Cesarz Makryn: w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji
Gespeichert in:
| 1. Verfasser: | |
|---|---|
| Format: | Buch |
| Sprache: | Polish |
| Veröffentlicht: |
Kraków
Towarzystwo Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica"
2010
|
| Schriftenreihe: | Notos
Scripta Antiqua et Byzantina ; 4 |
| Schlagworte: | |
| Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
| Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The emperor Macrinus Bibliogr. s. 209-230. Indeks |
| Beschreibung: | 235, [2] s., [1] k. map złoż. Kt. 24 cm |
| ISBN: | 9788362261192 |
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| 245 | 1 | 0 | |a Cesarz Makryn |b w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji |c Przemysław Daniel Dyrlaga |
| 264 | 1 | |a Kraków |b Towarzystwo Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica" |c 2010 | |
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| 490 | 1 | |a Notos : Scripta Antiqua et Byzantina |v 4 | |
| 500 | |a Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The emperor Macrinus | ||
| 500 | |a Bibliogr. s. 209-230. Indeks | ||
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Datensatz im Suchindex
| _version_ | 1804149238319284224 |
|---|---|
| adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
Wstęp
..............................................................................................................................7
ROZDZIAŁ I
W kręgu źródeł i badań
..........................................................................................11
Źródła
.....................................................................................................................11
Literatura
.................................................................................................................16
ROZDZIAŁ
II
Homo novus
..............................................................................................................21
Pochodzenie i kariera urzędnicza
........................................................................21
Dni, które zadecydowały o wszystkim
...............................................................33
ROZDZIAŁ III
Na granicach imperium
.........................................................................................43
Konflikt na Wschodzie
.........................................................................................43
W Europie i Afryce
...............................................................................................66
ROZDZIAŁ
IV
Imperium
—
dziedzictwo Sewerów
....................................................................71
Problemy z tytulaturą
............................................................................................71
Consecratio
Karakalu i
Julii Domny?
.................................................................79
Diadumenian, syn cesarza
....................................................................................86
Cesarz a senat
.........................................................................................................92
Cesarz a żołnierze
..................................................................................................98
Cesarz a lud rzymski
...........................................................................................103
Ludzie cesarza
......................................................................................................107
Drogi i działalność budowlana
..........................................................................115
Działalność legislacyjna
......................................................................................118
Ludność prowincjii cesarz
.................................................................................121
Polityka finansowa i mennictwo
........................................................................130
ROZDZIAŁ
V
Uzurpacja Elagabala
.............................................................................................143
Spisek i wystąpienie
.............................................................................................143
Walki w Syrii
.........................................................................................................147
6______________________________________________________________
SPIS TREŚCI
Wojna propagandowa
.........................................................................................154
Prowincje i senat rzymski wobec konfliktu
.....................................................159
Ucieczka i śmierć Makryna
................................................................................164
Triumf zwycięzcy
................................................................................................171
ZAKOŃCZENIE
...................................................................................................177
SUMMARY
..............................................................................................................191
WYKAZ SKRÓTÓW
.............................................................................................207
BIBLIOGRAFIA
....................................................................................................209
Źródła literackie
...................................................................................................209
Katalogi monet
....................................................................................................211
Korpusy inskrypcji
..............................................................................................211
Opracowania
........................................................................................................212
INDEKS OSOBOWY
...........................................................................................231
SPIS MAP
................................................................................................................237
THE EMPEROR MACRINUS.
IN THE SHADOW OF THE WARS AND USURPATIONS
SUMMARY
Even for his contemporaries, the emperor M. Opellius Severus Macrinus
had been a controversial figure, perceived primarily from the angle of such
events as the death of Caracalla, the war with the Parthians and Elagabalus
usurpation. They had been the most extensively covered themes, both by the
ancient historiography and the modern researchers. Such a representation
of Opellius Macrinus reign had been subjected, above all, to the bias of
the damnatio memoriae and branded by the propaganda of his adversaries,
Elagabalus and Severus Alexander. It should be stressed that it had portrayed
Macrinus rule in the negative light, by charging the emperor with the
crime of murdering his predecessor and the indolence in exercising power.
His successors had thus wanted to validate their own usurpation and the
overthrow of a legitimate ruler. This negative attitude towards Macrinus
had caused not so much an obliteration of the memory of his achievements
as the distortion thereof through belittling his role and merits, as well as
attributing to him all the negative features characteristic of cruel and ruthless
tyrants who had taken over power by murdering their opponents. In the
light of an examination of sources, however, such a portrayal of Macrinus
career and imperial rule should be subjected to certain modifications. The
assessment of Opellius Macrinus must be more impartial, whereas his
achievements should be looked upon from the angle of the politics of his
predecessors, the Severans
—
and their legacy of political and economic
problems which he had attempted to counter.
The information contained in the sources allows us to determine, if
only roughly, the life and
cursus
honorum
of Macrinus prior to his imperial
acclamation on
11
April
217.
The historical literature frequently tends to
follow uncritically the ancient historiography, assuming the emperor s low
birth. However, those suggestions are rather expressions of his successors
hostile propaganda, which had aimed at tarnishing his image in the eyes
of the subsequent generations by taking advantage of the fact that he had
192
_______________________________________________________
SUMMARY
come from a relatively little known, and not too active, family. Macrinus
successors, in order to stress the legitimacy of the perpetrated coup, had
to portray the predecessor in a suitably negative light, thus attributing to
him the demeaning characteristics, including the unfavourable mentions
of his origin and the activities which he had performed in the past. It is
more probable, however, that the emperor had descended from a wealthy,
possibly even equestrian, or
—
according to T.
Kotula
—
decurionian,
family, relatively little known, of Italic origin, and living in the province of
Mauretania
Caesariensis in Africa. It is possible that the future emperor
had spent his youth and obtained his legal education there, which he would
not have been able to afford if one had assumed that he had come from
a background as inferior as suggested by the sources and almost entire
modern historiography thus far.
Macrinus had started his official career at a relatively late period, when
he was about
30
years old. At that time he was a protege of G. Fulvius
Plautianus, a friend and one of the praetorian prefects to Septimius Severus.
Possibly, he had become a member of the
ordo equester,
if his family had
not belonged to the estate earlier. After his protector s fall in
205
Macrinus
had been removed from the court for a short time. He had regained
the favours soon thereafter, with the support from another important
personage, praefectus
Urbi
L.
Fabius Cilo.
From that moment on, he had
begun a relatively quick climb up the ladder of the equestrian career in the
imperial administration.
When writing about Macrinus career in administration, the scholars
—
even though they had stressed the fact that he was a homo novus in the
echelons of power, had thus far failed to appreciate certain traits of his
character. It is worth mentioning, however, that he had not been an ordinary
opportunist, whose successive promotions had depended upon the flattery
and subservient attitude towards figures of influence. Opellius Macrinus
was a man who had owed all of his achievements to his education, abilities,
as well as reliability and diligence in discharging the duties entrusted to him.
The sources emphasize that in holding the entrusted offices he had shown
his talent, qualifications, and, most of aU, his legal knowledge, which had
been properly appreciated by his consecutive protectors, and finally the
Severi
themselves. Those were exactly the characteristics which had allowed
him, in consequence, to obtain further promotions, elevating him to the
________________________________________________________________193
highest available ranks in the official system of the Empire, where he had
become one of the foremost figures in the court of Caracalla.
The chronology of the offices held by Opellius Macrinus requires certain
necessary corrections. First of all, the information that he had received the
office
oí
procurator
rei
privatae as early as in Septimius Severus reign, should
be rejected. The accounts of Cassius
Dio
and the
Historia
Augusta both
explicitly confirm that the promotion had taken place only during the reign
of Caracalla, most likely about AD
212.
The case is quite similar to the
question of the post
oí
praetorian prefect, the highlight of Macrinus career.
In the modern historiography it has been assumed that it may be dated back
to the beginning of Caracalla s reign (AD
212,
in most cases), while only
L. L. Howe and B. Salway have suggested that it may have been obtained
at a later time. The sources confirm, however, that these scholars had been
right and there are no grounds to date that fact to a period before AD
215.
Also, it should be stressed here that Macrinus must have been considered
an outstanding jurist, as he had been treated as a worthy successor to such
figures as Plautianus, Papinianus and Patruinus.
In the first quarter of
217
Caracalla had granted the
ornamenta
consularia
and
the tide clarissimus
vir
to Macrinus. However, there are certain interpretation
difficulties in the literature with respect to determining the status of
a member of the
ordo equester
holding these titles. There is a prevalent view
therein, based on Cassius Dio s account, that the reception of such tides
did not change the equestrian status. On the contrary, there is no doubt that
they had considerably elevated Macrinus status. The reception of those titles
had been an introduction to obtaining the status of the senator
defacto
et de
mre
and had made the holder an honorary senator
—
the person who did
not possess the whole range of the rights due for a representative of the
ordo
senatorius, but had not been only a mere member of the
ordo
equester.
As a praetorian prefect Macrinus had accompanied Caracalla during his
eastern expedition and witnessed his death on
8
April
217.
The sources and
all the modern historiography, except for some rare and inconspicuous cases,
are unanimous in accusing Macrinus of preparing an attempt at Caracalla s
life and killing him. Although in the light of the existing sources we are not
able to clear our protagonist of these charges, we must, however, state that
the description of the conspiracy, as presented in the ancient accounts, is
distorted. An examination of the relevant accounts from the ancient sources
gives grounds for raising some doubts about Macrinus participation therein.
194_____________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
Most of all, we shall emphasize that the portrayal of the events known
from the sources shows some contradictions and seems to be created, in
a deliberate way, by the hostile propaganda of Macrinus successors, who had
wished to discredit the predecessor and thus legalize their own usurpation.
The figures of the conspirators, especially Macrinus, as described in the
ancient accounts, acquire unusually treacherous features of unscrupulous
traitors and killers, whose primary goal had been to assassinate the ruler.
Moreover, too many details, too complicated plot, with the simultaneous
lack of evidence from credible witnesses, all lead to the conclusion that
the propaganda of Caracalla s alleged sons had effectively erased the actual
course of the events, in which Macrinus did not necessarily have to play
out the role of the conspiracy leader, as ascribed to him by the sources,
who had guided the actions of the perpetrators in order to win the imperial
purple for himself.
After the death of Caracalla the Roman Empire needed immediately
a new ruler, dynamic and experienced in politics, who would be capable
of countering many problems afflicting the Empire, in particular the most
urgent problem of all
—
a prolonging conflict with the Parthians. In this
situation, only the Praetorian Prefect, i.e. Macrinus, a close associate of
the murdered ruler, who had been with him at the time of his death and
had known all the requisite arcana
imperii,
seemed to be the most suitable
candidate from the
Severan
circle. Therefore, it was not the desire to take
over power at any cost, including an act of usurpation and assassination
of the legitimate ruler, but the gravity of the moment
—
the danger of
a civil war, lack of the commander-in-chief in the face of a Parthian
invasion
—
that had necessitated the election to the imperial throne of
the two consecutive Praetorian Prefects: first, M. Oclatinius
Adventos,
and, after his resignation, Opellius Macrinus. At that particular moment,
he had been the only one person able to overcome the difficult situation
in the East and force his authority upon the Empire, with the support of
the Army. Macrinus imperial election had not been, therefore, a merely
accidental political act. He was the best possible candidate to the throne,
especially as there had not been any remaining living descendants of the
previous dynasty, able to wield imperial power on their own. Chosen by
soldiers acclamation on
11
April
217,
exactly on the birthday of his great
predecessor, Septimius Severus, the new ruler had accepted the proper
titolature
and declared his willingness to continue the programme of the
_______________________________________________________________________195
dynasty that had died out with the death of Caracalla; those actions had
assured him the support of the Army and must have surely raised his
authority among the soldiers.
Having put on the purple, Macrinus had been compelled to solve
numerous problems caused by frequently unreasonable politics of his
predecessor
—
Caracalla. The most pressing concerns were the unfinished
war with the Parthians and, largely a consequence thereof, a serious financial
crisis. Those two decisive factors had determined the reform undertaken
by Macrinus, which had embraced a range of issues dealing with social
and economic life of the Empire. Due to the permanent danger at the
Empire s eastern frontier during the reign of Macrinus, he had been the
first Roman emperor, recognized in the whole of the Empire, who had
never come to Rome and spent his entire reign in the most endangered
Syrian-Mesopotamian region.
In the historical literature the description of Macrinus foreign policy
is most often limited to presenting the events during the war with the
Parthians and it treats that conflict as a brief, though significant, episode
dated usuaUy at various periods in the course of AD
217.
However, the
sources attest to the fact that such an interpretation of this problem is
incorrect. The conflict with the Parthians had been going on for several
years and it started as early as AD
215.
The campaign during Macrinus
reign, which was one of the phases of that conflict, had lasted throughout
nearly all of his reign
—
from May/June
217
until the signing of the peace
treaty in February/March or March/April
218.
It should be stressed that the emperor had been drawn into the conflict
despite his strenuous attempts to resolve it and settle the disputable issues in
a diplomatic way. The ineffectiveness of those endeavours can be explained,
above all, in terms of the defence of the positions and prestige by the
both parties, i.e. Macrinus and the Parthian ruler, Artabanus IV, as well as
too harsh conditions set by the Parthians in the consequence thereof. The
former had been forced to defend his prestige and authority in the eyes
of the troops, who had just elected him to the throne, while the latter had
to do the same in the eyes of the vassals supporting him in the struggle,
especially his companion Shahrat, the ruler of Adiabene banished previously
by Caracalla. The failure to reach an agreement between the parties had led,
in consequence, to a renewal of fighting. In connection with the warfare,
most scholars
emphasÍ2e
the ineptitude of the emperor, which had finally
196_________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
led to the defeat at Nisibis, followed by a disgraceful peace treaty for which
he had to pay a heavy price with the sum given to the king of the Parthians
and his nobility. The rudimentary accounts dealing with the war between
Macrinus and the Parthians allow, nevertheless, to grasp the logical sequence
of the emperor s actions, by which he had attempted first to resolve the
conflict and then take advantage of it so that the imperial authority suffered
the least harm and the Empire s territories remained intact.
The scholars usually argue that Macrinus had agreed to pay a tribute,
a contribution, or a war reparation, to the Parthians. Such a point of
view, however, is unfounded. From an analysis of the sources, the legal
consequences of such a classification and the amount paid, it appears that
the amount in question had been too high for a regularly paid tribute, and
it had been a single expenditure for the Romans, whose character cannot
be determined clearly, and which must have seriously, if only for once,
burdened their treasury. In order to undertake such a financial strain, the
emperor must have been compelled by his wish, and after the defeats the
necessity, to terminate, as soon as possible, that troublesome conflict, as
weU as (perhaps above all else) the steadily deteriorating situation in the
Army
—
in consequence of the military defeats.
In connection with the coinage bearing the inscriptions Victoria
Parthica, the scholars also stress the fact that the propaganda of Macrinus
had committed a forgery concerning the propagation of the success
of the eastern expedition. However, such an assessment is not correct.
A reconstruction of the provisions of the peace treaty ending the conflict,
to which the scholars had not paid all the attention it deserved, allows us to
draw several significant conclusions with serious implications for a proper
evaluation of the emperor s actions. The treaty had been propagated as
Macrinus success, and in the subjective opinion of the imperial propaganda
it had been one, in fact. That had not been, however, a great military
success, as the fighting in Mesopotamia had finished with the defeat of
the Roman troops. Also, the financial effort of the last couple of years had
been squandered, no new lands had been conquered, in spite of Caracalla s
temporary seizure of Adiabene. However, in view of this particular fact,
Macrinus considerable success had been his retaining of all Septimius
Severus conquered territories and the consolidation of the Empire s eastern
frontier established by Severus about AD
200.
Furthermore, it should be
emphasized that the Roman Army had not been destroyed or deprived of
_______________________________________________________________________197
its ability to conduct military operations, which had been confirmed by
the events of the next months. The peace treaty was, therefore, a tangible
success, and its conclusion had been, in many respects, advantageous for the
Romans and it also reasserted their position in Armenia and Mesopotamia.
In addition, it had been a success satisfactory, in a way, for both parties,
as the Parthians had also considered the conditions of the treaty to be
satisfactory.
It should also be mentioned here that no attention has been drawn so
far to the relations between the Parthian conflict and Macrinus policy
at the other borders. The eastern policy had determined the situation at
the Danube, the Rhine, in Britain and in Africa. The emperor had striven
there, most of all, to maintain the status quo and avoid conflicts (e.g., he had
ended the conflict with the free Dacians), as they could have had a negative
impact on the setdement of the relations with Artabanus. Moreover, those
frontiers may have been considered safe, even though it was a temporary
state due to the enlargement of the limes fortifications and their home-front
areas there, as well as the successful military interventions of Macrinus
predecessors, especially Caracalla s.
While Macrinus foreign policy, even though in a limited extent, had been
reflected in the historical literature, the emperor s domestic policy had not
been properly appreciated therein. The discussion of that policy is usually
restricted to the statement that various steps were taken by the emperor,
wiťhout
taking into account their broader social and economical foundation
or the determinant factors. Macrinus activity in that field had been versatile,
and he had managed to implement many changes in the course of his brief,
fourteen-months-long, rule. They had not always been original solutions,
as Macrinus had consciously recognized Septimius Severus model of state
affairs as exemplary. This might have been a question of Opellius Macrinus
respect for his state-building work, but also Macrinus personal contact
with Severus. The charisma of Septimius Severus had an unquestionable
influence on Macrinus mind, who had tried, as emperor, to follow in
Severus footsteps in many of his endeavours, or to restore the state of
affairs from the time of his reign. In that peculiar
imitano Severi
Macrinus
must have seen a factor warranting the acceptance and stability of his rule,
and increasing his authority among the troops and in society.
The titulature of Macrinus and his son Diadumenianus had evidendy
imitated the
Severan
tides. Thus the emperor had wanted to make an
198_____________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
explicit emphasis on the continuity and continuance of the Antonines-
-Severi politics, after the death of Caracalla represented by the gens Opellia.
Particular controversies arise in the literature as regards the order and dating
of his consular titles. UsuaHy, it is assumed that Macrinus had initially used
the tide consul, on the basis of the
ornamenta
consularia;
after
1
January
218
the title
consulii,
and then he had reverted to consul. In the meantime, most
often after the first consulate, usually between October and December
217,
the titles consul
designatus
and consul
designatus
II are ascribed to Macrinus.
A significant reason for the controversies connected with Macrinus
consulships is constituted by a reflection, in the sources and the literature,
of a certain discussion of legal character. It had resulted from the fact of
the existence of an unprecedented situation in the history of the Empire
—
no emperor before Macrinus had received the
ornamenta
consularia
from
his predecessor, therefore none of them had been in such a situation as
Macrinus. Some confusion had been made also by Cassius Dio s words that
Macrinus had refused to accept the title of consul for a second time in
the following year despite his consular rank. Most probably, the expression
following year should be referred to the second year of holding the
emperor s power, i.e. the tribunidapotestas II, commenced on
10
December
217.
According to the sources, Macrinus had used the tide consul
írom
the
summer to
31
December
217,
with a short gap in the autumn of that year
(prior to
10
December), and it was only from
1
January
218
that he had
accepted the rank of consul II. Moreover, the dating of the acceptance of
the tide consul designate should be rather located in the first months of
Opellius Macrinus reign, before the first consulship, and shifted back to the
end of spring/beginning of summer
217,
as the emperor had no reason to
make such a radical change regarding the traditional order of holding those
ranks. For the same reason, Macrinus use of the tide consul designate for
the second time, i.e. consul
designatus
II, should be located within the brief
period in the autumn (prior to
10
December) of
217.
Another important aspect of the new emperor s rule had been also
his attitude towards the deification of his predecessor, Caracalla, and his
mother, Iulia
Domna.
There is another chronological problem connected
with that question: determining the date of death of Iulia. Recently, that fact
has been dated in the literature as early as April
217.
However, the death of
Iulia could not have been earlier than May, and she must have been dead
by the time of Macrinus arrival in Antioch after the end of the Parthian
_______________________________________________________________________199
conflict, i.e. before the end of summer/beginning of autumn
217.
The
extant accounts do not allow us to give a definite answer to the question
whether the consecrationes of Caracalla and his mother had been announced
during Macrinus reign. We may only assume that their cults had functioned
at that time at least among certain circles of society and constituted one
of the elements legitimizing the authority and rule of their successor and
increasing his prestige, at least among the troops. It is difficult, however, to
determine whether they had been officially confirmed by the senatus
consulta,
although it had obviously been in the interest of their successor.
A particularly important part of Macrinus domestic policy had been
also his dynastic policy, in which he had designed such a crucial role for his
son Diadumenianus as well as to his propagation of the relations with the
previous
domus
imperatoria,
the family of Antonines-Severi. In an attempt to
imitate Septimius Severus, Opellius Macrinus had appointed his son to the
rank of Caesar, probably even before he had begun the campaign against
the Parthians, as it seems impossible that the successor to the imperial
purple had been exposed to the danger and inconvenience of staying in
the war zone, or in its direct proximity. The significant role of the boy, as
the apparent and unquestionable heir to the throne, was given a prominent
position, while the father had used all the occasions available (granting the
titles of Caesar and Antoninus to his son, birthday celebrations) to ensure
the popularity and favour in society, especially among his soldiers. Macrinus
had thus made a direct reference to the tradition of his predecessors and
suggested that the rule of his gens would constitute the continuity of the
rule of the Antonines-Severi, whose reign had been remembered as a period
of prosperity and excellence of the Empire. By granting to himself and
his son the appropriate tides, and by imitating Septimius Severus, Opellius
Macrinus had performed an informal adoption of his gens Opellia into the
gens Aurelia-Septimia. Those actions had been a sort of a political manifesto,
in the light of which he had made himself and his son the successors to
the programme of the extinct dynasty and created a politically viable and
prestige-oriented fiction of a continuation of that dynasty.
From the very beginning of his reign Macrinus had attached great
importance to formal aspects of his relations with the Senate, taking
advantage of the support and favour of that institution, as well as making
use of the splendour surrounding it and the prestige it had enjoyed in the
Roman society. In the correspondence addressed to the
patres
the emperor
200_____________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
had informed them of various issues, not always the most important for
the state, yet the final word had always belonged to him. He had personally
decided on the composition of the Senate, incorporating therein his loyal
supporters and removing the discredited informers from the reign of
his predecessor; he had also decided on the appointment of senatorial
governorships, e.g. in Asia and Africa; finally, he had seen in the Senate an
important aUy and a counterweight to the influence of the military.
Macrinus had also enjoyed the favour of the people. He had owed that
support, most likely, to the Senate s favourable attitude, his promises of
gifts and circuses, anticipation of his return to the capital, finally to the
propaganda publicity promoting the ideas of well-being, generosity and
prosperity of his reign. The recognition of a significant part of the Roman
society for Macrinus could also have been the result of the stabilization of
the socio-economic and political situation as well as the softening of the
fiscal oppression.
Initially, the emperor had also enjoyed a considerable support of the
Army, which had given the imperial purple to him. Only due to the defeats
suffered at war, a pressing tendency to restore the
Severan
discipline in
the Army, the reform in the rules of payment of soldiers pay, along with
a prolonging, though necessary due to the danger at the eastern frontier,
concentration of the troops in that area, had changed the attitude of the
soldiers. All of these factors had been in contradiction with the particularist
interests of soldiers, and they did not understand the goals of the emperor s
politics and were interested, above all else, in their own affairs. Most of all,
they were concerned about the amount of the soldiers pay in their sacks.
Therefore, the attitude of the Army towards the emperor had changed
with the course of time, and the unrest had been slowly spreading among
the legions stationed in Syria. On the other hand, high-ranking officers
had remained loyal to Macrinus until the end, since at least some of them
understood the detrimental character of the changes previously introduced
by Caracalla. They had continued to be loyal to the emperor even throughout
the difficult moments during Elagabalus usurpation.
An interesting aspect of Macrinus politics had been also bis appointment
policy. An examination of the careers of the emperor s closest associates,
the highest-ranking prefects and provincial governors, allows us to believe
that the emperor had filled these high offices guided, above all, by the
interest of the state, also considered as his own best interest. It had not
_______________________________________________________________________201
been a coincidence, therefore, that he had removed from those offices the
people unwilling to accept his authority, with too strong connections to the
former emperor, or simply indolent, entrusting them to the individuals he
had met as he performed various official functions in Septimius Severus
service. They had been, most probably, his close acquaintances or friends
and, which needs to be added, as it is usually in the higher echelons of
power, homines
non,
with connections in the military and moving up the
ladder of career, just as Macrinus did, starting in Septimius Severus reign.
Beside them, the emperor had at his disposal a large group of people with
sufficient experience in provincial administration, recruited primarily from
among the
ordo senatorius.
These two groups had filled all the most crucial
posts in state administration which required proper qualifications and
experience, those which guaranteed the stability of government and, as in
the case of provincial governors, also the security and peace in the lands
they had been appointed to govern.
It should be stressed that the financial problems which Macrinus had
tried to resolve, had caused a certain regression in the area of public utility
construction, both in Rome and in the provinces. The emperor, who had
spent all the time of his reign in the East, fighting and then negotiating
a peace treaty with the Parthians, did not have enough time for that type of
activity. During the reign of Macrinus only the roads of top-level strategic
priority were built or repaired. It had been determined by current defensive
needs of the Empire, connected with the threat posed by various peoples
and tribes living beyond the limes, e.g. the free Dacians, or by foreseen
movements of the military and safeguarding the transportation routes.
Of all the other construction enterprises, only the completion of the great
temple at Ombos
(Kom Ombo)
in Egypt, whose construction had lasted
several centuries, deserves to be mentioned.
Another important aspect of the emperor s domestic policy had been
his legislative activity. Damnatio memoriae had caused the revocation, and
consequently the falling into oblivion of all the legal acts introduced
by the emperor, who, it needs to be said, had been a well-known jurist.
Consequently, we have at our disposal only the accidental, though explicit,
information on his legislative activity. The legal changes introduced by
Macrinus, first of all the annulment of the bad emperors legislation,
invalidation of Caracalla s tax legislation, and the restoration to order of
the affairs of alimentationes and the scope of the
iuridiá
jurisdiction, had
202_____________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
a tremendous impact in terms of propaganda. They had contributed to
a growth of the emperor s popularity in some sections of society, at the
most perhaps among the ordinary citizens, as they had been those who had
borne the expenses related to the wars waged by Caracalla and the increase
in the soldiers pay he had ordered.
It is possible to notice, in the rudimentary information concerning
Macrinus legislative activity, two guiding principles which he had seemed
to follow. First, we cannot fan to observe that he had wished to endear
himself to various groups of the Roman society, although he had never
transgressed the order determined by Septimius Severus, or by the other
earlier emperors but consolidated by Severus. Second, he had endeavoured
to safeguard the interests of the state in such a way as to avoid incurring
unnecessary costs, particularly if they were to be connected with various
enterprises and actions of secondary importance.
Thanks to the policy of rationalization and the assurance of stability
of the social and economic situation, the emperor s relations with the
population of the Roman cities and provinces had proceeded without
greater disturbances. A special position among them was held by the
emperor s relations with Antioch, the metropolis of the Roman East.
Contrary to the claim found in the literature, Macrinus had not been
staying in that city just after his imperial acclamation, but went there only
after the combat operations at the Parthian border had been finished, and
remained at Antioch for a few months, most probably from the end of the
summer or the beginning of the autumn
217
until the time of Elagabalus
usurpation. In the source material available, with one exception only, there is
no information pertaining to the resistance of the inhabitants of the cities
to Macrinus rule. The exception in question
—
i.e. the Pergamonians
—
remains an isolated case and is, essentially, the result of restoring a rational
order in that city, previously transgressed, in a certain way, by the privileges
granted by Caracalla. On the contrary, as demonstrated by the examples of
Cilician towns, we can talk even of a certain kind of rivalry among them for
the emperor s good graces,
cognomina
of honour, official ranks or privileges
granted by him. In principle, therefore, the populations of the cities and
provinces accepted Macrinus rule, and the shift in the political climate had
taken place only after Elagabalus usurpation and had been the result of
a confusion among the local societies in connection with the civil war going
_______________________________________________________________________203
on in Syria and the passive attitude of the confused Imperial administration,
and the co-operative local municipal elites, to the conflict.
One of the principal features of Macrinus reign had been also the
savings implemented in such a way as to avoid any internal disturbances.
The emperor had not wished any additional complications in the course of
the ongoing conflict with the Parthians. In consequence, on the one hand,
the decisions taken by Macrinus were meant to ensure him popularity and
prestige among diverse circles of society; on the other hand, the emperor
had tried in various ways to increase the revenue of the treasury, e.g. through
rationalization of taxes, limiting the policy of free distribution of privileges,
decreasing the soldiers pay raised exorbitantly by the predecessor, but
only for the newly recruited soldiers. These savings had been, beside the
preoccupation with the affairs of the eastern frontier, the main cause of the
limited construction activity; they had also influenced the entire financial
and monetary policy.
An analysis of various aspects of Macrinus financial and monetary
policy allows us to formulate a range of conclusions with reference to their
functioning and the changes introduced by the emperor within that scope.
Following the more recent literature, it should be assumed that the state¬
wide money (with Latin inscriptions) of
аД
the monetary denominations
had been issued only at the mint in Rome. That coinage is characterized
by a rather limited typological differentiation, despite its mass production,
with many issues lacking date-related elements. From the beginning of
his reign, Macrinus had discontinued the issue of
Uniones,
whereas the
issues of golden and silver
quinarii
had been limited to a couple of series,
without a greater share in the general circulation. Among the well-known
types of coins, we can also notice an overwhelming advantage of the
denar
issue over the antoninus issues in
217
and the subsequent discontinuation
of the antoninus issue in
218.
Also, there is a noticeable division into two
phases as regards the continuation of the metrological principles to date
in the state-wide coinage. In the former one, the alloys accepted in the
last years of Caracalla s reign were continued; in the latter, the reform was
introduced, whose purpose had been to return to the situation from the
reign of Septimius Severus (after AD
198).
In addition, in the reign of Macrinus there still existed the minting
of silver and bronze coinage in the East, provincial and autonomous in
character, based on the drachm system, in spite of the decreasing number
204_____________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
of workshops and mints which continued that type of coinage. In the
Syrian-Palestinian-Mesopotamian region, the issues of tetradrachms had
been continued; also, the Caesarean and Alexandrian issues were being
re-issued, along with rather occasional issues coming from other centres.
Unfortunately, the motives for closing down and reactivating the mints and
workshops issuing coins in the East are impossible to determine (or, at least
for the time being, still not found in the relevant sources).
The last stage of Macrinus rule was filled with the struggle against the
usurpation of Elagabalus, claiming to be Caracalla s son, which had begun
with the rebellion of the
Legio
III
Gallica
at Raphanea, near
Emesa,
on
16
May
218.
The reasons for that upheaval may be traced, in large measure, to
Macrinus earlier relations with the surviving members of the
Severi,
as well
as to his attempts to restore the discipline in the Army and the annulment
of Caracalla s rise in the soldiers pay, which had been too expensive for
the state treasury. These circumstances were used by the conspirators with
connections to the entourage of Iulia
Maesa (Iulia
Domna s sister) to
provoke the mutiny. Another important factor contributing to the situation
was the soldiers longing for the better, in their own subjective opinion, times
of Caracalla s reign, together with the propaganda actions of Elagabalus
supporters
leveüed
at Macrinus. The propaganda had depicted Opellius
Macrinus as an unscrupulous murderer of the predecessor and exposed,
in explicit terms, the relation between Elagabalus and his alleged father.
It should be emphasized, however, that the course of the war between
Macrinus and the usurper had demonstrated that the support for the latter
had not been as obvious as could have seemed. Macrinus had enjoyed the
considerable support of diverse groups of society: he had been supported
by the Senate, even though the actual influence exerted by this respectable
institution had been strongly limited; also, he was favoured by the people,
despite their possibly unstable support, along with the loyal officers,
Praetorian Guard, and some part of the troops. The factor determining
the approach of the provincial governors towards the usurpation was the
distance between the lands they governed and the embattled Syria, as well as
their own relationships with the usurper or his followers. The governors of
the provinces in the Near East had been in the most precarious situation, as
they had become involved in the events connected directly with Macrinus
fight against the usurper and therefore could not remain neutral. All the
other governors could wait in their provinces for a final resolution of the
________
_2O5
conflict and postpone their decision until a later time, when they could
possibly count on the victor s favour or good grace.
Except for the military operations, whose climax had been the battle
near Antioch on
8
June
218,
the war for power fought between Macrinus
and Elagabalus also had its propaganda aspect, thus far little exposed
in the historical literature. It should be stressed that Macrinus son
—
Diadumenianus, had played a special and significant role therein. The
emperor had appointed him an Augustus and, as he had borne the name
Antoninus, placed him in the position against Elagabalus, who had also
ventured a claim to that name, which he allegedly was entitled to bear after
his father. Macrinus had taken advantage of all the circumstances connected
with that event in order to gain the favour of his subjects, and especially to
ensure the loyalty of his soldiers. It should be also added that those efforts
had proved to be unsuccessful, and after
8
June
218
they were probably
one of the most important reasons for the emperor s desperate attempts
to save the life of his son, whilst the usurper and his followers had sought
a chance to get rid of the rival and erase any memory of him.
Although the battle near Antioch had decided the rivalry for the purple
in Syria, Opellius, who had managed to get away and tried to escape to the
West, could still rely on the loyalty of the troops in the European part of
the Empire. Only the lack of any reaction on their part and the arrest of
Macrinus, already a defeated and
ül man
at that time, had decided finally
on the fate of the war. According to the sources, the death of Macrinus
is dated usually at the end of June or in July
218.
However, an analysis of
the time needed to escape, by road, from Antioch to
Chalcedon
and to
transport the prisoner from
Chalcedon
to
Anheláis
in Cappadocia, allows
us to determine that the emperor had been killed at an earlier date
—
most
likely around
20
June
218.
The fate of the emperor had also fallen, near
that same date, on his son Diadumenianus, who had become the victim, in
a way, of his father s previous propaganda efforts.
The process of assuming power over the Empire by Elagabalus, after
Macrinus defeat, had been quite long and lasted, probably, until August
of
218.
The victorious usurper had carried out a purge among the close
associates and followers of the vanquished emperor. The majority of those
who had remained loyal to Macrinus, or joined the usurper s side too late,
had been killed. Others, who had more luck, or simply better connections,
had only been deprived of their offices and stripped of ranks and titles.
206_____________________________________________________________
SUMMARY
In the historical literature Macrinus is usually regarded as a good state
official but an ineffectual ruler. These opinions, however, are contrary even
to the judgements of the ancient authors. In spite of the fact that they
had been under the influence of the propaganda of Macrinus successors,
they had not failed to notice certain positive aspects of his reign. However,
a critical analysis of the extant ancient accounts allows us to bring out of
them an entirely different picture of Macrinus reign, free of any negative
bias dictated by programme considerations.
Macrinus had gained quite a lot in his life, only to lose everything he had
achieved in result of a series of unfortunate events. The most acute loss
he had suffered, however, was the loss of his good name in consequence
of the posthumous damnatio memoriae, coupled with the propaganda of
his successors, denigrating him in order to consolidate the power held by
Caracalla s alleged sons, who had put themselves in the role of their father s
avengers. In the light of his achievements, however, Macrinus appears to be
a dynamic, capable and reasonable ruler
—
a worthy
continuator
of the best
Antoninian-Severan traditions. The portrait and evaluation of his reign, as
presented briefly in this article, both lead us to a necessary, if in part only,
rehabilitation of the ruler, who had not been, in many respects, less talented
than his direct predecessors
—
the emperors of the
Severan
House.
Translated by
Marcin
Fijak
|
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| id | DE-604.BV040244995 |
| illustrated | Illustrated |
| indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:19:51Z |
| institution | BVB |
| isbn | 9788362261192 |
| language | Polish |
| oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-025101105 |
| oclc_num | 796276924 |
| open_access_boolean | |
| owner | DE-12 |
| owner_facet | DE-12 |
| physical | 235, [2] s., [1] k. map złoż. Kt. 24 cm |
| psigel | gbd_4_1306 |
| publishDate | 2010 |
| publishDateSearch | 2010 |
| publishDateSort | 2010 |
| publisher | Towarzystwo Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica" |
| record_format | marc |
| series | Notos |
| series2 | Notos : Scripta Antiqua et Byzantina |
| spelling | Dyrlaga, Przemysław Daniel Verfasser aut Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji Przemysław Daniel Dyrlaga Kraków Towarzystwo Wydawnicze "Historia Iagellonica" 2010 235, [2] s., [1] k. map złoż. Kt. 24 cm txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Notos : Scripta Antiqua et Byzantina 4 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache u.d.T.: The emperor Macrinus Bibliogr. s. 209-230. Indeks Macrinus Römisches Reich, Kaiser 164-218 (DE-588)119072645 gnd rswk-swf 1. Marek Opeliusz Makrynus (cesarz rzymski ; ca 164-218) 2. Władcy – Rzym – 3 w. 3. Rzym – polityka – 3 w. Macrinus (217 - 218 n. Chr.) (DE-2581)TH000003925 gbd Macrinus Römisches Reich, Kaiser 164-218 (DE-588)119072645 p DE-604 Notos Scripta Antiqua et Byzantina ; 4 (DE-604)BV036864154 4 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025101105&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025101105&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
| spellingShingle | Dyrlaga, Przemysław Daniel Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji Notos Macrinus Römisches Reich, Kaiser 164-218 (DE-588)119072645 gnd 1. Marek Opeliusz Makrynus (cesarz rzymski ; ca 164-218) 2. Władcy – Rzym – 3 w. 3. Rzym – polityka – 3 w. |
| subject_GND | (DE-588)119072645 |
| title | Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji |
| title_auth | Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji |
| title_exact_search | Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji |
| title_full | Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji Przemysław Daniel Dyrlaga |
| title_fullStr | Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji Przemysław Daniel Dyrlaga |
| title_full_unstemmed | Cesarz Makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji Przemysław Daniel Dyrlaga |
| title_short | Cesarz Makryn |
| title_sort | cesarz makryn w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji |
| title_sub | w cieniu wojen i uzurpacji |
| topic | Macrinus Römisches Reich, Kaiser 164-218 (DE-588)119072645 gnd 1. Marek Opeliusz Makrynus (cesarz rzymski ; ca 164-218) 2. Władcy – Rzym – 3 w. 3. Rzym – polityka – 3 w. |
| topic_facet | Macrinus Römisches Reich, Kaiser 164-218 1. Marek Opeliusz Makrynus (cesarz rzymski ; ca 164-218) 2. Władcy – Rzym – 3 w. 3. Rzym – polityka – 3 w. |
| url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025101105&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=025101105&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
| volume_link | (DE-604)BV036864154 |
| work_keys_str_mv | AT dyrlagaprzemysławdaniel cesarzmakrynwcieniuwojeniuzurpacji |