Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice: şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Romanian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Bucureşti
Curtea Veche
2012
|
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 411 S. |
| ISBN: | 9786065882706 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | Cuprins
Nota autorului
........................................5
Prefaţă
(Zoltán Rostás)
.................................7
Introducere
.........................................
И
I.
Dimensiunea politică a sistemului gustian
„Sociologie-Politică-Etică
........................19
II.
Institutul Social Român, „incubator al omului politic
interbelic
........................................79
III. Tehnocratul
Gusti
şi instituţiile puterii în anii
30.
Monarhia socială a lui
Carol
al
П
-lea
................
133
IV.
Grupuri în Şcoala Sociologică de Ia Bucureşti
........203
V.
Orientări şi reorientări politice ale discipolilor
.......248
VI.
Naţionalismul gustian
—
Ştiinţa naţiunii
............319
încheiere
..........................................355
Abstract
............................................368
Anexe. Extrase din legi şi decrete-lege
.................373
Bibliografie
.........................................389
Abstract
Translated by
Irina
Mihăilescu and Antonio Momoc
political traps of the inter-war sociology
—
Gusti s School
between Monarchy and Legionary Movement constitutes the first
inventory of the political attitudes and behaviors of the members
of the Sociological School of Bucharest. While the international
financial crisis was taking place in the 30s, the members if the
Monographic School divided in distinct groups and engaged in a
direct competition: the former monographists, who adhered at
the Legionary Movement, opposed the modernization project
(entitled The Science of Nation) of Gusti s sociologists, who joined
the Royal Cultural Foundation of King Carl II.
Dimitiré
Gusti,
the founder of the Sociological School, was
convinced that only the support of the Royal Court could have
helped him accomplish the project of modernizing the Romanian
village and of elevating the Romanian nation. Moreover, his
thinking system Sociology-Politics-Ethics strongly connected
social science with political action. Influenced by French phi¬
losopher Saint-Simon,
Gusti
was certain that the scientist s mis¬
sion was to research social reality and to transform it: the
Romanian nation was able to rise with the help of scientists.
Politics could have avoided dilettantism only had it been
grounded on sociological research and only had it been acting in
compliance with an ethical ideal.
Professor Dimitrie Gush did not go through the dilemma of
the intellectual, who had to choose between being a scientist or
a politician. There was no moral rupture between the scientist
researching „above values and the politician „contaminated
with a particular ideology. The scientist had the moral duty to get
Abstract
I
369
involved in building the state and in the social-cultural upgrade
of the nation. The founder of the School of Bucharest believed
that the scientist fulfilled his destiny only while he served the
nation.
As a student of psychologist Wundt,
Gusti
was acquainted
with the German Sozklstaat model. The policies imposed by Otto
von
Bismarck, the chancellor of
Wilhelm
I, and undertaken in the
military authoritarian regime of Wilhelm II might have had an
influence upon
Gusti
when he elaborated his political concept.
The social security system was functioning in Germany in the
80s
of the XlXth century, being enforced by the royalist Bismarck
as resolution against the ascension of socialism, with the purpose
to conserve Monarchy. The German social state was meant to
attract large social categories to favor Monarchy and to decelerate
the sympathy gained by the socialist or republican ideas.
Bismarck s reasons for introducing social protection laws
based on contributions were strictly political, as the loyalty of
state employees and industry employees was crucial for the
central power. Thus, the initiators of these social programs had
little in common with social-democracy or with trade unions.
Chancellor Bismarck was the promoter of the first social
security laws, which marked the first state involvement in the
individuals social protection based on contributions. Bismarck s
social security plans were announced not at all coincidentally by
the Emperor himself in an
1881
public speech. Therefore, while
suppressing the socialists political activities, Bismarck and
Wilhelm I were protecting the working class through social
security norms.
The student Dimitrie
Gusti
was present in the German cultural
circles during the regime of Wilhelm II
—
son of Emperor
Frederick III and grandson of Wilhelm I. Although he dismissed
Bismarck from his chancellor position, Wilhelm II continued
his social policy.
Gusti
was
18
years and a half old when he dis¬
covered the German model of the social authoritarian state.
German social Monarchy was managing, distributing and
watching over.
370 /
Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice
_______
Young
Gusti
studied in Germany during the Biilow govern¬
ment
(1900-1909),
when the working class was supported by
the state through the extension of the social security legislation.
A revival of social imperialism took place during the same
period in an endeavor to awake national enthusiasm for achieving
the power aspirations of the German Empire. The Romanian stu¬
dent formed intellectually and lived in a regime in which Mo¬
narchy was legitimating as protector of the lower class.
From the perspective of the monarchist political thinkers
(Lorenz von
Stein in Germany or
Mihail
Fărcăşanu
in Romania),
the Crown institution fulfilled a function of equilibrium in the
society. The philosophers arguments consisted in the fact that
the King s intervention could have been of conservative nature
(in the sense of granting the rights acknowledged for the existing
social categories) or of the social intervention nature (when it
aimed at improving the status of the lower class). The monarchic
regime was adapting at the new social relationships and was
calling the people on its side, seeking for the support of the lower
class. Because of this, the ideal regime was named by these
philosophers a social Monarchy.
Being aware or not of these resemblances,
Dimitre Gusti
later
envisioned the monarchic intervention on a social level from
a similar perspective with that of a Monarch concerned with
the fate of the many: in the 30s King Carl II will be named by
Dimitrie
Gusti, in
his quality of President of the Royal Cultural
Foundation, as The King of peasants and of Romanian villages.
After the introduction of the Mandatory Social Service Law
(1938-1939),
while being a state minister,
Gusti
planned to
modernize the rural area not by using social security or con¬
tributions, but by developing a social engineering aiming to
improve the peasant class status. The target audience of the
political communication of the sociologists employed at the
Royal Cultural Foundation
(Octavian
Neamţu,
Henri
H.
Stahl,
Anton
Golopenţia)
was not the working class (poorly represented
in an agrarian country), but the peasantry and the young
students. In Gusti s system, the sociologist s mission was to
upgrade peasantry with the help of the monarchic state, through
Abstract
I
371
social policies and through cultural action. By the means of
cultural intervention in the villages, Monarchy became the
defender of the Romanian peasantry, and turned into a social
Monarchy.
The social policies of
Wilhelm
II
—
as political mechanism for
manipulating and determining the popular categories to support
the social-authoritarian Monarchy
—
seemed to have served
Gusti
when he portrayed King Carl II as The King of peasants and
of Romanian villages. Although the sociologists hired by the Royal
Cultural Foundation
(H.H. Stahl,
O. Neamţu, A. Golopenţia)
were truly interested in social research, the trap in which they
were going to fall was that in the second half of the 30s the teams
at the Foundation (and later on, Social Service) constituted one of
the communication tools of the social Monarchy, engaged in an
unofficial competition with the Legionary Movement.
The sociologist Dimitrie
Gusti
promoted the ideal of a social
Monarchy concerned with the fate of the Romanian peasantry
both amongst the monographists in the Royal teams, as well as in
the Cultural Community Centers of the villages. The major stake
of this communication strategy was to keep the young students
and the peasants away from the magnetic attraction of the
Legionary Movement.
Gusti s plan did not succeeded, as many of his alumni joined
the Legionary Movement in the 30s. Traian Herseni, the theore¬
tician of Monography, fell into the legionary trap and extended it
to others by disseminating legionary brochures addressed to the
workers and peasants. In the context of the financial crisis, the
group formed around Mnduiala magazine
(Dumitru Constantin
Amzăr,
Ernest Bernea, Ion
Ionică
and I. Samarineanu) abandoned
the Monographic School and joined the Legionary Movement.
The conviction of these former monographists was that the
solution for the Romanian nation to get over the crisis was not
Gusti s project to modernize the rural area through social
research and science, but moral salvation based on Christian
grounds. For them the field research that identified the lack of
structure in the agrarian production and the extended use of
obsolete technical means in agriculture and industry were not
372 /
Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice
_______
sufficient anymore as causes of the internal crisis and of the
Romanian society retrogression. For these intellectuals, as well as
for others in their generation, the crisis was not a financial-eco¬
nomical one, but a moral one. The trap in which many intellectuals
fell was their faith that Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, the Legion s
Captain, was a Savior gifted with exceptional qualities, and that
only the moral rebirth of the ethnical nation based on the
Orthodox religion was able to save Romanian society.
Modernizing the Romanian villages and nation, as it was
conceived by
Gusti
through the Science of the Nation, was not
always applied homogenously, but depended on the political
context: in time, the monographic research stage, with its com¬
munity development and social intervention (in the 20s), turned
into the stage of an increasing centralized control of cultural
work
(1934-1938),
and, as final stage, became social engineering
(1938-1939).
At the end of the 30s, Dimitrie
Gusti
proposed the nation
salvation through the New Man, a concept in line with the con¬
temporary political ideologies. But while the legionaries New
Man was depicted as the moral re-born Romanian (in a concept
bursting of mysticism and xenophobia), Dimitrie Gusti s New
Man was portrayed by the Romanian peasant or worker, waiting
to be shaped as social personality in the Cultural Community
Centers of the villages, which served as subdivisions of Gusti s
School. For him and for his co-workers employed at the Royal
Cultural Foundation, the salvation of the Romanian village and
nation was to be achieved through science, monography and
culture.
For Dimitrie
Gusti
and for the sociologists at the School of
Bucharest, the New Man was the social personality able to create
cultural values and to contribute at the economical, social and
political modernization of the Romanian nation. This was the
main reason for which the intellectuals and monographists had
the duty to return to the village for voluntary work (research and
social action), serving the nation as a priority before practicing
any profession for their private interest.
|
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| author | Momoc, Antonio 1978- |
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| era | Geschichte 1920-1940 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1920-1940 |
| format | Book |
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| spelling | Momoc, Antonio 1978- Verfasser (DE-588)102495787X aut Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism Antonio Momoc Bucureşti Curtea Veche 2012 411 S. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Geschichte 1920-1940 gnd rswk-swf Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 gnd rswk-swf Soziologie (DE-588)4077624-4 gnd rswk-swf Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 gnd rswk-swf Rumänien (DE-588)4050939-4 g Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 s Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 s Soziologie (DE-588)4077624-4 s Geschichte 1920-1940 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025211344&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025211344&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Momoc, Antonio 1978- Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 gnd Soziologie (DE-588)4077624-4 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4044737-6 (DE-588)4077624-4 (DE-588)4046514-7 (DE-588)4050939-4 |
| title | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism |
| title_auth | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism |
| title_exact_search | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism |
| title_full | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism Antonio Momoc |
| title_fullStr | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism Antonio Momoc |
| title_full_unstemmed | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism Antonio Momoc |
| title_short | Capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice |
| title_sort | capcanele politice ale sociologiei interbelice scoala gustiana intre carlism si legionarism |
| title_sub | şcoala gustiană între carlism şi legionarism |
| topic | Partei (DE-588)4044737-6 gnd Soziologie (DE-588)4077624-4 gnd Politik (DE-588)4046514-7 gnd |
| topic_facet | Partei Soziologie Politik Rumänien |
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