Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu: I - IV vek
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| Format: | Buch |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Beograd
Balkanološki Inst. SANU
2011
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| Schriftenreihe: | Posebna izdanja / Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut
106 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | PST: The cult of Bacchus. - In kyrill. schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 289, XXVIII S. Ill., Kt. |
| ISBN: | 9788671790635 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu |b I - IV vek |c Sanja Pilipović |
| 264 | 1 | |a Beograd |b Balkanološki Inst. SANU |c 2011 | |
| 300 | |a 289, XXVIII S. |b Ill., Kt. | ||
| 336 | |b txt |2 rdacontent | ||
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| 490 | 1 | |a Posebna izdanja / Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut |v 106 | |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804149396412039168 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | Садржај
УВОД
.................................... 9
I
ДИОНИС/БАХУС/ЛИБЕР
У ГРЧКО-РИМСКОМ СВЕТУ
.... 15
1.
ДИОНИС/БАХУС
.......................... 15
2.
ЛИБЕР
................................. 18
II
ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКЕ И
ФУНКЦИЈЕ
КУЛТА
........... 21
1.
ИКОНОГРАФИЈА
........................... 21
1.1.
Бахус
................................ 21
LU.
Бахус
.............................. 21
1.1.2.
Бахус и друга божанства
.................. 29
1.1.3.
Борба са
непријатељима..................
40
1.1.4.
Несигурне
идентификације
................. 42
1.2.ТШАС
................................ 45
.2Л.Аријадна
............................ 45
1.2.2.
Сатири
............................ 46
1.23.
Стени
............................. 50
1.2.4.
Менаде
............................ 51
1.2.5.
Пан/Фаун
........................... 53
1.2.6.
Пријап
............................. 54
1.2.7.
Бахантски
пути
....................... 56
2.
ИМЕ
БОЖАНСТВА,
ЕПИТЕТИ И ПОСВЕТЕ
.......... 57
3.
КУЛТНЕ
ЗАЈЕДНИЦЕ
....................... 63
3.1.
ЛИБЕР И ЛИБЕРА
.......................... 63
3.2.
Либер, Јупитер
и
Јунона
/
Дионис, Зевс и Хера.........
66
3.3.
Либер и
Terra Mater
........................ 69
3.4.
Либер и Херкул
/
Дионис и Херакле
............... 71
3.5.
Либер и Меркур
.......................... 76
3.6.
Либер и Сол
/
Дионис и Хелиос
................. 78
4.
ФУНКЦШЕ
КУЛТА
......................... 80
4.1.
АуТОХТОНИ, ХЕЛЕНОФОНСКИ И РИМСКИ
ЕЛЕМЕНТИ
......... 80
4.2.
Божанство плодности, вегетацше, вина и виноградарства
. . 83
4.3.
Божанство рударског пантеона
................. 86
4.4.
Ијатрички
аспект
......................... 88
4.5.
хтонско божанство
-
фунерални контекст
........... 90
ШДЕДИКАНТИ-ПОРЕКЛОИСОЦИЈАЛНИСТАТУС
..... 93
1.
ЕПИГРАФСКА
СВЕДОЧАНСТВА.................
93
2.
КВАЛИТЕТ
МАТЕРИЈАЛА
И ИКОНОГРАФСКА СВЕДОЧАНСТВА
97
3.
ИМПОРТ ЛУКСУЗНИХ ПРОИЗВОЛА
............. . 102
4.
МОГУЋИ
ВЛАСНИК
КАСНОАНТИЧКЕ ВИЛЕ НА
МЕДИЈАНИ
105
IV
ДИОНИСОВ
КУЛТ И ЦАРСКА
ИДЕОЛОГИЈА
-
ПРИМЕР
РОМУЛИЈАНЕ
............................. 109
УСАБАЗИЈЕ
................................ 117
У13АКЉУЧАК
.............................. 133
КАТАЛОГ
.................................. 149
Дионис/Бахус/Либер
.......................... 149
Тијас
................................... 173
Сабазше
................................. 194
CATALOGUE
................................ 197
Dionysus/Bacchus/Liber.........................
197
Thiasus
.................................. 221
Sabazius
................................. 243
SUMMARY
................................. 247
СКРАЋЕНИЦЕ
ЛИТЕРАТУРЕ........................
263
ЛИТЕРАТУРА
................................. 266
ИНДЕКС
1
.................................... 277
ИНДЕКСИ
................................... 281
ПОРЕКЛО СЛИКА
.............................. 282
КАРТЕ НАЛАЗИШТА
СПОМЕНИКА
/MAPS OF FIND-SPOTS
..... 285
ИЛУСТРАЦЮЕ/
ILLUSTRATIONS
................... 290
THE CULT OF BACCHUS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS
FROM THE FIRST TO THE FOURTH CENTURY
S u
mmar
y
The complexity of the Bacchus cult, first established in the territory of Up¬
per Moesia and then continued in the Late Roman provinces created on
the same territory, the territory of the central Balkans, today stretching across
the Republic of Serbia, is reflected not only in the cult s wide diffusion but in
its complex characteristics and functions woven in from various influences:
Roman, Hellenic, Thracian, Oriental and autochthonous. The name Bacchus
was chosen as the title of this work, alongside the names Dionysus or Liber,
as the best, or least worse, solution. In Upper Moesian inscriptions, the deity is
referred to as Liber, once under the name of Bacchus, while for art, originating
on the whole from Hellenic influences, the name Dionysus could accordingly
be used. From this it can be concluded that research about the existence of the
cult of Bacchus on this territory is very complex. It is difficult to speak defini¬
tively, but rather several possible explanations can be offered in accordance
with current knowledge, in the hope that further archaeological research will
offer precise and comprehensive understanding of this complex theme.
In Upper Moesia, Bacchus had been venerated from the earliest days
of the formation of the province, and the predisposition of the local popula¬
tion towards this deity continued throughout the administrative changes to
the provincial boundaries and during the 4th century. This is confirmed by
archaeological material dating from the end of the
1
st century to the begin¬
ning of the 4th. Silver vessels date from the earliest period: an imported cup
with the scene of a sacrifice to Silenus/Priapus (cat. no.
88),
silver items from
Tekija
hoard (cat.
nos.
91-93)
dating from
86-89
C.E., and an Ariadne cup
(cat. no.
41).
Lamps from Singidunum, Tricornium, and Viminacium also date
from this earliest period (cat.
nos.
44-47, 94, 96-97),
as do a bronze sculp¬
ture of Bacchus from Singidunum (cat. no.
31)
and an
appliqué
from Negotin
(cat no.
35).
Most of the material dates from the 2nd or 3rd century. Material
248
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of Bacchus in the Central Balkans
__________
from Late Roman villa at
Mediana
(cat.
nos.
20-22, 61-63)
and Late Roman
palace of Galerius at Gamzigrad, called Felix
Romuliana,
date from the end
of the 3rd and beginning of the 4th centuries. Research shows that Bacchus (or
Liber) was venerated from as early as the first conquest of the Upper Moesian
area and the formation of the province. A predilection towards this deity was
expressed during the period of destabilization of power in the 3rd century and
in the time of the creation of the province s boundaries, started in the Danube
region during the reign of Aurelian
(270-275)
and finished in the Diocletian
period
(284-300).
His veneration also continues after the administrative divi¬
sion of the Roman Empire, in the 4th century.
Bearing in mind that the earliest conquest of this territory between
Macedonia and the Danube occurred in the northeastern part of the territory,
the appearance of the oldest archaeological material in Singidunum, Vimi-
nacium and Transdierna, situated in the north-east area of the province, is
understandable. For example, at the end of the 1st and beginning of the 2nd
century Viminacium was an important military base during wars with the Da-
cians. Little is known about its pre-Roman inhabitants. It is presumed that at
the end of the 1st century, many discharged legionaries had chosen to settle
near the place of their service, in the vicinity of military camps, and by the be¬
ginning of the 2nd century this had become the rule. Together with merchants,
they formed the first community of Roman citizens in Viminacium. The earli¬
est veneration of Bacchus in the province can be confirmed from those first
days of settlement. Thus cult of Bacchus arrived, as well as in other parts of
the province, with the Roman conquest, and then developed in combination
with autochthonic and Hellenic influences. With the subsequent penetration
of new Christian religious elements, the cult began to coexist with changes in
society.
Bacchus was not equally venerated in all parts of the province. Looking
from the north, there is evidence of the cult at the following sites: Singidu¬
num (cat.
nos.
2-3, 15, 31-32, 44, 72-74),
Grocka (cat. no.
14),
Lazarevac
(cat. no.
88),
Tricomium (cat.
nos.
45, 99),
Vinceia (cat.
nos.
6, 79),
Margum
(cat. no.
33),
Viminacium (cat.
nos.
7, 16-17, 24-25, 34, 40, 42, 46-47, 55,
58-59, 65, 75-78, 90, 94-97, 111-112, 114, 116-117),
Transdierna (cat.
nos.
91-93, 119),
Pontes
(cat.
nos.
12, 36, 81-82, 118),
Prahovo
(cat. no.
35)
and
Negotin (cat.
nos.
18, 26).
Then, in the far eastern part of the province there
is evidence of the cult in Bononia (cat.
nos.
8, 37, 120)
and Ratiaria (cat.
nos.
48, 80);
south of Singidunum on the slopes of Kosmaj (cat. no.
4)
and
Rudnik
mountain (cat. no.
5);
in the central part of the province at
Ravna
(cat.
nos.
43, 66, 115, 123),
Naissus (cat.
nos.
9, 64, 121),
then in Orljane near Doljevci
(cat. no.
83),
in Leskovac and its surroundings (cat.
nos.
10, 113),
Žitorađa
Summary
249
near Prokuplje (cat. no.
85);
in the south in Ulpiana (cat. no.
84),
Istok
by
Peć
(cat. no.
28),
Scupi
(cat.
nos.
11, 23, 29, 57, 98)
and at
Rudnik
to the north of
Veles
(cat. no.
30).
There are also a number of archaeological finds from the
Late Roman villa at
Mediana
(cat.
nos.
20-22, 61-63)
and palace of Galerius
(cat.
nos.
1, 13, 19, 27, 60, 67-69).
From these it can be seen that most of the
archaeological material originates from the north of the province, and from
the large centres of Viminacium and Singidunum, followed by the colony of
Scupi
and the Late Roman villa of
Mediana
and palace of Galerius.
The selected archaeological material had various functions and pur¬
poses. The most precise information about the way in which this deity was
venerated is certainly provided by a preserved altar and votive relief with
inscription (cat.
nos.
2-12).
Then there are stone sculptures (cat.
nos.
14-23,
58-64),
reliefs (cat.
nos.
24-30, 66-71)
and decorative architectonic plastics
(cat.
nos.
27, 67-69).
There are numerous bronze sculptures (cat.
nos.
31-33,
37-39, 73—74, 76, 79, 82, 86-87),
utilitarian items,
appliqués,
parts of ves¬
sels, weights and lamps (cat.
nos.
34-36, 72, 75, 77-81, 83-85).
Most silver
vessels are imported (cat.
nos.
41, 88-93).
There are terracotta reliefs (cat.
nos.
42-43)
and lamps (cat.
nos.
44-48, 94-98).
Jewelry (i.e. gems) is also
preserved (cat.
nos.
49-57, 99-113)
of which some gems are preserved on
original gold, silver, and iron rings, while there is also one mirror with a re¬
lief made from precious materials (cat. no.
40).
A mosaic from the palace of
Galerius at Gamzigrad also presents an exceptional portrait of Dionysus (cat.
no.
13).
Iconographie
analysis indicates that the deity was most frequently por¬
trayed with a cloak draped around his waist or thrown over his shoulder (cat.
nos.
13, 40-41, 49-50, 52-54, 57),
with a nebris across his shoulder (cat.
nos.
12, 14, 18, 26, 28-29, 33, 42)
or naked (cat.
nos.
15-16, 30, 37, 39).
One
bronze statue shows an apron wrapped around the deity s waist (cat. no.
38).
Bacchus has a characteristic boots {cothurni) on votive reliefs from
Baravo
and
Rudnik
(cat.
nos.
28-30),
as on bronze statues from Margum and
Vidin
(cat.
nos.
33, 37).
The deity wears a wreath of ivy or laurel on his head (cat.
nos.
12, 35, 57),
or of vine leaves and grapes (cat.
nos.
31, 33, 43),
flowers
(cat. no.
13),
or he has a leaf and apple in his hair (cat. no.
36),
a ribbon (cat.
no.
37)
or a coronet (cat. no.
25).
Usually he is accompanied by a panther or a
dog (cat.
nos.
12, 21-23, 26, 29-30, 32-33, 42, 51-52, 57),
a leopard (cat. no.
13)
or a lion (cat.
nos.
27, 93?).
The attributes of the deity vary but can be divided into two basic groups.
In the first of these Bacchus holds a thyrsus and pours a cantahrus over a
panther or dog beside his feet, as portrayed by the marble reliefs, the mosaic,
and one bronze statue (cat.
nos.
12-13, 26, 33),
while on the Barovo relief
250
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of Bacchus in the Central Balkans
__________
he holds the cantahrus but embraces
Libera.
Bacchus holding a thyrsus and
cantahrus on gems (cat.
nos.
49-53, 55-57),
although on one gem two snakes
are wrapped around the thyrsus (cat. no.
55).
On the mosaic from Gamzigrad
Bacchus holds the thyrsus and cantahrus, but there is a leopard beside him
(cat. no.
13).
There are a number of variations of this
iconographie type.
On
the bronze statuette from
Vidin
Bacchus stands next to a column and holds a
patera (cat. no.
37);
on the bronze cover from Viminacium the contents of a
goat skin pouch flow onto the patera (cat. no.
34);
while on the Ariadne cup
Bacchus gives a drink from his cantahrus to a sea panther, sitting on its back
(cat. no.
41).
In the other group, the attributes of the deity explicitly indicate the Vin-
demia, act of picking grapes. Bacchus holds: a disproportionately large bunch
of grapes in his hand (cat. no.
15);
a bunch of grapes above an altar (cat. no.
38);
a knife for pruning the vine and a bunch of grapes, and has an apron
around his waist (cat. no.
38).
On one bronze statuette there is a Satyr bearing
the child Bacchus, while in his other hand Satyr holds a cultellus knife (cat.
no.
39).
Two grapevines with grapes falling at the deity s sides, cross his na¬
ked body (cat. no.
31 ).
His head is wreathed with vine leaves and grapes (cat.
nos.
31, 33, 43),
leaves and an apple (cat. no.
36),
while on the portal from
palace of Galerius a relief represented his hair tangled with a grape vine with
grapes (cat. no.
27).
Bacchus is also shown beside a tree and grape vine (cat
.no.
25).
These elements fall within the pattern of usual iconography, but also
indicate that this aspect of the deity was widespread.
The pastoral character is obvious on a handle of a patera made of ter¬
racotta from Viminacium (cat. no.
42)
on which Bacchus/Liber pours a can-
tharus over a dog while holding apedum (shepherd s crook), a common at¬
tribute of Pan or Satyr, in his other hand. Bacchus could have the attributes of
other deities. On one gem (cat. no.
54)
he holds a bunch of grapes and an ear
of wheat. The ear of wheat indicates that this syncretism represents Dionysus
and
Demeter
since this was one of the basic attributes of this goddess. The
portal relief from the Galerius palace at Gamzigrad (cat. no.
43)
comprises
various Dionysian elements, including lions alluding to the cult of Cybele.
A special theme is represented by the Bacchus child. The child deity
can be found on a bronze
appliqué
from Kladovo (cat. no.
36),
a bronze statu¬
ette of unknown origin in a composition with a Satyr (cat. no.
39)
and possibly
on marble fragments from villa at
Mediana
(cat.
nos.
20, 63).
On the other
hand, on a bronze cover from Viminacium (cat. no.
34)
Bacchus is portrayed
as a mature bearded male.
Members of thiasus are portrayed within the pattern of usual iconogra¬
phy: Ariadne (cat.
nos.
40-41, 67),
Satyrs (cat.
nos.
12, 39-40, 60-63, 65, 75,
Summary
251
77, 82, 90, 97, 99-111 ),
Silenus (cat.
nos.
28, 58, 66, 68, 80, 85, 88, 92, 96, 98,
112),
Maenads (cat.
nos.
12, 58, 64-65, 68, 71, 74, 79, 81, 88, 90-91, 93-95),
Pan or
Faunus
(cat.
nos.
28, 70-72, 78, 83-84, 88, 104?, 113),
Priapus (cat.
nos.
59, 73, 76, 86-88, 110)
and bacchic/»wtfo (cat.
nos.
12, 63?, 69).
Inscriptions, of which there are twelve, provide data concerning the
character and function of the deity in these areas. They speak of the name
under which the deity was venerated and with which epithets. In Upper Moe-
sia inscriptions most often mentioned the name Liber (cat.
nos.
2-4, 6-12),
then Bacchus in the formula D(eo) B(accho) s(acrum) on the
Rudnik
patera
(cat. no.
5).
Epithets of the deity were usual. As in other Roman provinces he
is most commonly venerated using the epithet Pater (cat.
nos.
2, 3, 6, 8, 10,
11)
and
Deus
(cat.
nos.
9, 10, 11, 12),
then Sacrum (cat.
nos.
2, 6),
Augustus
(cat. no.
6)
and Sanctus (cat. no.
10).
The unusual Liber epithet Laetus is used
on the votive altar from
Pusto Šilovo
near
Lece
(cat. no.
10).
In the Balkan
provinces of the Roman Empire the epithet Laetus is only known from relief
fragments from
Salona
in the formula Deo laeto
{CIL
III,
8673).
This Liber
epithet on the
Pusto Šilovo
and
Salona
inscriptions and the name of the god¬
dess
Hilara
from the Naissus inscription (cat. no.
9)
could be interpreted as
Greek and Latin aspects of the same idea
{hilaros,
laetus), indicating mirth,
referring to the character of the god of wine.
Dedications to Liber
un
Upper Moesia belong in the domain of the usual
formula
{ex voto
posuit,
votum
libens
merito
posuit,
votum
solvit
posuit, libens
merito,
libens
hederá
posuit). Dedications for good health were not unusual,
but it is still necessary to mention the votive altar from
Pusto Šilovo
near
Lece
(cat. no.
10)
erected for the health of the dedicator and his fellow villagers
(pro salutes
suas et
vicanorum posuerunt). In addition there are dedications
ab
immunitatem (cat. no.
11 )
in honour of the relief from public duties for two
freed men Marcianus and Varidius. This dedication
ab
immunitatem is, as far
as we know, unique in the Balkans, although two such dedications have been
found in Upper
Germania
(AE
1909,
35; AE
1901, 75)
and one in Britain {AE
1905, 168).
The joint invocation of Liber and other deities were numerous. Joint
dedication to Liber and
Libera are
confirmed by inscriptions (cat.
nos.
2, 3, 7,
8,9, 12)
and sculptures (cat.
nos.
12, 23?, 29).
A standard Latin formula
Libera
is found on one inscription (cat. no.
8)
while on others forms of the name ap¬
pear (Libira,
Libera,
Liberaea
(?),
Libiera), these attempting to reproduce
the deity s Latin name. The name
Hilara,
being another name for
Libera,
on
an inscription from Naissus (cat. no.
9)
deserves special attention and could
be interpreted as and Latin aspects of the Greek name
(hilaros,
laetus). The
Upper Moesian Liber and
Libera
pair present in a certain sense
interpretatio
252_______
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of
Bacchus in
the
Central Balkans_________
romana
of an indigenous couple safeguarding agriculture and fertility. The
functions of this divine couple were various, from being patrons overseeing
birth and fertility in the realm
ornature
(land, vegetable, animal and human)
to jurisdiction over vine harvesting.
Liber is also appearing in joint dedications with other deities from the
Roman pantheon. Invocation to Jupiter and Liber is confirmed by an inscrip¬
tion from Kosmaj (cat. no.
4),
to Jupiter, Liber,
Libera
and Juno by an inscrip¬
tion from Naissus (cat. no.
9),
to Jupiter, Liber,
Libera
and Terra Mater by
an inscription from Singidunum (cat. no.
2).
On votive relief from
Bukovo
Dionysus is shown with Zeus and Heracles (cat. no.
26),
and on a relief from
Rudnik
with Zeus and Hera (cat. no.
30).
The connection between Jupiter and
Liber was not unusual and was reflected on various levels. One of the two
interpretations of Liber s origin connects him with Jupiter. Both deities were
considered to be patrons overseeing vineyards and wine (Jupiter
—
vinum infe-
rium; Liber
-
vinum spurcum), as well as patrons of mining wealth. On these
Upper Moesian inscriptions, Jupiter (with or without Juno) had the function
of supreme deity (cat.
nos.
2, 4, 9).
As such he was probably associated with
the plebeian triad, Liber,
Libera
and Terra Mater (cat. no.
2)
or, together with
Juno, with the divine couple Liber and
Libera
(cat. no.
9),
confirming the
security of all well—being. On the Kosmaj inscription (cat. no.
4)
Jupiter and
Liber could be perceived as patrons overseeing wine or the earth s fertility,
which would have included mining resources.
The joint dedication to Liber, Jupiter and Terra Mater appears on an
inscription from Singidunum (cat. no.
2).
The cult of this goddess was not
especially extensive in Upper Moesia. There is however also one other known
inscription on the entrance to a mine in
Rudnik
(IMS I,
168)
made by the
procurator Cassius Ligurinus during the reign of Septimus
Severas,
confirm¬
ing the renovation of the temple of this goddess. Bearing in mind that the Sin¬
gidunum inscription arose from a rural property on the periphery of a town, it
is possible that it is dedicated to the patron of agriculture. On the other hand,
the joint invocation to Terra Mater and Liber and
Libera
was not unusual and
could be attributed to the old tradition of worshipping gods of fertility and
agriculture, while Jupiter had the function of supreme deity. Fertility could
include abundant mineral resources, which would correlate with the mining
aspect of this goddess referred to in the
Rudnik
inscription.
Dionysus is shown on two votive reliefs revealing Hellenic influences
or those coming from Thrace. On
Bukovo
relief Dionysus shown with Zeus
and Heracles (cat. no.
26)
and in a relief from
Rudnik
with Zeus and Hera (cat.
no.
30).
Zeus, Heracles and Dionysus on the
Bukovo
relief are compatible
deities, expressing the acceptance of the official religion of Septimus Severus,
Summary
253
which was particularly devotion to these
dii
patrii
deities. The influences from
Thrace associated with the joint Heracles and Dionysus cult are noticeable. It
is possible that this relief relates to the protection of the mine s abundance, but
it also expressed the vineyard aspect, since the area in which it was found had
long been famous for viticulture. The appearance of Zeus and Hera together
with Dionysus on the
Rudnik
relief could also be understood in the context
of influences coming from Thrace or Greece. In the Roman Empire the cult
of Hera was very widespread, as confirmed by a number of inscriptions and
monuments. According to the Orpheus tradition, Zeus represented spring and
Dionysus autumn. They encircled Hera, the goddess
ornature,
thus expressing
the opposite aspects of two seasons most favorable for vegetation, spring for
sowing and autumn for harvesting and grape picking. The principle of group¬
ing deities together was therefore agronomical.
Liber,
Libera
and Mercury triad was confirmed by an inscription from
Viminacium (cat. no.
7).
Unfortunately neither their epithet nor data about the
dedicant were marked. Mercury was not especially venerated in Viminacium.
Liber and
Libera
might have been venerated as gods of fertility and agricul¬
ture, but Mercury would have strengthened the significance of this dedication,
or as protector of trade and travel, he may indicate the dedicant s occupation.
On the other hand, the inscription may indicate the chthonic aspect of these
deities, similar to a tombstone from
Dacia
(Popescu C, Popescu M.,
1995,
229-230).
A joint dedication to Dionysus and Helios is confirmed by a relief on
a mirror from Viminacium (cat. no.
40)
where Helios (SO/) participates in the
act of hierogamy of Dionysus and Ariadne. The reason for the popularity of
Helios in Viminacium could have been due to the territory of the town being
inhabited by a group of people from Syrian
Comagene,
a city of
Dolieha,
in
the 2nd century. It is possible that the owner of the mirror or the craftsman who
made it actually came from this Syrian region.
Research has shown that in the Central Balkans on 1st to 4th century, Bac¬
chus was attributed with various functions. Liber, together with
Libera,
was
characterized with an autochthonic personality, later assimilated with the Ro¬
man one. The name
Hilara
for
Libera
is an example of this (cat. no.
9)
as well as
the fact that the standard form of her name in Latin was
Libera
is evidenced by
only one inscription (cat. no.
8).
On the remaining inscriptions one encounters
spelling or grammatical mistakes made by the dedicants probably attempting to
reproduce the Latin name for a deity. This indicates that the name of this deity
was to a certain extent unfamiliar to the inhabitants of Upper Moesia. Accord-
ingly, Liber and
Libera
could be understood as the
interpretato Romana
of an
254_______
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of Bacchus in the Central Balkans
__________
indigenous couple, the protectors of agriculture and fertility, relatively popular
in the Danube provinces of the Balkans.
Liber s function as protector of wine and viticulture was also confirmed
in inscriptions and in sculpture. Liber s epithet Laetus on an inscription from
Pusto Šilovo
near
Lece
(cat. no.
10)
and name
Hilara
for
Libera
on an inscrip¬
tion from Naissus (cat. no.
9)
are the most significant indications that these
deities were venerated as gods of enjoyment, fertility and mirth, which would
have included wine. Some
iconographie
details, seen on sculpture of the de¬
ity from Singidunum (cat.
nos.
15, 31),
also reveal this aspect of Liber, as do
examples from Margum (cat. no.
33),
Viminacium (cat. no.
25),
Ravna
(cat.
no.
43)
and from Galerius palace at Gamzigrad (cat. no.
27).
It is possible that
Dionysus on the
Bukovo
relief in a triad with Zeus and Heracles (cat. no.
26)
or in a triad with Zeus and Hera on a relief from
Rudnik
(cat. no.
30)
had a
similar function. From these examples we can see that Dionysus was recog¬
nized as patrons over wine throughout the province of Upper Moesia.
One possible aspect of Liber s character is his role as patron of mining
wealth. Liber was often honorated in mining districts throughout the Roman
Empire. There is no precise data about his function in Upper Moesia, but
individual occurrences of this aspect should not be ignored. Such are the in¬
scriptions dedicated to Liber and Jupiter from the mining area of Kosmaj (cat.
no.
4)
and from Singidunum (cat. no.
2)
in which Liber and
Libera
appear
alongside Jupiter and Terra Mater. The relief from
Bukovo
(cat. no.
26)
could
also be included in this group, as well as the dedication on silver patera from
Rudnik
(cat. no.
5).
Dionysus healing, iatric, function could be noted in the decorative pro¬
gramme of the residential villa at
Mediana
and Galerius palace at Gamzigrad.
The group finding of sculptures of Dionysus and member of his thiasus from
the villa at
Mediana
was probably based on the healing integrity of a cult lo¬
cation in the complex of
Mediana.
A certain number of these sculpture (cat.
nos.
21, 61, 63)
were found in the thermae complex, thermal baths, while a
decorative relief fragment Sleeping Ariadne
cames
from the thermae sector
of the Galerius palace at Gamzigrad
- Romuliana
(cat. no.
67).
It is possible
that these sculptures were brought to
Mediana
from the sanctuary dedicated to
Asclepius or Dionysus, where they have functions within their soteriological
and iatric sistems. Accordingly, this confirms the possibility that there was a
cult location within the suburban complex of
Mediana.
Such a location could
be connected with the existence of thermal baths nearby. There are strong hot
and cold springs in
Niška Banja,
located near the
Mediana,
used since the 2nd
century, from the time of Antoninus Pius, which was the culmination of the
exploitation of this type of natural wealth. Belief in the healing power of As-
Summary
255
clepius, Hygeia, Dionysus, and Heracles was widespread in the Roman world,
especially in areas with hot therapeutic springs such as the central Balkans.
Liber s healing, iatric, function is could also be indicated in the dedication pro
salute on the
Pusto Šilovo
inscription (cat. no.
10),
a votive altar raised for the
good health of the dedicant father and son, but also of their villagers.
The chthonic aspect of Bacchus is shown in the funerary monuments
and cult objects laid in tombs, inventory of tombs. Ivy or vine leaves are most
usually encountered as the Dionysian symbols of reproduction and eternal
life. However, on the so-called Jason s sarcophagus there is very descrip¬
tive evidence of Bacchanalia (cat. no.
65).
There are far more Dionysian cult
objects laid in tombs. Sadly, there is no precise evidence about the place of
origin of a lot of Upper Moesian archaeological material. Most of these ob¬
jects originated in the necropolis of Viminacium (cat.
nos.
40, 42, 46-47, 59,
94-97),
Ulpiana (cat. no.
84),
Scupi
(cat.
nos.
57,98)
and from Leskovac (cat.
no.
113).
The complexity of the Bacchus (Liber or Dionysus) cult the central
Balkans, it is in Upper Moesia and the Late Roman province on the same
territory shows that adherents came from various social groups and origins,
included men and women. Inscriptions, sculpture and painting testify to their
different social groups. Of eleven Upper Moesian inscriptions dedicated to
Liber, four offer data about the worshipper s rank. Two inscriptions reveal that
veterans venerated Liber. Votive altar from Singidunum (cat. no.
2)
erected by
a veteran and signifer of the IV Flavia legion, quinquennalis of Singidunum
and
decurión
of Sirmium. Votive altar from Naissus erected by another vet¬
eran of the IV Flavia or of the
VII
Claudia (cat. no.
9).
He was one of the few
who seemed to have returned to their homeland of Naissus after he had served
at Viminacium. Veterans formed a significant group among Liber adherents
in the other Balkan provinces. An inscription from
Pusto Šilovo
near
Lece
(cat. no.
10)
shows that the followers of the cult came from a higher social
class.
Flavius
Lucius and
Flavius Lucillus
were two brothers or, more likely,
father and son, Lucillus being a diminutive of the name Lucius. They were
probably elders of the vicus since they erected the altar for the good health of
their villagers. On the other hand, the
Scupi
inscription (cat. no.
11)
indicates
that members of a lower social rank also venerated Liber, for example the
inscription in honour of being released from public duties by two freedmen
Marcianus and Varidius. In fact, freedmen are not often attested in inscrip¬
tions dedicated to Liber. An inscription from
Pusto Silovo
near
Lece
(cat. no.
10)
indicates the collective significance of the cult: the adherents being, as
mentioned before, a father and son together with their villagers
{vicarii).
256_______
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of
Bacchus
in the Central Balkans
__________
Inscriptions also give significant data about the origins of adherents
of the Liber cult. The cognomen Aurelius of the adherent of the votive altar
from Singidunum (cat. no.
2)
indicates the peregrines who gained citizenship
during the time of Marcus Aurelius or Caracalla. Judging by the cognomen
Atticus, his origins could be found in Northern Italy or in other Western prov¬
inces of the Empire. The adherent of a marble votive relief from
Pontes
(cat.
no.
12)
also bears gentilicium Aurelius, while
Siro
shows that he might have
been Greek origin. The gentilicium
Flavius
indicates a person who had prob¬
ably obtained the rights of Roman citizens under the Flavian dinasty, probably
an ancestor of the first immigrants or soldiers who had arrived in the province.
An inscription from the territory of
Scupi
(cat.
nos.
11)
reveals that the dedi-
cant was a freedman, Varidus or Varidius, a name which has not been con¬
firmed in another place. The cognomen Marcianus was quite well known and
the gentilicium Ulpius can be found throughout Upper Moesia, indicating that
the benefactor was of peregrine origin, which obtained the rights of Roman
citizens under Trajan. The inscription from
Pusto Šilovo
(cat.
nos.
10)
clearly
shows that Liber could have female adherent also, because the altar was also
erected for the good health of villagers.
The materials from which Upper Moesian altars are made indicate that
the dedicants were not of particularly good material standing. All altars are
made of limestone or porous sandstone, unlike the relief with inscription from
Pontes
which is made of marble (cat. no.
12).
Preserved sculptures do not of¬
fer significant data since they were mostly made of varying qualities of mar¬
ble, from poorly grained to finely grained. There is no preserved inscription to
show who had ordered the Jason sarcophagus (cat. no.
65)
but
iconographie
analysis allows the assumption that the owner belonged to the city s higher
socioeconomic stratum. Owner was probably a distinguished citizen of Vimi-
nacium and probably had military career, judging by the revealed affinity to¬
wards triumphal and heroic mythological themes. The predisposition towards
such a funerary repertoire may have been also the choice of the sculptor of the
sarcophagus, most probably Greek. Dedicants of two votive reliefs from
Rud¬
nik,
north of
Veles
(cat. no.
30)
and from
Bukovo
(cat. no.
26)
probably having
come from the Hellenic or Thracian territory. The influences which underlay
the creation of the Zeus, Dionysus and Hera triad (cat. no.
30)
and Zeus, Dio¬
nysus and Heracles triad (cat. no.
26)
probably came from these areas.
Owners of jewelry indicated through displayed representations on it
their predisposition towards Dionysus, while the quality of the material pro¬
vides precious data about the owners financial power and social status. Thus
the owner of an iron ring with a silver gem from Leskovac (cat. no.
113)
was
rich enough to afford himself to a silver gem, while the iron ring indicates his
Summary
257
lower social rank. Probably ring belonged to certain slave that could pay ring
with a silver gem, but did not have enough freedom to carry a ring that was
completely made of silver. On the other hand, wealthy members of a higher
social class might afford themselves a gold ring with a chalcedony gem (cat.
no.
52)
or
a carneóle
gem (cat. no.
112).
Regarding gems, they were mostly
of common semi-precious stone,
carneóle,
popular in Roman times (cat.
nos.
49, 51, 53, 55, 99, 102, 106-108, 111-112).
Then there were gems of jasper
(cat.
nos.
50, 54, 100-101, 103-104),
chalcedony (cat.
nos.
52, 110)
and opal
(cat. no.
53, 105).
There are also individual examples of preserved gems made
of garnet (cat. no.
56),
onyx (cat. no.
57)
and agate (cat. no.
109).
The work¬
manship of gems is clear and precise and the choice of semi-precious stones
indicates significant value, manufactured in a very good glyptic workshop.
The wealthy owner of the relief mirror (cat. no.
40),
made of high qual¬
ity materials, with excellent workmanship, was probably a woman of oriental
origin.
Iconographie
analysis of the relief, the appearance of Bacchus with
Sol, that is, Dionysus with Helios, in the same iconography shows that the
owner or craftsman was from the Eastern provinces of the Empire, recogniz¬
able also from the rich tradition of metalwork. The area could be on the border
of Syrian
Comagene,
from the city of
Dolieha
from where a number of people
had settled in Viminacium in the 2nd century.
Research shows that in the central Balkans on 1st to 4th century, women
also revered Bacchus (Dionysus) as shown by the relief mirror (cat. no.
40),
part of the inventory of the grave of a woman, and by the Dionysian iconog¬
raphy on a jewelry box (cat. no.
77).
The dimensions of rings indicate that
these were mainly worn by men. However, the smaller diameter of the ring
from Viminacium (cat. no.
112)
could indicates that its owner was a wealthy
woman.
It is difficult to speak about the purchasers and creators of luxurious
silver vessels (cat.
nos.
5, 41, 88-93)
because these were imported items. The
issue is whether the Dionysian scenes shown have decorative or cult value.
These vessels hail from different periods, as well as were been different their
routes of import into Upper Moesia. Nevertheless, their quality indicates the
rather high standard of living of Roman soldiers serving on the borders, but
also of domestic inhabitants, settled foreigners, tradesmen and artisans. Also,
these silver vessels are important evidence that Dionysian themes formed part
of the everyday life of well-off Upper Moesian inhabitants.
The owner of the vessel from
Jabučje
(cat. no.
88)
was a rich individual,
perhaps a soldier who had looted this valuable item in Italy and brought it with
him at the beginning of the period of Roman domination on Upper Moesian
soil. A prefect of the auxiliary military unit recruited in Spain and stationed in
258_______
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of
Bacchus in
the
Central Balkans__________
the Lower Danube, Lucillus
Flavius
Valens was,
according to the inscription,
the owner of the Ariadne cup (cat. no.
41).
The
Tekija
hoard contain hetero-
genic material. Among other items, there are silver vessels belonging to the
western, Italian production circle (cat.
nos.
91-93),
but also silver
emblema
(cat. no.
119),
which indicate the work of an oriental workshop of the Hellenic
period. Silver vessels from
Tekija
are similar to those from Campania and
connected with the post-Augustine period when they were probably created
and brought to Upper Moesia by the army. Roman officers could store treasure
and silver jewelry looted somewhere in
Dacia
and bury with their own trea¬
sured possessions. These vessels from Campania found themselves at a cer¬
tain moment in the possession of Dacians who, according to some additional
iconographie
elements, in some way included them in their cultural context.
From the inscription on the silver buckle we know that the owner of the items
of
Tekija
hoard was G. Valerius
Cresces,
from
centuria Veri.
The identification of the owner of Late Roman villa at
Mediana
has
been the subject of various studies. This question is very complex, especially
when we know that the villa was built in several phases. On the basis of ar¬
chaeological research carried out in
2004,
Vasić (Vasić
M.
2004, 79)
states
that the first phase was practically demolished and rebuilt, and that it might
have also been destroyed before
330
C.E. The second phase lasted from
330
to
334
C.E. when
Constantine
I first time stayed in Naissus for a longer period.
Probably just then ran the first phase of the villas with peristyle. Although
it is possible that a small triclinum east of the large triclinium already been
built in the first phase. The next phase of construction of the villa is difficult
to determine precisely, but it certainly was after the
334
C.E. However, it is
possible that the villa was decorated during
Constans
stay in Naissus between
339-340.
The third phase is difficult to ascertain precisely.
Relevant literature states that the owner of the villa is difficult to deter¬
mine, but judging by its position, extent, and luxurious style it is not impos¬
sible that the owner was an emperor. During a certain period the villa was
conceded to Roimetalkes (diasemotatos
-
vir
prefectissimus), who with his
wife Phi
lippa
dedicated a statue to Asclepius and Hygeia. With reserve, be¬
cause of imprecise data,
Petrović
shows the possibility of identifying this with
Valerius Roimetalca, who was duke of Egypt, the Thebaid and the two Libyas
under
Constantine
(an inscription from Luxor dated
324-325
CE., CIL
III,
12073:
duxAegypti
et Thebaidos
utrarumque Libyarum). The material from
which the sculpture of Asclepius and Hygeia is made, and its style, connects it
to Egypt, as well as Egyptian provenance for the model for Hygeia and bronze
statuette of Hermes-Tot.
Summary
259
On the other side, judging by dating of the villa, it is difficult to believe
that
Constantine
I and his sons
Constans
and
Constantine
II establish a pagan
sanctuary in the
Mediana
villa, especially having in view their intolerance
towards pagans, and Constantine s inclination towards the Sol, in the period
prior to
325
C.E. The next emperor to spend several months in Naissus was
Julian the Apostate. Research into historical sources suggests that he was in
Naissus between June and November
361,
when he most probably visited
Mediana.
Julian s religious orientation was complex, emphasizing syncretism
and neo-Platonist ideology, but he was still a passionate worshipper of Sol
{Helios), as is illustrated by his Hymn to King Helios.
On the basis of this, it is possible to conclude that most probably Julian
conceived the idea of a sanctuary dedicated to healing gods, to which belongs
the bronze railing as well as numerous sculptures of Asclepius, Hygeia, Her¬
cules, Mercury, but also sculptures of Dionysian imagery. This concurs with
Julian s syncretism, especially the veneration of Helios and Asclepius and also
the proximity of the thermae complex. Although the purchasers of the
Medi¬
ana
sculptures, including sculptures with Dionysian iconography, cannot be
precisely ascertained, careful observation indicates that the owners were very
educated and with a high social position.
The relationship between the Bacchus cult and imperial ideology can
be followed following an example from Galerius palace at Gamzigrad. The
Late Roman fortified palace compound and memorial complex was commis¬
sioned by Emperor Caius Valerius Galerius Maximianus in the late 3rd and
early 4th centuries. It was known as Felix
Romuliana,
named after the em¬
peror s mother. The Dionysian themes had a special place in the decoration
of the palace (cat.
nos.
1, 13, 19, 27, 60, 67-69).
It is also possible that the
little temple
S
(cat. no.
1)
was dedicated to Liber. There is evidence of this in
that Lactantius states that Galerius mother venerated the mountain god , the
crypt resembles
а
fossa sanguinis, and sculptures from the Dionysian imagery
were found nearby. There is no known temples, that is, what the architecture
of those dedicated to Liber were like, but D.
Srejović s
conjectures that the
temple was dedicated to Liber makes it possible.
In the decorative programme of this Late Roman palace it is possible
to notice the special connection Galerius had with Dionysus and Alexander
the Great. This is firstly noticeable in the tendency to assimilate Galerius
birth with the birth of this deity and the ancient hero, particularly regard¬
ing their mortal mother and immortal father. The idea notional connection
between Galerius and Dionysus can be observed also on the level of military
campaigns. Galerius could compare his great victory over the Persian King
Narses in
297/8
with Dionysus victorious Indian campaign. In the decorative
260_______
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of Bacchus in the Central Balkans
__________
programme of the palace the connection between Galerius-Dionysus-Alex-
ander can be noticed on three different levels: the iconography, the possibility
that the small temple
S
was dedicated to Liber, and in the mausoleums, that is,
in the act of apotheosis of the emperor and his mother
Romuliana
modeled
on the apotheosis of the Hellenic hero. The myth of Dionysus served Galerius
as a model on which to create a myth about himself. Thus the example of the
Late Roman palace at Gamzigrad shows on the best way interweaving of the
Dionysian cult and imperial ideology.
The complexity of the cult of Bacchus in Upper Moesia and Late Roman
provinces on the same territory could not be understood without possessing
knowledge about Sabazius, an oriental deity often assimilated with Dionysus.
Sabazius cult is confirmed by epigraphic (cat.
nos.
114-115)
and non-epi-
graphic monuments (cat.
nos.
116-121).
Furthermore, there are also represen¬
tations in art with elements of the Sabazius cult but it is difficult to attribute
them precisely (cat.
nos.
21, 121).
His cult is confirmed in the north-western
part of Upper Moesia, in Viminacium,
Pontes, Bononia
and
Tekija,
and in the
southern part in Naissus and
Ravna.
The veneration of Sabazius was evident
in the period between the 1st to the end of the 3rd century, or the beginning of
the 4th, which means from the Roman conquest of this area right up to the Late
Roman period. The veneration of Sabazius is confirmed by votive hands on the
ivory needles, parts of the grave inventories in Viminacium and
Pontes
(cat.
nos.
116-118)
and sculpture from
Vidin
(cat. no.
120),
usual iconography with
the bust of the deity and attributing pinecones, an eagle, and a snake wrapped
round a tree. Other examples fall within unusual iconography. The deity on
the silver
emblema
from
Tekija
hoard (cat. no.
119)
has been interpreted as
Sabazius (Mano-Zisi
Đ.
1957, 35
ff;
Picard
Ch.
1961, 160 ff,
si.
11 & 12;
Lane E.
N. 1985, 45,
D2),
the Celtic
Dis Pater
(Mareea
M.
1959, 338,
nap.
50),
and Heracles assimilated with Jupiter Helipolitanus
(Jovanović
A.
1990,
29-36).
Another votive silver
emblema
found on the same site, interpreted as
Cybele feeding a holy snake, offering a contribution to the theory that this is
Sabazius, with whom Cybele was often associated (Lane E.
N. 1989, 16-19).
In the syncretic representation on the ring gem from Naissus (cat. no.
121)
are
recognizable Sabazius attributes together with those of other deities such as
Jupiter, Mercury, Mars and Attis. Research shows that the connection between
Mercury and Sabazius is nevertheless dominant here.
Inscriptions dedicated to Sabazius and so relevant data are not numer¬
ous in Upper Moesia. On an inscription on a marble tablet from Viminacium
(cat. no.
114)
there is preserved the name of the deity written in Greek while
on the inscription from
Ravna
(cat. no.
115)
he is referred to in Latin. The
Ravna
inscription is dedicated for the good health of the emperor
Gordian
III
Summary
261
and the consul Clodius Pompeianus. In addition, they confirm epithets of the
deity: Paternus, Augustus. It was a common dedication, since the
Ravna
in¬
scription is one of the latest created dedications to Sabazius. Dedication is not
surprising also if one bears in mind his
patronal
characteristics. The epithet
Augustus is not an unusual attribute, it does not necessarily imply imperial
patronage but rather it indicates holy or venerated in a general sense.
General, according to inscriptions, worshippers of Sabazius came from
military circles, and were often influential citizens from a higher economic
class, a section of the community of oriental origin. Upper Moesian inscrip¬
tions confirm one inhabitant of Viminacium who was of Greek origin (cat. no.
114)
and another from
Ravna
who obtained the rights of Roman citizens under
the Flavian dinasty (cat. no.
115)
and perhaps had oriental origin. The name of
the owner of the silver
emblema
from
Tekija
hoard (cat. no.
119)
is G. Vale¬
rius
Cresces
from the
centuria
Veri,
it is known from an inscription on a silver
buckle from the same hoard. That adherents of Sabazius have been influential
citizens is also confirmed by a gold ring with from Naissus (cat. no.
121).
It was found in a richly decorated late Roman tomb which could be associ¬
ated with the influential inhabitants of some villa from the suburban complex
around ancient Naissus. Proof that Sabazius was also revered by woman in
this region is provided by the votive hands from Viminacium and
Pontes
(cat.
nos.
116-118),
parts of the inventory of graves of adult women.
Sabazius was venerated with aspects of other deities, together with Cy-
bele, connected with Mercury, Hermes, or Jupiter, Zeus and Dionysus. He
was honorated in Upper Moesia as a deity with expressly strong Thracian
elements, either from religious influences coming from Thrace which were ac¬
cepted by the Upper Moesian population or from Thracian who had venerated
the deity of their homeland.
***
The veneration of Bacchus (Liber or Dionysus) the Central Balkans, it is in
the region of Upper Moesia and the Late Roman province on the same terri¬
tory was very complex, not only because of reservations about the beginnings,
development and dispersal of the cult of Dionysus with Greek and Asia Minor
roots, but predominantly because of the various ways in which the cult was ac¬
cepted from the Roman conquerors by the autochthonic population in the area.
The eastern part of the province had been exposed to influences from Thrace,
and was probably established by inhabitants of Thracian origin. The greater
part of the territory however had been occupied by Daco-Misian and Celtic
inhabitants. Thus the predisposition towards this deity varied. One part of the
population were able to know how to cultivate grapevines, and through the
262_______
Sanja Pilipović,
The Cult of
Bacchus in
the
Central Balkans__________
process
of interpretatio graeca
could accept the cult of Dionysus. On the other
hand, Daco-Misian tribes were able to accept the cult of Bacchus through the
idea of
interpretatio
romana
in the time
od roman
conquest of this area, not
in the Dionysian variant of orgiastic celebrations, but rather as converts, even
chthonic, epihoric or military in character. In the cult of Sabazius connection
with Dionysus/Bacchus are indisputable, one can recognize the expression of
Dionysian
interpretatio orientalis.
The geographical area of Upper Moesia and the late Roman province
created on the same territory during the administrative divisions of the Roman
Empire, bore powerful autochthonic religious components and was signifi¬
cantly interwoven with cultural influences from Hellenic, Thracian and Italian
cultural circles. This geographical area of the Central Balkans, which roughly
corresponds to the territory of Serbia today, has always been the meeting place
of various cultural impulses and the site of their permeation, perhaps best seen
in the example of the complex veneration of Bacchus.
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Pilipović, Sanja |
| author_facet | Pilipović, Sanja |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Pilipović, Sanja |
| author_variant | s p sp |
| building | Verbundindex |
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| era | Geschichte 1-400 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1-400 |
| format | Book |
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| geographic | Südosteuropa (DE-588)4058449-5 gnd |
| geographic_facet | Südosteuropa |
| id | DE-604.BV040356972 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:22:22Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788671790635 |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025210905 |
| oclc_num | 812216293 |
| open_access_boolean | |
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| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 289, XXVIII S. Ill., Kt. |
| psigel | gbd_4_1302 |
| publishDate | 2011 |
| publishDateSearch | 2011 |
| publishDateSort | 2011 |
| publisher | Balkanološki Inst. SANU |
| record_format | marc |
| series2 | Posebna izdanja / Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut |
| spelling | Pilipović, Sanja Verfasser aut Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek Sanja Pilipović Beograd Balkanološki Inst. SANU 2011 289, XXVIII S. Ill., Kt. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Posebna izdanja / Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut 106 PST: The cult of Bacchus. - In kyrill. schr., serb. - Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Bacchus (DE-588)118651439 gnd rswk-swf Geschichte 1-400 gnd rswk-swf Kult (DE-588)4033535-5 gnd rswk-swf Südosteuropa (DE-588)4058449-5 gnd rswk-swf Bacchus (DE-2581)TH000006557 gbd Südosteuropa (DE-588)4058449-5 g Bacchus (DE-588)118651439 p Kult (DE-588)4033535-5 s Geschichte 1-400 z DE-604 Srpska Akademija Nauka i Umetnosti, Balkanološki Institut Posebna izdanja 106 (DE-604)BV000007645 106 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025210905&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025210905&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Pilipović, Sanja Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek Bacchus (DE-588)118651439 gnd Kult (DE-588)4033535-5 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)118651439 (DE-588)4033535-5 (DE-588)4058449-5 |
| title | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek |
| title_auth | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek |
| title_exact_search | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek |
| title_full | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek Sanja Pilipović |
| title_fullStr | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek Sanja Pilipović |
| title_full_unstemmed | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu I - IV vek Sanja Pilipović |
| title_short | Kult Bahusa na Centralnom Balkanu |
| title_sort | kult bahusa na centralnom balkanu i iv vek |
| title_sub | I - IV vek |
| topic | Bacchus (DE-588)118651439 gnd Kult (DE-588)4033535-5 gnd |
| topic_facet | Bacchus Kult Südosteuropa |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025210905&sequence=000002&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025210905&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV000007645 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT pilipovicsanja kultbahusanacentralnombalkanuiivvek |