Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989: văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost
Македонският въпрос 1944 - 1989 възникване, еволюция, съвременност
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Bulgarian |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Sofija
Makedonski Naučen Inst.
2012
|
| Ausgabe: | 1. izd. |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
| Beschreibung: | 340 S. Ill. |
| ISBN: | 9789548187848 |
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| 246 | 1 | 3 | |a The Macedonian question 1944 - 1989 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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|---|---|
| adam_text | 338
СЪДЪРЖАНИЕ
Предговор
....................................................................................5
Въведение
..................................................................................25
Глава
I.
Политически идеи за решаване
на македонския въпрос
(1944-1948).................................41
1.
Федерация или незабавно присъединяване
на Пиринския край
...................................................................41
2.
Задълбочаване на отродителния процес
..................................56
3.
Насилие над съвестта
................................................................67
4.
Краткият живот на „македонския език
в Пиринския край
.....................................................................77
5.
Учители и книжари или агенти
на югославските служби
..........................................................86
Глава
II.
Македонският въпрос
по време на
политическата криза
между България и Югославия
.......................................101
1.
Краят на насилствената македонизация
................................101
2.
Пропуснатият шанс
..................................................................111
3.
Години на доброволен македонизъм
......................................118
4.
Първи опити за преодоляване
на наложеното мълчание
........................................................136
Глава
III.
Новият курс в действие
....................................................153
1.
Срещи и разговори
след Мартенския пленум
1963
г.
...........................................153
2.
Антибългарската кампания в Югославия
.............................169
3.
Българският отговор
................................................................176
4.
Промени в Благоевградски окръг
...........................................187
339
Глава
IV.
Двустранни преговори
по откритите въпроси
......................................................193
1.
Поредният завой в българската политика
по македонския въпрос
..........................................................193
2.
Нови антибългарски прояви
в Югославия и СР Македония
...............................................209
3.
Промени в югославската политика
........................................217
4.
Българската позиция
по откритите въпроси
.............................................................223
Глава
V.
Македонският въпрос
през 80-те години на
XX
век
............................................241
1.
Финалът на безсмислените преговори
с
Югославия
............................................................................241
2.
След Тито
-
по титовски
.........................................................250
3.
Погранично сътрудничество
със СР Македония
...................................................................268
4.
Македонският въпрос
в българо-гръцките отношения
.............................................287
ЕПИЛОГ
..................................................................................297
Съкращения
............................................................................311
The Macedonian question
(Origin, evolution and actuality)
(Summary)
...........................................................................313
Именен показалец
................................................·.................328
Географски
313
THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION
(ORIGIN, EVOLUTION AND ACTUALITY)
(SUMMARY)
More than a century the Macedonian question concerns scien¬
tists, politicians and statesmen, going across the borders of the Balkans
and entering into politics and diplomacy in many countries. It is the sub¬
ject of scientific and political disputes, diplomatic combinations of Uto¬
pian projects, of political scheming and territorial claims. It interweave
ethnic, political and religious activities of several generations of Mace¬
donian Bulgarians.
Macedonian question arose as part of the Bulgarian national is¬
sues unresolved. Yet before the liberation in
1878
the European scientific
and political thought has recognized the limits of the ethnic Bulgarians
at the Constantinople Conference in
1876.
The decisions of the Berlin
Congress, the intervention of the Great Powers and territorial claims of
neighbouring Balkan countries are the main causes of the Macedonian
question. The first attempts to solve it
-
direct annexation to Bulgaria or
Autonomy
-
proved to be unsuccessful due to the resistance and the aspi¬
rations of Serbia and Greece.
After the Balkan Wars and the First World War, the Macedonian
question entered on a new development. The historical and geographical
region of Macedonia was divided between Serbia and Greece and only
one tenth was associated within the free borders of Bulgaria. Serbia is
seeing
Vardar
Macedonia as primordial Serbian land. Huge police and
military forces were placed there, a process of denationalization started,
educational and cultural institutions of the Bulgarians were destroyed
-
schools, churches, the name suffixes changed from „ev and „ov to
»ich ,
show trials were organized, and so on. In Aegean Macedonia, the
Greek authorities forced the Bulgarians by violence to inscribe their sur¬
names to „as and „is , closed their schools, forbade them to speak Bul¬
garian. The spiritual pressure is accompanied by violence, confiscation
of property.
The Macedonian question entered a new phase of development
when becomes part of the strategy and tactics of the communist move¬
ment. According to the doctrine of the Communist movement, the na¬
tional question is a secondary issue, subordinate to the class issue, the
314
victory of the revolution. Fluctuations of the Bulgarian Communist Party
between historical truth and international obligations, the pressure of the
Yugoslav Communists to solve the Macedonian question, led to the deci¬
sions of the COMINTERN of
1934
for „Macedonian nation .
After
1944
the solution of the Macedonian issue was look for
at South Slav federation by a treaty between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia,
where Macedonia is one of the constituent republics of the federation.
The alternative was the
Pirin
region (area Gorna Djoumaya, today Blago-
evgrad District)
tojóin
the newly established People s Republic of Mace¬
donia within Yugoslavia. This option was raised and maintained with a
rare tenacity by the then leadership headed by J. B. Tito, whether there
will be a federation, or not. According to the initial Bulgarian position
the issue of unification with
Vardar
Macedonia will be decided after the
formation of the Federation with a bilateral treaty on an equal footing
between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia.
In the course of negotiations, using unregulated international
situation of Bulgaria, Belgrade through Moscow exerted strong pressure
on the Bulgarian political and state leadership. On
6
June
1946
on a tri¬
lateral meeting in Moscow, Stalin issued a directive for the annexation
of
Pirin
Macedonia to Yugoslavia, but at first propagated and planted a
Macedonian national consciousness, giving the example of the processes
in Belarus. Bulgarian country adopts the guidelines of Stalin and made
many compromises and concessions to the detriment of the Bulgarian na¬
tional interests. By violent administrative measures the nationality of the
Bulgarian population in the area was changed in
1946:
from Bulgarian, as
they are determined by all the research and statistics, and as they define
themselves during the struggles for national and spiritual liberation, to a
new nationality
-
Macedonians. With these actions the Bulgarian authori¬
ties skipped important historical processes, because the sense of national
identity is created as a result of centuries of living together and not with
political and administrative decisions. Change of nationality in the
Pirin
region then happened not based on a referendum or some form of free
self-determination, but on a violence on people s conscience.
Fulfilling the Soviet directive and the desires of the Yugoslav
leadership, the formation of a Macedonian national consciousness was
initiated in the
Pirin
region, party propagandists, teachers and other em¬
issaries arrived from Skopje to impose by administrative measures the
study of „Macedonian language . They starter intense propaganda for
315
fast unification with
Vardar
Macedonia, even one day before the creation
of the federation.
Notwithstanding the contracts of Bled and Euxinograd
(1947)
that
Pirin
Macedonia (Gorna Djoumaya area) will stay under the jurisdic¬
tion of the Bulgarian state, while resolving the issue of the federation, in
Belgrade and especially Skopje hurried with the detachment of this re¬
gion of Bulgaria and its accession to Yugoslavia. A somewhat dualpower
was created
-
a state in the state. This violated the sovereignty of Bul¬
garia, brought confusion and fear among the population of putting new
limits. Anxiety also came from the suggestion that a Macedonian is quite
different from a Bulgarian, though the mass public consciousness then
did not distinguish between Macedonian and Bulgarian. Macedonians in
the Yugoslav variant were declared a separate nation with its own distinct
history, language, culture, etc.
At the beginning of
1948
the inability to build a federation be¬
tween Bulgaria and Yugoslavia was more clearly outlined. Yugoslav
leadership abandoned and never intended to do Federation. A conflict be¬
came imminent between the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and
the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, between Yugoslavia and the USSR.
At a meeting of the Kominformbureau in Bucharest, it became clear that
there is a dividing line on a number of international issues and the build¬
ing of socialism between Yugoslavia and the Soviet bloc.
The political and state leadership of Bulgaria first attempted to
protect the sovereignty of the
Pirin
region, limiting administrative and
coercive methods of introducing „national cultural autonomy through
„Macedonian language , theatre, newspapers, books, literacy, etc. But
the ruling circles in Sofia did not use the rare chance to get out of the vi¬
cious circle in which they were inserted under the pressure from Stalin
and Tito, and from their own errors on the Macedonian issue. Bulgarian
Communist Party as the ruling party failed to rethink, to revise the Soviet
directive of
1946
declaring the population of
Pirin
region for Macedo¬
nian, forcibly propagation of Macedonian national consciousness. At the
same time in the Republic of Macedonia a number of processes were
carried out for the elimination of all Bulgarian
-
intellectuals, literature,
show trials and sending to camps for pro-Bulgarian sentiments, and also
forbidding Bulgarian newspapers and other literature in the young Ma¬
cedonian state.
316
In the years of the slowly started and painful rethinking of erro¬
neous Bulgarian policy, it went to other less naive and illusory idea
-
Pirin
Macedonia to become a center for the unification of the two other parts
-
Vardar
and Aegean Macedonia. In this direction, the idea of a „Mace¬
donian socialist nation was formed among part of Bulgarian leaders,
which will be created after the victory of socialism in the three parts of
the historical geographical region of Macedonia. This formulation shows
that the Bulgarian leadership was not freed from the old
ideologemes
about the „Macedonian nation , Macedonian national consciousness, but
which in the consciousness of the Bulgarian society are deprived of his¬
torical and ethnic content. Maintenance of previous views and related
activities in Bulgaria and in particular in the Blagoevgrad district are car¬
ried out without violence, voluntarily. Therefore, these years can be de¬
fined as voluntary Macedonianism. Despite the still persisting illusions
of previous managerial circles about „federation and „unification , the
educational and cultural processes in the Blagoevgrad district did not go
beyond the common processes applicable to the whole country. Unlike
before July
1948,
however, they did not have anti-Bulgarian orientation.
Since the mid-50s of the XX century, a course began of restora¬
tion and improvement of relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia
-
re¬
strictive regimes for diplomats were removed, a joint Bulgarian-Yugoslav
border committee was created, the broadcasts to Yugoslavia from Bulgar¬
ian was stopped. The Macedonian question was not called for discussion
or was delicately surrounded. The Bulgarian party gradually abandoned
the scenario to make
Pirin
Macedonia a center of unification of the two
other parts.
In this situation, different types of discussions were conducted
in Blagoevgrad district on the topic „who we are as still there is a large
discrepancy between the documents, where the majority of the population
was recorded as „Macedonians and reality of belonging to the Bulgarian
nation through language, life, culture, historical links, etc. Naturally, this
situation could not last long. Conditions were ripe for a serious rethink¬
ing, searching for a coherent policy to break the embarrassment and con¬
fusion among the population of Blagoevgrad district.
At the end of
1962
the central authorities of the Communist Party
formed the view to seek an analytical approach in examining the Macedo¬
nian question since its origin, the evolution, which undergoes in different
periods and especially after World War
П.
This course was increasingly
317
imposed and its organizer was Todor Zhivkov, who from
1962
assumed
the leadership of the state as well.
After meeting with J. B. Tito in January
1963,
two months later,
Zhivkov organized Plenum of the Bulgarian Communist Party known as
the March plenary session, which marked the beginning of a new Bulga¬
rian policy on the Macedonian issue. The essence of this policy was as
follows: Blagoevgrad District is part of Bulgaria s territory and its popu¬
lation is part of the Bulgarian nation. According to all foreign sources
and documents one never speaks of Macedonians, Macedonian nation
-
neither in the Middle Ages or later. There was neither Slavic Macedonian
language
...
this is a dialect of western Bulgarian dialects. Everything that
occurred after
1944 -
the imposition of language, imposition of another
nationality, administrative determination as Macedonians, would be vio¬
lence on the population. So nearly
20
years since the BCP became the
ruling party the various ramblings and fluctuations ended, a concept was
formed based on historical past and repeated self-determination of the
Bulgarian population in Macedonia.
The new Bulgarian position on the Macedonian issue provoked
opposition from Belgrade and Skopje. Further the relations developped
on high and low tides. Since the
mid
-бОѕ
by the end of
1970
bilateral
meetings were held, negotiations were lead, letters were exchanged be¬
tween Zhivkov and Tito to discuss a wide range of issues of economic and
cultural cooperation, etc. In the course of this various work emerged the
positions of both sides on the Macedonian issue.
The Bulgarian position proceeded from two principles: first, to
defend the Bulgarian national interests, as far as possible, and secondly,
not to break off relations with Yugoslavia, especially with the Socialist
Republic of Macedonia. For the Bulgarian government the Macedonian
question is an historical heritage. Within the country there is no other
Slavic ethnic group than the Bulgarian. Second the looking for Mace¬
donian minority is interference in the internal affairs of the country. And
as it concerns
Vardar
Macedonia (SR of Macedonia), Yugoslavian au¬
thorities should enable those citizens who have undoubtedly Bulgarian
national consciousness to express it freely. Not only in the negotiations,
but also by wide circles of the Bulgarian public the question was rightly
posed
-
Where did the Bulgarians disappear, who until World War II on
all statistics were the majority population in
Vardar
Macedonia. Further¬
more, the Bulgarian government believes that the Macedonian question
318
have to emerge from the sphere of political discussion and to enable the
science on both sides to say what they have to say.
Internally, the Bulgarian government focused its attention, on a
national scale, to overcome the mistakes and setbacks and overcome ni¬
hilistic trends in the overall socio-political life. Considerable attention
was given to events in the new Bulgarian history as Kresna
-
Razlog
uprising, the liberation of Bulgaria
1977/78,
the Ilinden-Preobrazheme
uprising. From another perspective
-
national responsible
-
a number of
organizations have been evaluated in the national liberation movement of
the Macedonian Bulgarians
-
Bulgarian Exarchate, the Supreme Mace-
donian-Adrianople Committee, and the activities of many persons. The
census in
1965
had favourably effect on Blagoevgrad District. Despite the
already established totalitarian regime it gave the right of free expression
of will of the population. Under deep inner conviction the population en¬
tirely voluntary and in large numbers determine its Bulgarian nationality.
In this act
292,666
people defined themselves as Bulgarians, and
1,437
as Macedonians. By decrees of the Council of Ministers, a long-term
program was adopted for Blagoevgrad District for construction: plants,
factories, infrastructure and others. In implementing the program more
than
90
companies operate in the district. Agriculture and forestry are
organized in
28
cooperative farms,
6
state farms,
3
state-farm forestry and
6
machine-tractor stations. Educational work is focused in
392
schools
with
63,252
students and
3,800
teachers. Significant changes occurred in
the cultural development and living standards. These achievements are
the complete refutation of the allegations of Belgrade and Skopje that
Blagoevgrad district was like a colony of Bulgaria, which is not consum¬
ing any investment.
Yugoslav position is within the range of starting consent for be¬
ginning some kind of negotiations up to placing ultimate conditions to
Bulgarian representatives. Besides ideological differences, which are not
always discussed in the agenda, a main question, which in meetings and
conversations was placed in different variants, is the Macedonian ques¬
tion. Yugoslav leadership usurped the right to examine the Macedonian
issue as an internal, purely Yugoslav question. From this point of view,
historically contentious issue for Macedonia was resolved in Yugoslavia
with the creation of the new Macedonian Republic.
Vardar
Macedonia
was the only free part of Macedonia and its right was to take care for
the population in
Pirin
and Aegean Macedonia which was Macedonian
319
nationality. To seek and prove a historical past of the Macedonian na¬
tion, the Bulgarian history was falsified. For Belgrade and Skopje the
fundamental issue is the recognition of Macedonian minority in the Bla-
goevgrad district. If Bulgaria refuses its recognition it would mean mani¬
festations of nationalism and pan-territorial claims.
In the
70s
of the 20th century, the ruling circles in Yugoslavia put
together all aspects of the Macedonian issue in a relatively new concept
called open questions with Bulgaria. Basically it is a strong anti-Bul¬
garian propaganda campaign in the media, knowingly and intentionally
conducted in all the constituent republics. Manifestations against Bul¬
garia take such proportions that, in a survey, every second person of the
Yugoslav Federation estimated as the worst the relations with Bulgaria.
To the public opinion, it was suggested that Yugoslavia was the only de¬
fender of the „Macedonian people . If a strong pressure be exerted on the
Bulgarian leaders they can make concessions on the Macedonian issue
and to recognize the existence of „Macedonian minority in the Blago-
evgrad district.
In the open questions the accession of the
Pirin
region of Yugo¬
slavia was raised again. For this purpose, the intelligence services and
other ways and means of influence in Bulgaria were activated and espe¬
cially in the Blagoevgrad district, also the liberalized border regime was
taken in advantage, seeking contact with companies and organizations,
bypassing the regional and central Bulgarian leading structures.
In its foreign political activity the Yugoslav government was
oriented towards internationalization of open issues and putting them in
the UNO, UNESCO and other international forums. To the international
community the Yugoslav policy was presented as a defender of Yugoslav
minorities in neighbouring countries, primarily in Bulgaria. While in Bul¬
garia, the ruling Communist Party and the government, dominated by it,
long exercise to expose the Bulgarian government policy until
1944
as a
manifestation of Great-Bulgaria chauvinism, Yugoslavian rulers seek to
preserve and consolidate the gains of the kingdom of Yugoslavia after the
First World War and territorial gains after the Second World War. After
the „recognition of Yugoslavian minority in the respective country the
next step is territorial expansion under appropriate ad hoc historical con¬
ditions. In pursuing this objective, the Yugoslav leadership and scientific
institutions did not restrain falsifying the Bulgarian history to prove the
existence of supposed Macedonian minority.
320
Bulgarian position on the Macedonian issue in the
70s
of the
20th century was built on three cumulative elements difficult to combine:
variability, inconsistency and integrity. In the autumn of
1971
events
emerged, which led to a change in the policy on the Macedonian issue
of the Bulgarian side. Historical circumstances converged so that Yugo¬
slavia won a solid position among the nonaligned countries, its leaders,
headed by Tito got enough confidence to carry out a relatively indepen¬
dent policy. For the USSR and other Warsaw Pact countries, Yugoslavia
became a „naughty capricious child , which is to be courtship, to which
concessions and compromises are to be made. In the years of the Cold
War the Soviet Union made serious efforts to strengthen its influence in
the Balkans, relying mostly on his faithful ally, Bulgaria. Bulgarian lead¬
ership appeared to be in a rather complicated situation. On the one hand
as far as possible to protect their own interests on the Macedonian issue
and on the other hand to comply with geostrategic interests of the Soviet
Union and Warsaw Pact, offering, sometimes from quite disadvantageous
positions, different initiatives for cooperation with Yugoslavia and calm¬
ing the situation on the Balkan Peninsula. Thus, Bulgarian policy on the
Macedonian issue was dependent on „Brezhnev doctrine of limited sov¬
ereignty. In short, the Bulgaria policy to Yugoslavia is subject to the stra¬
tegic goal of returning it to the other socialist countries, so the Bulgarian
state political and social organizations should build its relations with it as
a socialist country.
In this spirit Bulgaria should first reduce „nationalist patriotic
publications; instead, it should issue literature propagating the advan¬
tages of socialism in Bulgaria and the Soviet Union and to expand its
influence in the Balkan Peninsula. Of course this turn should be done
very carefully, without denying the tremendous work that was done after
taking the new course of
1963.
Other compromises followed. Articles
appeared in the press, which argued that the cause for which activists as
Gotse Delchev,
Damian
Graev and many others fought took place in Bul¬
garia and Macedonia. Numerous meetings and discussions were held at
official level, through workshops and other forms of searching solutions
and convergence of views on the Macedonian issue.
The Bulgarian position during this period reiterates its opinion
that recognizes the Republic of Macedonia within the federation, and is¬
sues of ethnic character of the population, national identity, language,
culture, etc. are the internal affair of the Republic of Macedonia. The Bui-
321
garian side is ready to comply with the realities of the Macedonian Re¬
public; the truth is however that the Macedonian nation is formed on an
anti-Bulgarian basis. The Yugoslavian side must recognize and accept the
historical reality in the Blagoevgrad District and to waive the demand for
Macedonian minority. There is no such minority either in the past or to¬
day. Bulgaria cannot deny the historical truth that people from this region
and refugees from
Vardar
and Aegean Macedonia in Bulgaria have for
many centuries Bulgarian national consciousness, although in the period
1946-1947,
they were forced by violent acts to change their Bulgarian
nationality. There is no chance to find a State-Heads in Bulgaria to recog¬
nize the Macedonian minority in
Pirin
region. The question of the ethnic
character of the population is an internal matter of the Bulgarian state.
Bilateral meetings and talks in the
70s
and especially at the end of
the decade show that the Yugoslav leadership has no intention to conduct
an equal dialogue and even less to seek a fair solution to the controversial
Macedonian question, despite some compromises on the Bulgarian side
-recognition of the realities in SR Macedonia
(Vardar
Macedonia), will¬
ingness to make simultaneously plebestsit in
Vardar
and
Pirin
Macedonia,
official public statement that Bulgaria has no territorial claims against Yu¬
goslavia or to any of its federal republics and others. Among the official
and wide circles of the Bulgarian public, the opinion increasingly began
to form that silence and restrained behaviour on open issues in Belgrade
and Skopje is perceived as a lack of political and scientific arguments.
The need became necessary to bring to an end the senseless negotiations
with Yugoslavia on the Macedonian issue, to express a definitive position
on the so-called open questions. This was made by the declaration of the
Bulgarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Declaration of
53
writers
on occasion of the appropriation of the work of the prominent Bulgarian
poet Vaptsarov, and many of the sacred things of the Bulgarian history
and culture, announced posthumously for Macedonians in Skopje on the
name of the fictional Macedonian nation.
In spite of the endless meetings and negotiations the views do not
converge at all, but rather the opposite. Dividing lines deepen and widen.
In some periods the public controversy exceeds all boundaries, goes so
far as it is difficult to return to the normal track. Therefore, the meeting
of June
4,1979
in Belgrade between the official delegation led by Pencho
Kubadinlci from the Bulgarian side and
Milos
Minie
from the Yugosla¬
vian is the latest of the useless negotiations in nearly 20-year period.
322
Relations
between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, and discussions on
the Macedonian issue continue in zigzag to the decisive years of change
in the late
80s
and early
COs.
After the death of Tito, the Bulgarian ruling
circles had some hope that there could be can be a turn in the relations be¬
tween the two countries and particularly in relations with SR Macedonia.
In Yugoslavia, however, the motto: „Without Tito, but Tito-wise became
popular, which meant continuing the same policy on the Macedonian is¬
sue with some nuances due to general changes occurred in the world and
the Balkans. The ruling elite in Skopje put to Bulgaria the unconditional
requirement to give up a significant part of their history, language and
culture in the name of the new Macedonian nation. At the same time with
all sorts of ways and means it kept seeking non-existent Macedonian mi¬
nority in the Blagoevgrad district. This is most clearly demonstrated in
cross border cooperation with Macedonia, where the authorities in Skopje
skilfully throw some hope of finding solution to the Macedonian ques¬
tion. But then again, they headed on the old unyielding course of confron¬
tation, in which Bulgaria is seen as the weaker party.
In the
80s
the Yugoslav leadership extended the disputes about the
Macedonian minorities not only in Bulgaria, but also in Greece and Alba¬
nia. Leading circles especially in Skopje believe they have gathered enough
forces; they have secured the support of central authorities in Belgrade and
now engage in discussions on three fronts. Although Bulgaria and Greece
have serious differences in interpretation of the Macedonian issue, Skopje
Macedonists put them on the same board attributing to both sides a com¬
mon view
-
denial of the Macedonian minority in their countries.
In defence of their interests the Greek politicians, statesmen and
Greek science, in the past and more recently, supported the theory for the
so called „slavophones in Aegean Macedonia. In an effort to refute the
false and deliberate theses of Belgrade and Skopje, they are very cautious
to say that so-called Macedonians in SR Macedonia
(Vardar
Macedonia),
and in northern Greece (Aegean Macedonia) are of Bulgarian ethnic ori¬
gin. The Greek theory meaning boils down to an artificial structure that
„slavofophones are Greeks, who in a period of time have adopted Slavic
language and culture. There is no answer and will hardly ever be, when
and why part of the Greek nation has adopted Slavic language and culture
(as obviously it is a matter of the Bulgarian language when it is known or
at least it is said that the Greeks are bearers of large culture and literature
for centuries.
323
In the midst of the strong anti-Greek campaign in Yugoslavia in
the mid
80s
there is a coincidence of the positions of Bulgaria and Greece.
In Greece, Bulgarian position is followed with great interest. The Bulgar¬
ian side is not in a hurry to arrange by the Greece for the above reasons
of „slavofophones in Northern Greece, which is not acceptable to the
Bulgarian policy, or science. However, the two countries conclude bilat¬
eral agreements, code of good neighbourly relations, denial of territorial
claims, and non-use of one country s territory for hostile purposes and
actions against the other. The Greek political and scientific thought, how¬
ever, continue to determine the Slav, namely the Bulgarian population
in Aegean Macedonia, its last remnants in Lerin and Kastoria as „slavo-
phones or „slavomakedonians clinging to old prejudices to Bulgaria
and Bulgarian people.
On January
15, 1992
Bulgaria was the first country to recognize
Macedonia. Not only government circles, but broader strata of Bulgarian
society traumatized by decades of opposition, hoped to clear the over¬
laid problems and prejudices of the Second War onwards, the Comintern
schemes and the remnants of Tito communist rule. Recognition of Mace¬
donia is carried out in a period, when in result of changes Bulgaria formed
a new foreign policy in line with European norms and standards, free of
totalitarian thought and action. Driven by a sense of historical responsi¬
bility Bulgaria recognized the independence of the new state in order to
quickly stabilize at a time when the Yugoslav federation disintegrated.
Bulgarian recognition is selfless. Our country gave an impulse also to oth¬
er countries to recognize it, taking the risks of this foreign policy move. It
did not agree to any proposals and suggestions for territorial partition, as
drifted in the public space in Serbia, Albania and Greece.
The Bulgarian government and the public opinion in the country
believed that there would be democratic changes and everyone would
be free to determine their nationality. Moreover, in Bulgaria at different
times over
600,000
refugees have found shelter who have left genera¬
tions and today nearly one third of the population of modern Bulgaria
originates from Aegean and
Vardar
Macedonia. The repercussions of the
events of the distant and recent past live in the minds of today s genera¬
tions of Bulgarian citizens. They keep in their tribal memory the persecu¬
tions, murders and forced expulsion from their areas and never cut their
ties with their relatives who remained outside Bulgaria. This is the same
People associated with the myriad
tíireads
of past and present and that
324
both sides want good neighbourly relations. So Bulgarian recognition
came not to please the then new old leadership of the SR Macedonia, but
for the sake of the population, which no matter how is called has common
historical roots with the Bulgarians in other regions of the country.
Another issue is the hasty and unconditional recognition of Re¬
public of Macedonia, regardless of the above humanitarian and political
motives. The Bulgarian government took the bait of the skilfully thrown
formula „a stabilizing factor in the Balkans. With this hasty step the
government in Sofia, who lack knowledge and experience, throw them¬
selves headlong „with bare breasts to save their brothers in Macedonia ,
while Europe and the world adopt a position of waiting until they have
discussed the principal interests of Bulgaria, Albania, Greece and Serbia.
Foreign observers, well-knowing the problems of the Balkans considered
that Bulgaria should be last in the recognition of Republic of Macedonia.
Many experts on the Macedonian issue abroad and especially in
our country are of the opinion that recognition could have been done oth¬
erwise with any bilateral agreement or document on a number of contro¬
versial and indisputable issues especially of the history and culture since
it is well known endless negotiations were lead for decades and the events
in
Vardar
Macedonia have been deliberately targeted in anti-Bulgarian
direction. It is possible that the later coming problems between Bulgaria
and Macedonia will have another character to be directed in a positive,
constructive spirit, instead of returning to the meaningless disputes of the
past.
In the years after recognizing the independence of Macedonia,
although with quite a number of reservations from countries and inter¬
national organizations that use the name Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia (FYROM), two possible routes of development lies before
the new republic. The first is the way of good neighbourly and correct
relations with its neighbours, and above all with Bulgaria, establishment
of normal relations in all fields of economy, culture, science, sports, etc.
And indeed, some initial events in the new republic inspire hopes for a
fresh start.
Unfortunately, the ruling circles in Skopje, despite some nuances
in the government of Nicolas Klyusev and Ljubcho Georgievski, choose
the path of confrontation with Bulgaria. Nearly all twenty-year period is
filled with continuous crisis in the relations between Bulgaria and Mace¬
donia, at times there are events not meeting the spirit and the time,
remi-
325
niscent
of the Cold War years. Thus the Bulgarian actions then and later
were not understood and properly evaluated. Government in Skopje is
oriented to the tested scheme of aggressive anti-Bulgarism from the
60s
and
80s
of the XX century. The anti-Bulgarian campaign went through
different stages, often become paranoiac, especially in radio, television
and press.
On February
22, 1999
an important step was made to unlocking
the relationship between the two countries, remained stagnant in the so
called language dispute. The document was signed in the official languag¬
es of both countries
-
Bulgarian, under the Constitution of the Republic
of Bulgaria and Macedonian, under the Constitution of the Republic of
Macedonia, although, according to the Bulgarian linguists and European
scientists, the Macedonian language is written-regional form of the Bul¬
garian language.
Not long after the events around the bilateral relations took an¬
other direction. The compromise formula
-
„the official languages of both
countries does not change the opinion of Skopje on controversial issues
-
carefully built mythology about the past, falsification of Bulgarian his¬
tory, claims about minority in Bulgaria. Therefore, the
1999
Declaration
was adopted in Bulgaria as a political, national and state compromise.
Another concession to Skopje did not bring lasting improvement in the
relations and the removing of tension. Among the Bulgarian cultural and
scientific community remained a bitter taste that this is a temporarily ap¬
proximation because there is no guarantee that the next leaders in Skopje
will adhere to the agreements reached. And indeed, the ruling circles in
Macedonia, adhering to the tenets of Macedonianism continue and revive
anti-Bulgarian rhetoric, both inside and outside the country, transferring a
dose of anti-Bulgarism in international relations as well.
In any convenient case, the authorities in Skopje spread compro¬
mising for Bulgaria false rumours and facts also to some international
organizations, especially in our country s application for NATO and Eu¬
ropean Union. Some politicians and historians give advices for direct in¬
tervention in the legislative activity in Bulgaria, for closure of institutions
and organizations. In recent decades, in Skopje, politicians, statesmen
and „scientists are in a race to prove that the Macedonians come from
the time of Philip and Alexander of
Macedón.
With these irrational efforts, attempt are made to overcome the
ethno-political boundaries and to bring historical and cultural claims
-
326
Macedonia
and the Macedonians are the centre of Christianity, Apostle
Paul first set foot on Macedonian soil, Macedonia and Macedonians are
the centre of the Slavic literacy, the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius
were Macedonians, etc. In short, the current State leadership enters into
a new role that Skopje is hardly the centre of the planet. The idealized
extreme ethnocentric versions of ancient times were called to prove the
past with „Macedonian contribution in the common European civiliza¬
tion and culture and that modern „Macedonians are the bearers of this
ancient past.
These trends in domestic and foreign policy show that the ruling
elite in Macedonia is covered by a distinct national narcissism, lives in
a virtual environment, an environment of high self-esteem and endless
claims that go beyond the limits and possibilities of the young Balkan
country. The resulting Macedonian
centrism
has to be argued, to prove
itself everywhere both within Macedonia and abroad. No wonder that the
world very quickly begin to laugh at today s megalomaniac ambitions of
the Macedonians to present themselves as the oldest nation in the world.
Today Macedonia is on the verge of negotiations for
EU
mem¬
bership. It is true that even in
2006
the Bulgarian President and the Min¬
ister of Foreign Affairs warned unequivocally Skopje: „the granted credit
of trust for unconditional Bulgarian support for Macedonia s membership
in the European Union and NATO has been exhausted. However, It is
a question
ifin
the following years a policy of good neighbourhood and
building relations will form between the two countries, on a strong fair
good neighbourly basis. On the Bulgarian side lately come the recent of¬
ficial statements that Bulgaria again without any conditions will support
the opening of negotiations. Views on the protection and maintenance of
cultural monuments are exchanged, to remove „the language of hatred ,
although some moves and signals of the governing Skopje do not inspire
confidence and hope for understanding.
The main issue should to be discussed is the past and the com¬
mon root. In Bulgaria, the cultural and scientific community cannot see
with indifference how the cultural heritage of the Bulgarian people for
centuries has been altered, how thoughts, ideas and feelings have been at¬
tributed to the dead people, that they did not express in the lifetime in the
name of a made-up „Macedonian nation. This matter lies at the bottom
of all disputes by now and it must find a political solution. In a scientific
plan, it had found a solution long ago.
327
The European and Bulgarian science have proven and demon¬
strate still today that by
1945
one cannot speak of Macedonian state, na¬
tion and language. If the Bulgarian complex is not overcame, foreign¬
ers will marvel long time why two delegations come on a pilgrimage
to Rome and what the disputes in international forums are for. If these
disputes continue the efforts of scientists and the cultural workers can
again be focused on meaningless discussions, from which the leadership
in Skopje attempts to derive unilateral benefit, putting different condi¬
tions to Bulgaria. Whatever attempts are to be made with scientific and
political equilibristic the common root can not be erased. Because the
Sofia University bears name of St.
Kliment Ohridski
and the National
Library in Sofia was named after the apostles, St.st. Cyril and Methodius.
There are a number of issues from education especially as it
concerns the history books, filled with twists, default and ignoring the
acknowledged facts of the Bulgarian history, already robbed enough. It
is not occasionally that there are offensive qualifications against Bulga¬
ria and Bulgarians. For decades the younger generation in the Republic
Macedonia has instilled a past that did not take place; it grows with taboo
consciousness. Hatred towards Bulgaria is inculcated in society, which
in some cases reaches to racism. A pressing need has long ripen to have
objectivity in research and textbooks.
It is also necessary to ensure the preservation of Bulgarian heri¬
tage, created in
Vardar
Macedonia from previous generations, as well as
the original inscriptions on monuments, churches, schools, etc.
Last but not least is to bring the question of looking for a „Ma¬
cedonian minority in today s Blagoevgrad district.
It is high time the relations ships between Bulgaria and
R
of
Macedonia to be put on a good neighbour basis. Keep silence on certain
claims of Skopje and consciously inculcation distrust and hatred against
Bulgaria and Bulgarians will be understood as a legitimating of policy
and practice that no one
self-respeçting
country would allow, still more a
country member of the European Union.
|
| any_adam_object | 1 |
| author | Germanov, Stojan 1937- |
| author_GND | (DE-588)1024789691 |
| author_facet | Germanov, Stojan 1937- |
| author_role | aut |
| author_sort | Germanov, Stojan 1937- |
| author_variant | s g sg |
| building | Verbundindex |
| bvnumber | BV040255819 |
| classification_rvk | NK 2440 |
| ctrlnum | (OCoLC)802352242 (DE-599)BVBBV040255819 |
| discipline | Geschichte |
| edition | 1. izd. |
| era | Geschichte 1944-1989 gnd |
| era_facet | Geschichte 1944-1989 |
| format | Book |
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| id | DE-604.BV040255819 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:20:07Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9789548187848 |
| language | Bulgarian |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025111702 |
| oclc_num | 802352242 |
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| owner | DE-12 DE-188 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| owner_facet | DE-12 DE-188 DE-Re13 DE-BY-UBR |
| physical | 340 S. Ill. |
| publishDate | 2012 |
| publishDateSearch | 2012 |
| publishDateSort | 2012 |
| publisher | Makedonski Naučen Inst. |
| record_format | marc |
| spelling | 880-01 Germanov, Stojan 1937- Verfasser (DE-588)1024789691 aut 880-02 Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost Stojan Germanov The Macedonian question 1944 - 1989 1. izd. 880-03 Sofija Makedonski Naučen Inst. 2012 340 S. Ill. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Zsfassung in engl. Sprache In kyrill. Schr., bulg. Geschichte 1944-1989 gnd rswk-swf Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 gnd rswk-swf Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 s Geschichte 1944-1989 z DE-604 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025111702&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025111702&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract 100-01/(N Германов, Стоян Георгиев ut 245-02/(N Македонският въпрос 1944 - 1989 възникване, еволюция, съвременност Стоян Германов 264-03/(N София Македонски Научен Инст. |
| spellingShingle | Germanov, Stojan 1937- Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 gnd |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)4168663-9 |
| title | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost |
| title_alt | The Macedonian question 1944 - 1989 |
| title_auth | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost |
| title_exact_search | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost |
| title_full | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost Stojan Germanov |
| title_fullStr | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost Stojan Germanov |
| title_full_unstemmed | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost Stojan Germanov |
| title_short | Makedonskijat văpros 1944 - 1989 |
| title_sort | makedonskijat vapros 1944 1989 vaznikvane evoljucija savremennost |
| title_sub | văznikvane, evoljucija, săvremennost |
| topic | Makedonische Frage (DE-588)4168663-9 gnd |
| topic_facet | Makedonische Frage |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025111702&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025111702&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
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