Holdings: Polska droga od socjalizmu

Polska droga od socjalizmu: pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989

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Bibliographic Details
Main Author:	Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 (Author)
Format:	Book
Language:	Polish
Published:	Poznań Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział 2011
Edition:	Wyd. 1.
Series:	Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN / Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań> 17
Subjects:	Sozialismus Polen Aufsatzsammlung
Online Access:	Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract
Item Description:	Zsfassung in engl. Sprache
Physical Description:	763 S. Ill., graph. Darst.
ISBN:	9788393218882

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Record in the Search Index

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adam_text	SPIS TREŚCI Krzysztof Brzechczyn, Przedmowa ...........................................................................9 Część I. MITY SOCJALIZMU ................................................................................47 Głos klasy ludowej: polska droga od socjalizmu ........................................................49 Błędy Lenina, czyli o konieczności socjalizmu w Rosji ..............................................65 Socjalistyczny sposób panowania nad człowiekiem ..................................................76 Marazm jako fałszywa świadomość socjalizmu ......................................................104 Marksizm dzisiaj. Przyczynek do kategorialnej historii marazmu w systemie trój-panowania klasowego ................................................................117 Wyzwolenie: społeczne czy narodowe? ......................................................................131 „Socjalizm , czyli na czym topolega ........................................................................151 „Socjalizm jest młodym ustrojem , czyli o starczej mitomanii systemu ....................155 „Nierozumność władzy , czyli o tym, kto tu właściwie czego nie rozumie? ..............158 „Demokratyzacjapartii , czyli komu to służy? .........................................................162 „Nierównowaga gospodarcza , czyli społeczeństwo planowego niedostatku ...............168 Droga narodowa według Jana Szczepańskiego .........................................................173 „Przewodnia rola marks izmu-leninizmu , czyli o tym, jak ideologowie nie wiedzą, co czynią ........................................................................................... 178 Mit odnowy .................................................................................................................182 Nie wiemy z dziejów akurat tego, co jest konieczne, by zrozumieć świat, w jakim żyjemy .....................................................................................................186 Casus Kambodży, czyli komu służy idealizm historyczny? .........................................193 Nazwy i rzeczy ............................................................................................................196 Największy szkodnik teoretyczny współczesności ......................................................198 Socjalizm rodzi nie alienację, lecz zniewolenie .........................................................201 Alienacja i zniewolenie. Szkic o zasadach krytyki socjalistycznej formacji społecznej ..............................................................................................205 Część II. MITY SOLIDARNOŚCI ...........................................................................215 Teza o rosnącej nadziei ..............................................................................................217 Motywacja wystąpienia z PZPR .................................................................................223 Skąd i dokąd idziemy? ................................................................................................227 Co to jest „element antysocjalistyczny ? .................................................................. 230 Inteligencja wobec klasy ludowej ..............................................................................232 Szansą ma^izmu jest pluralizm ...............................................................................236 W późnym socjalizmie wszelka opozycja ściśle polityczna utrwala system trój-panowania klasowego ..................................................................................240 Pokrzywa dla Ewy ......................................................................................................244 „Solidarność i trój-właściciele społeczeństwa ........................................................246 Cena braku perspektywy ............................................................................................250 W późnym socjalizmie opozycja ściśle polityczna utrwala system trój-panowania klasowego ..................................................................................254 Miłośnica mądrości czy służebnica kapłanów? .........................................................266 O fundamentalnym błędzie Marha, totalitaryzmie, istocie stalinizmu, „trój-panach w PZPR, tezach „ Solidarności i szansach społeczeństwa bezklasowego ...........271 Jeśli mamy szansę, to dzięki kryzysowi gospodarczemu i radzieckiemu zagrożeniu .....278 „Autonomia nauki , czyli kto na tym zyska naprawdę? ............................................292 Zagrożenie dla Solidarności Ludu tkwi również w „Solidarności ..........................297 Demokracja parlamentarna ani nie jest w socjalizmie możliwa, ani jest czego szczególnie żałować ......................................................................301 Związek potrzebuje społecznych idei .........................................................................305 Antyinteligenckość mas jest pozorna, wyraża ona natomiast obawę ludu przed wtopieniem „Solidarności w aparat partyjny .........................................307 „Solidarność na rozdrożu ........................................................................................312 Związek a PZPR i władze państwowe. Propozycje do programu „ Solidarności : projekt fundamentalistów (wariant I) ..................................................................316 Nasz ruch musi być inny ............................................................................................318 Myśleć radykalnie - działać kompromisowo .............................................................322 Niebezpieczeństwo nowej indoktrynacji ....................................................................325 Lewica znaczy dziś to samo, co dawniej, tyle że - dobitniej ......................................327 Umiarkowanie w myśleniu prowadzi donikąd ...........................................................329 Mit wiarygodności .....................................................................................................336 Wojskowe grupy operacyjne .......................................................................................338 Demokracja - ale tylko totalna ..................................................................................340 Ekspertyza dla aparatu ..............................................................................................343 Część III. MITY SPOŁECZEŃSTWA PODZIEMNEGO ...................................345 O kompromisie bez złudzeń ........................................................................................347 Groźba terroryzmu .....................................................................................................349 Liczą się tylko masy ................................................................................................... 35I Kolaboracja czy praca organiczna ............................................................................355 Nauki stanu wojennego ..............................................................................................359 Nieświadomość nie tłumaczy filozofa .........................................................................363 Trój-władcy panują najchętniej w ciemnościach .......................................................368 To dobrze, jeżeli będą zmuszeni rozwiązać „Solidarność .......................................370 Nowe związki w niewoli trój-panów ..........................................................................373 Mit komunistów ..........................................................................................................377 O stanie powojennym, czyli rzeczywista treść idei „porozumienia narodowego .......379 Elementy prognozy długofalowej ...............................................................................383 Dramat Marka ..........................................................................................................388 Podwyżka cen: przyczyna czy hasło do rewolucji? ....................................................393 Kilka tez o współczesnym społeczeństwie polskim .....................................................397 Mit wiarygodności - ciąg dalszy ................................................................................412 Fundamentalizm i pragmatyzm ..................................................................................414 Nauki rewolucji węgierskiej .......................................................................................417 Kościół i lud ziemski ..................................................................................................422 Anty-Rakowski, czyli o tym, co wygwizdali wicepremierowi robotnicy .....................428 „Społeczeństwo , czyli analiza pewnego frazesu ......................................................453 Socjalistyczna magia ..................................................................................................456 Solidarność obywateli, nie solidaryzm Polaków .......................................................459 O czym państwo milczy, tego (być) nie ma ................................................................463 Międzynarodówka władców .......................................................................................465 Ucieczka w zależność .................................................................................................467 Renesans trój-pana ....................................................................................................469 Ani ewolucja, ani rewolucja .......................................................................................473 POP-marbizm. Rozprawka o anatomii ideologii ......................................................481 Mit markizmu ............................................................................................................489 O ewolucyjnym postępie poprzez przegrane rewolucje .............................................513 Liczą się dobrze przegrane rewolucje ........................................................................529 O optymalnej strukturze ruchu opozycyjnego ............................................................536 Dwie tezy o „drugim obiegu ....................................................................................538 List otwarty do Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego Benona Miśkiewicza ..........543 Część IV. MITY LIBERALIZMU ..........................................................................547 Me ufam partiom .......................................................................................................549 O Chrystusie, Kościele i rewolucji (odpowiedź na list otwarty o. Ludwika Wiśniewskiego, OP) ..........................................................................554 Człowiek i ludzie, czyli o tym, ile utopii społecznej da się wyrazić na obecnym poziomie konkretyzacji nie-Marksowskiego materializmu historycznego ...............569 Groźba urban-izacji myśli niezależnej .......................................................................581 Od reformistycznej do rewolucyjnej teorii socjalizmu ...............................................590 Bogactwo i nędza trockizmu. Kilka słów komentarza ................................................605 Dlaczego liberalizm ...................................................................................................609 Myślenie nabożne - myślenie mężne ..........................................................................614 Dogmat „ukąszenia Heglowskiego ..........................................................................618 Elity i postęp ..............................................................................................................630 O burżuazji, samorozwiązujących się rewolucjach i różnicy między filozofią polityki a programem politycznym .............................................635 Niezbędna rewolta ......................................................................................................645 Kto się boi Gorbaczowa? ...........................................................................................647 Drugi Sierpień czy drugi Budapeszt? ........................................................................650 O dawnym marksizmie, przyszłości kapitalizmu i dzisiejszym neoliberalizmie .........654 O konieczności podwójnej herezji ..............................................................................668 U siebie to jestem i będę tylko w Polsce ....................................................................676 Czym był dla mnie Marzec? .......................................................................................678 Siła przegranej rewolucji ...........................................................................................680 Intelektualiści wobec rewolucji ..................................................................................685 Lewica górą ...............................................................................................................694 O porozumieniu Okrągłego Stołu, uwłaszczeniu nomenklatury, perspektywach anarchizmu i polskim prowincjonalizmie ...................................700 Przemysław Zwiernik, Działania Służby Bezpieczeństwa wobec prof. Leszka Nowaka w latach 1980-1989...............................................707 Bronisław Marciniak, Odwaga filozofowania w czasach trudnych. Niepokorna publicystyka niepokornego filozofa. Posłowie .................................719 Bibliografia publikacji Leszka Nowaka w obiegu niezależnym .................................723 Summary ....................................................................................................................735 Wykaz skrótów ............................................................................................................743 IndeL· rozdziałów .......................................................................................................747 Indeks osobowy ..........................................................................................................751 SUMMARY The Solidarity Revolution of 1980-1981, which initiated the decade of the Solidarity movement in Poland, culminating in the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Eu¬ rope in 1989, was a unique social phenomenon. According to Timothy Garton Ash, who witnessed the events unfolding in Poland at that time, what happened in Poland does not fit into any of these pre-formed western moulds and [...] rather than manipulating the Polish revolution until it fits into our existing categories, we might do better to adjust our categories until they fit the Polish revolution 1. Contrary to these claims, however, when describing Solidarity s political thought and political programme, Ash asserts that: [...] the Poles in fact produced a quite original mixture of ideas drawn from diverse traditions. In politics, they dove to the central principles of liberal democracy, but they combined this with proposals for a kind or radical devolution, social control and local self-government [...]. For culture and education, their ideals could best be characterised as conservative-restorationist. In economics, they wished to combine the market, self- government and planning 2. What this statement comes down to is that - in the eyes of a witness with a friendly disposition towards the Polish people - we did not conceive anything essentially new. Ash believes that the intellectual originality of the Solidarity Revolution lay in its ingenious combination of ideas invented elsewhere, that is in the West (better developed also in the intellectual sphere), where these ideas usually compete with one another. However, according to Hannah Arendt, whose views Ash also cites, the defining feature of revolution is the emergence of something new, something previously unknown and, by its very nature, unpredictable. If Arendt s criterion were to be accepted as valid, the conclusion is that the Solidarity Revolution - as opposed to the French or American Revolutions - failed to advance any radically new ideas. Any claims about the ideological originality of the Solidarity Revolution are thus underpinned by the view that the originality was only second-hand , a derivative based on the amalgamation of ideas already existing on the intellectual market, not involving any genuinely new concepts. The intellectual heritage of the Solidarity Revolution can, therefore, be approached from two perspectives: one can analyze it to identify new, intellectually fresh social and political ideas, or investigate the Solidarity-induced social reflection seeking equivalents of ideas already well-known in the West , noting how and in what proportions they coexisted. Any theoretical conceptualization of the intellectual history of Solidarity is an interaction between empirical examination and applied conceptual categories which give a clear structure to the description and clarify it. The aim of the selection of political writings authored by Leszek Nowak, one of the most outstanding Polish philosophers of the second half of the 20Ih century, was to present an outline of one of the original, today largely forgotten, themes of the Solidarity s social thought - which may still be a source of theoretical inspiration helpful in accounting for the phenomenal success of Solidarity. 1 T. G. Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity, London 1983, p. 307. - Ibidem, p. 338. 735 between Marxist dialectics and historical materialism, referred to as the historicism paradox . The nature of the contradiction is that Marxist dialectics (or, at least, its cat¬ egorial reconstruction) assumes the variability of central factors involved in phenomena under study. Meanwhile, Marxist historical materialism asserts that productive forces and relations of production constitute invariably significant determinants of social life in all societies and all periods throughout human history. This gives rise to the question of whether in the course of historical development the repertoire of central factors changes or remains unchanged. If it were to be accepted that central factors change throughout historical development, what is the nature of these non-economic, yet still material fac¬ tors? The question led to obtaining a generalized version of Marxist historical materialism which was also supposed to account for the functioning of societies in real socialism. An attempt to resolve the contradiction of historical materialism was non-Mhm claiming that society included three independent class divisions existing in economy, culture and politics. The class divisions had their roots in the appropriation, done by a cer¬ tain minority, of means of production in economy (resulting in the division into the class of owners and direct producers), means of coercion in politics (generating the division into the class of rulers and ruled citizens) and spiritual means of production in culture (culminating in the division into the class of priests and the faithful). Class divisions have a potential to accumulate and hence, in addition to regular class societies (with three separate classes), there are also supra-class societies in which a single social class controls politics and economy, politics and culture - or politics, economy and culture. Real socialism, in fact, turned out to be the latter system with the communist party s apparatus controlling the political, economic and cultural spheres of life. From this per¬ spective, the socialist system with its triple class monopoly appears to be the most the most oppressive social system in human history. The basic line of social division sepa¬ rated the people s class (working class) from the triple-ruling class. The main interest of the latter lay in expanding the political rule as far as possible. Control of the economy and culture only served as a means of asserting dominance over the rest of the society. The key advantage of Nowak s theory was his attempt to dynamically capture the development of socialism based on the conflict of interests between the triple-ruling class and the people. The main tenets of the theory s basic model can be summarized as follows: - the fundamental contradiction inherent in socialism exists between the triple-rule and the people; the contradiction is the strongest in the phase of total enslavement in which people in power are absolutely free to regulate social life whichever way they please (stalinism - the highest stage of socialism); - the stage of enslavement sees a bottom-up tendency for the revaluation of social bonds which inevitably culminates in the outbreak of a revolution; despite falling, the revolution still brings about the stage of cyclic development of the system; - rulers take repressive measures against rebelling citizens; at the same time in order to prevent the outbreak of another revolutionary wave they decide to make certain concessions to the class of citizens, withdrawing from the regulation of some of the domains of social life. After some time, however, due to competitive mechanisms among those in power, citizens alienation escalates again. The escalation leads to the outbreak of another revolution with a broader base of social support which forces the authorities to offer far greater concessions. Political society evolves in line with the following pattern: eruption of citizens revolution -class abolition - concessions - increased regulation by the authorities - another social resolution with a broader support base, etc. 738 - growing ranks of citizens involved in cyclically occurring political revolutions ul¬ timately cause a mass revolution on a scale that makes the authorities refrain from repressive measures and offer the people major concessions in order to secure a class compromise. - the mechanism governing social development then adopts the following formula: evolutions - concessions - increased regulation by authorities - revolution with a broader social support base - greater concessions. In the second half of the 1980s, Nowak developed anthropological foundations of non-Marxian historical materialism which led to the revision of the theory of power and entire historiosophy. Nowak s proposed non-Christian model of man exposed limi¬ tations involved in the rationalist concept of a human being looking for philosophical justification in the Judeo-Christian religion. Under the non-Christian model, there are three distinct domains of inter-human relations. The normal domain is governed by the principle of reciprocity. A human being displays a tendency to react with hostility to hostile acts performed by their interaction partner and to show friendliness in response to friendly acts. However, the greater the wrongdoing a person receives, the lesser the person s tendency to reciprocate with evil. In the final stage of the process, i.e. total en¬ slavement, the person gives up their own preferences altogether and assumes those of their oppressor. The situation at the opposite end of the spectrum of inter-human relations is similar. An individual experiencing a growing intensity of goodness becomes less and less inclined to reciprocate with the same. In the extreme stage of the process, termed sa- tanization, the individual begins acting according to the counterpreference of their inter¬ action partner; the tendency is then transformed into pathological hostility towards their benefactor. Anthropological assumptions incorporated into the theory of power made it possible to paraphrase certain right- and left-wing intuitions regarding, for example, the nature of revolution and power itself. On the one hand, revolution is an expression of opposition of human masses against political enslavement and leads to the revival of solidarity between people (a pattern duly noted in left-wing thought and ignored in right- wing ideology). On the other hand, however, revolution triggers off mechanisms sataniz- ing civil masses. Since grassroots committees and revolutionary councils established in the course of revolution are too weak to put a stop to the growing anarchization of public life, the need to maintain social order is conducive to the formation of post-revolutionary dictatorship. The dictatorial system is a consequence of expansion of the realm of power - for the power s sake - by former revolutionaries who thus turn against their previous rev¬ olutionary ideals (a fact noticed by right-wing ideologists but ignored by the left wing). * It would be an overwhelming task to identify in Leszek Nowak s intellectual output a body of ideas that might be defined as his political thought because Nowak was an integral thinker: his social and political views stemmed from his broader historiosophical and social theory. The theory, in tum, had distinct methodological and ontological assumptions. Nowak s political thought was expounded in various forms including short press reviews and articles, 739 sociophilosophical essays, polemics, interviews or programme proposals (the latter being the least common). In terms of content, Leszek Nowak s political writings can be divided into three main types: - commentaries and explanations of the current political situation; - discussions of the programme of action of the independent society: democratic opposition, NSZZ Solidarity and underground society; - development of a vision of ideal social order (social utopia). It needs to be noted, too, that the third element (utopian) was the relatively least developed aspect in Nowak s publications. Nowak s minimalistic approach in terms of programme development was an effect of the author s specific meta-cognitive attitude. He believed that the axiological or emotional layer of expression should always be sub¬ ordinate to the explanatory level. Workers strikes of July-September 1980 were seen by him as another revolution staged by citizens against the system of triple power. Solidarity was perceived as a tool which the masses created to stand up against the system of triple oppression . At the outset of the Solidarity Revolution Nowak gave the following assessment of future pros¬ pects of the Solidarity movement: If the trade unions focus their activities on broader social matters and not only work-related issues, they stand a real chance of success. A real danger, however, is that they fail to be sufficiently socially-oriented and, at the same time, fail to develop other institutions (councils or local governmental bodies) that would fill in this role. In particular, there is a danger that the trade unions become yet another centralized and hierarchical organization. If this happens, if the trade unions re¬ instate the socialist structure of the society with its division into decision-makers and applauders, it will be irrelevant whether the new structure is independent of the party structure and that the activists have good intentions. The new elite will be inevitably swal¬ lowed by the bureaucratic structures sooner or later .3 Essentially all of Nowak s publications and lectures in the period 1980-1981 were devoted to fighting what he perceived as dangers faced by the Trade Union. In his articles Nowak criticized the flourishing of bureaucracy in the ranks of Solidarity, centralization of power and the ever-growing control of Solidarity s press. He criticized Solidarity s programme enunciations which limited the Trade Union s role to that of a controller of the state authority - because the institution of state was not based on a single class of rulers but a triple social class holding means of production, means of indoctrination and means of coercion. In the second half of 1981, Nowak - already acting as the Union s expert during the 1st National Convention of Delegates of NSZZ Solidarity - supported the movement of work¬ ers self-management as a form of taking economic power away from the triple-ruling class. The so-called fundamentalists programme developed with Nowak s contribution assumed that the state as the owner and the state as the doctrinarian should be reduced to the role of ordi¬ nary power . This meant socialization of means of mass communication by introducing a free choice of various world outlooks and socialization of means of production by handing them over to the workers . At the same time, the fundamentalist programme spoke against the trans¬ formation of Solidarity into a political party fighting for power, even though it accepted the idea of introducing pluralism in social and political life, i.e. the multi-party principle . The limitation of triple power to the role of ordinary power was to be achieved by the implementation of self- -management in various domains of economic, social and cultural life. 3 L. Nowak, Głos w dyskusji [Voice in the Discussion] [in:] Lato 1980. Dyskusja, Poznań 1980, pp. 9-Ю. 740 Texts published in the second half of the 1980s contain new ideas developed in the process of constructing an anthropological base for non-Mhm, capable of accommodat¬ ing theses of conservatism, liberalism or Catholic social science. Social divisions not only lead to enslavement, but also safeguard against the satanization of masses. The desirable social ideal is not based on the abolition of social classes, but rather on their weakening. To resolve the problem, Nowak postulated a method of random drawing or, more spe¬ cifically, a combination of the drawing and electing mechanisms: The subject of power is the entire society which delegates effective power to its portion, say one third, for a defined period of time. The subject of effective power is determined by random draw¬ ing: one third of local communities (e.g. workers) selected in a draw possess passive and active election rights for a specific period. The communities then establish, within themselves, a hierarchy of state authorities up to the top positions by ordinary democratic elections (the procedure applies, naturally, to the state administration, not local govern¬ ment institutions whose members are elected in a traditional election process). On expiry of the agreed period another draw is performed to select a new part of the society as a subject of political power. The procedure is then repeated 4. Similarly, Nowak wanted to employ his proposed drawing mechanism in economy - to combine the effectiveness of the free market with egalitarianism. ** The title of the complete work Polska droga od socjalizmu [Polish Road from So¬ cialism] is a subtitle of one of Leszek Nowak s first brochures entitled Glos klasy lu¬ dowej: Polska droga od socjalizmu [Voice of the Peoples Class: Polish Road from Socialism]. Titles of sections in the book are either derived from Leszek Nowak directly or ref¬ erences to the titles of works he published. The title of the first section, Mity socjalizmu [Myths of Socialism] comes from Nowak s collection of articles published under that title in 1981. The title of the second chapter of the work, Mity solidarności [Myths of Soli¬ darity], refers to the title of Leszek Nowak s collection of articles Mity wiarygodności [Myths of Credibility] which was submitted for printing in October 1981 as part II of Myths of Solidarity and published in 1983. Section three was called Mity społeczeństwa podziemnego [Myths of the Underground], which is entirely my own idea. The title of the fourth section, Mity myśli liberalnej [Myths of Liberalism] is a reference to Nowak s Dogmaty myśli liberalnej [Dogmas of Liberalism], an ensemble of articles prepared for print in 1986. The work is organized by chronology and problems under discussion. Chapter one, encompassing texts created and published in 1980-1981, is structured by problems, since 4 L. Nowak, Człowiek i ludzie, czyli o tym, ile utopii społecznej da się wyrazić na obecnym pozio¬ mie konkretyzacji nie-Marbowskiego materializmu historycznego [The Man and the People that is How Much Utopia is Possibile to Express at the Present Level of Concretization of non-Marxian Historical Materialismi „Obecność 1985, no. 9, p. 53. 741 it includes a discussion of Nowak s extensive and more theoretical essays which came out in 1980-1981 in the form of separate brochures outlining the genesis, nature and dy¬ namics of real socialism. Chronology is the main criterion adopted for structuring articles and interviews presented in the three subsequent chapters. Texts discussed in section two Myths of Solidarity were written in 1980-1981, articles and reviews considered in Myths of the Underground were created in 1982-1985, while those selected for section four Myths of Liberalism - in 1985-1989.
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geographic	Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd
geographic_facet	Polen
id	DE-604.BV040130564
illustrated	Illustrated
indexdate	2024-07-10T00:17:34Z
institution	BVB
isbn	9788393218882
language	Polish
oai_aleph_id	oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024987739
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open_access_boolean
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physical	763 S. Ill., graph. Darst.
publishDate	2011
publishDateSearch	2011
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publisher	Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział
record_format	marc
series2	Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN / Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań>
spelling	Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 Verfasser (DE-588)129689696 aut Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak Wyd. 1. Poznań Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział 2011 763 S. Ill., graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN / Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań> 17 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 s DE-604 Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań> Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN 17 (DE-604)BV035085248 17 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract
spellingShingle	Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 gnd
subject_GND	(DE-588)4055785-6 (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)4143413-4
title	Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989
title_auth	Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989
title_exact_search	Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989
title_full	Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak
title_fullStr	Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak
title_full_unstemmed	Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak
title_short	Polska droga od socjalizmu
title_sort	polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 1989
title_sub	pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989
topic	Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 gnd
topic_facet	Sozialismus Polen Aufsatzsammlung
url	http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA
volume_link	(DE-604)BV035085248
work_keys_str_mv	AT nowakleszek polskadrogaodsocjalizmupismapolityczne19801989

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