaeological evidence also belong to the
Far Eastern circle of cultures, namely, pig breeding and breading dogs for meat,
the use of cast iron and bronze alloys of tin and lead. Apparently it is not in
Ordos
but to the east or south-east of the Big Khingan Ridge that the ancestral
homeland of the Huns should be looked for.
. .
A more significant conclusion should be made: the available archaeological
evidence mostly disproves the idea of the initial unity of the TurkicpeopleswM
the Mongols and the Manchu-Tungus. Archaeology here takes the side.of
Їюв
linguists who see the commonality of the Altaic languages as a result ot interac¬
tion but not their historical common origins.
,.,,
.
The Ural-Altaic linguistic community used to be subdivided
«to two independent
ţroups,
the Uralic and the Altaic. Now we¡see
Potential division of the roots of the Altaic language family into two
249
dent parts. The initial isolation of the Turkic group from the Mongol-Tungus.
group is proved by both historical and linguistic data and archaeological evi¬
dence. This approach leads to a different view of the initial stages of the history
of the Turkic peoples, the location of their ancestral homeland and its ethno-
cultural environment. The Turkic languages and cultures whose long history
of development may now be freed from the hypothesis of their Altaic ancestry
deserve to be studied on their own and compared with other language families
thus acquiring the right to be seen as distinct from the Mongol-Tungus-Manchu
correlations.
It is obvious that the issue of the Turkic ancestral land is not directly linked
to either the Altaic hypothesis or the Altaic theory. It should be treated on its
own in the future. |
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1148592849 |
| author_facet | Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- |
| author_variant | i l k il ilk |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040463784 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)815947934 (DE-599)BVBBV040463784 |
| era | Geschichte 500 v. Chr.-1500 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 500 v. Chr.-1500 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Altai (DE-588)4001377-7 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Altai |
| id | DE-604.BV040463784 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-12-02T07:00:27Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9785424500015 |
| language | Russian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025311170 |
| oclc_num | 815947934 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 251 S. zahlr. Ill., Kt. |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Inst. Tjurkologii |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- Verfasser (DE-588)1148592849 aut Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov Altaic studies and archaeology Moskva Inst. Tjurkologii 2011 251 S. zahlr. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier PST: Altaic studies and archaeology. - In kyrill. Schr., russ. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 500 v. Chr.-1500 gnd rswk-swf Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 gnd rswk-swf Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 gnd rswk-swf Altai (DE-588)4001377-7 gnd rswk-swf Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 s Altai (DE-588)4001377-7 g Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 s Geschichte 500 v. Chr.-1500 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025311170&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Kyzlasov, Igorʹ Leonidovič 1951- Altaistika i archeologija Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 gnd Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4066772-8 (DE-588)4102045-5 (DE-588)4001377-7 |
| title | Altaistika i archeologija |
| title_alt | Altaic studies and archaeology |
| title_auth | Altaistika i archeologija |
| title_exact_search | Altaistika i archeologija |
| title_full | Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov |
| title_fullStr | Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Altaistika i archeologija I. L. Kyzlasov |
| title_short | Altaistika i archeologija |
| title_sort | altaistika i archeologija |
| topic | Wohnungsbau (DE-588)4066772-8 gnd Oiroten (DE-588)4102045-5 gnd |
| topic_facet | Wohnungsbau Oiroten Altai |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025311170&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT kyzlasovigorʹleonidovic altaistikaiarcheologija AT kyzlasovigorʹleonidovic altaicstudiesandarchaeology |