Polska droga od socjalizmu: pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
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Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Polish |
Veröffentlicht: |
Poznań
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział
2011
|
Ausgabe: | Wyd. 1. |
Schriftenreihe: | Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN / Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań>
17 |
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. Sprache |
Beschreibung: | 763 S. Ill., graph. Darst. |
ISBN: | 9788393218882 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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adam_text | SPIS TREŚCI
Krzysztof Brzechczyn, Przedmowa
...........................................................................9
Część
I.
MITY
SOCJALIZMU
................................................................................47
Głos klasy ludowej: polska droga od socjalizmu
........................................................49
Błędy Lenina, czyli o konieczności socjalizmu w Rosji
..............................................65
Socjalistyczny sposób panowania nad człowiekiem
..................................................76
Marazm jako fałszywa świadomość socjalizmu
......................................................104
Marksizm dzisiaj. Przyczynek do kategorialnej historii marazmu
w systemie trój-panowania klasowego
................................................................117
Wyzwolenie: społeczne czy narodowe?
......................................................................131
„Socjalizm , czyli na czym
topolega
........................................................................151
„Socjalizm jest młodym ustrojem , czyli o starczej
mitomanii
systemu
....................155
„Nierozumność władzy , czyli o tym, kto tu właściwie czego nie rozumie?
..............158
„Demokratyzacjapartii , czyli komu to służy?
.........................................................162
„Nierównowaga gospodarcza , czyli społeczeństwo planowego niedostatku
...............168
Droga narodowa według Jana Szczepańskiego
.........................................................173
„Przewodnia rola
marks
izmu-leninizmu , czyli o tym, jak ideologowie
nie wiedzą, co czynią
........................................................................................... 178
Mit odnowy
.................................................................................................................182
Nie wiemy z dziejów akurat tego, co jest konieczne, by zrozumieć świat,
w jakim żyjemy
.....................................................................................................186
Casus Kambodży, czyli komu służy idealizm historyczny?
.........................................193
Nazwy i rzeczy
............................................................................................................196
Największy szkodnik teoretyczny współczesności
......................................................198
Socjalizm rodzi nie alienację, lecz zniewolenie
.........................................................201
Alienacja i zniewolenie. Szkic o zasadach krytyki socjalistycznej
formacji społecznej
..............................................................................................205
Część
II.
MITY SOLIDARNOŚCI
...........................................................................215
Teza o rosnącej nadziei
..............................................................................................217
Motywacja wystąpienia z PZPR
.................................................................................223
Skąd i dokąd idziemy?
................................................................................................227
Co to jest „element antysocjalistyczny ?
.................................................................. 230
Inteligencja wobec klasy ludowej
..............................................................................232
Szansą ma^izmu jest pluralizm
...............................................................................236
W późnym socjalizmie wszelka opozycja ściśle polityczna utrwala system
trój-panowania klasowego
..................................................................................240
Pokrzywa dla Ewy
......................................................................................................244
„Solidarność i trój-właściciele społeczeństwa
........................................................246
Cena braku perspektywy
............................................................................................250
W późnym socjalizmie opozycja ściśle polityczna utrwala system
trój-panowania klasowego
..................................................................................254
Miłośnica mądrości czy służebnica kapłanów?
.........................................................266
O fundamentalnym błędzie
Marha,
totalitaryzmie, istocie stalinizmu, „trój-panach
w PZPR, tezach
„
Solidarności
i szansach społeczeństwa bezklasowego
...........271
Jeśli mamy szansę, to dzięki kryzysowi gospodarczemu i radzieckiemu zagrożeniu
.....278
„Autonomia nauki , czyli kto na tym zyska naprawdę?
............................................292
Zagrożenie dla Solidarności Ludu tkwi również w „Solidarności
..........................297
Demokracja parlamentarna ani nie jest w socjalizmie możliwa,
ani jest czego szczególnie żałować
......................................................................301
Związek potrzebuje społecznych idei
.........................................................................305
Antyinteligenckość mas jest pozorna, wyraża ona natomiast obawę ludu
przed wtopieniem „Solidarności w aparat partyjny
.........................................307
„Solidarność na rozdrożu
........................................................................................312
Związek a PZPR i władze państwowe. Propozycje do programu
„
Solidarności
:
projekt fundamentalistów (wariant I)
..................................................................316
Nasz ruch musi być inny
............................................................................................318
Myśleć radykalnie
-
działać kompromisowo
.............................................................322
Niebezpieczeństwo nowej indoktrynacji
....................................................................325
Lewica znaczy dziś to samo, co dawniej, tyle że
-
dobitniej
......................................327
Umiarkowanie w myśleniu prowadzi donikąd
...........................................................329
Mit wiarygodności
.....................................................................................................336
Wojskowe grupy operacyjne
.......................................................................................338
Demokracja
-
ale tylko totalna
..................................................................................340
Ekspertyza dla aparatu
..............................................................................................343
Część III. MITY SPOŁECZEŃSTWA PODZIEMNEGO
...................................345
O kompromisie bez złudzeń
........................................................................................347
Groźba terroryzmu
.....................................................................................................349
Liczą się tylko masy
...................................................................................................
35I
Kolaboracja czy praca organiczna
............................................................................355
Nauki stanu wojennego
..............................................................................................359
Nieświadomość nie tłumaczy filozofa
.........................................................................363
Trój-władcy panują najchętniej w ciemnościach
.......................................................368
To dobrze, jeżeli będą zmuszeni rozwiązać „Solidarność
.......................................370
Nowe związki w niewoli trój-panów
..........................................................................373
Mit komunistów
..........................................................................................................377
O stanie powojennym, czyli rzeczywista treść idei „porozumienia narodowego
.......379
Elementy prognozy długofalowej
...............................................................................383
Dramat Marka
..........................................................................................................388
Podwyżka cen: przyczyna czy hasło do rewolucji?
....................................................393
Kilka tez o współczesnym społeczeństwie polskim
.....................................................397
Mit wiarygodności
-
ciąg dalszy
................................................................................412
Fundamentalizm i pragmatyzm
..................................................................................414
Nauki rewolucji węgierskiej
.......................................................................................417
Kościół i lud ziemski
..................................................................................................422
Anty-Rakowski, czyli o tym, co wygwizdali wicepremierowi robotnicy
.....................428
„Społeczeństwo
,
czyli analiza pewnego frazesu
......................................................453
Socjalistyczna magia
..................................................................................................456
Solidarność obywateli, nie solidaryzm Polaków
.......................................................459
O czym państwo milczy, tego (być) nie ma
................................................................463
Międzynarodówka władców
.......................................................................................465
Ucieczka w zależność
.................................................................................................467
Renesans trój-pana
....................................................................................................469
Ani ewolucja, ani rewolucja
.......................................................................................473
POP-marbizm. Rozprawka o anatomii ideologii
......................................................481
Mit markizmu
............................................................................................................489
O ewolucyjnym postępie poprzez przegrane rewolucje
.............................................513
Liczą się dobrze przegrane rewolucje
........................................................................529
O optymalnej strukturze ruchu opozycyjnego
............................................................536
Dwie tezy o „drugim obiegu
....................................................................................538
List otwarty do Ministra Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego Benona Miśkiewicza
..........543
Część
IV.
MITY LIBERALIZMU
..........................................................................547
Me ufam partiom
.......................................................................................................549
O Chrystusie, Kościele i rewolucji (odpowiedź na list otwarty
o. Ludwika Wiśniewskiego, OP)
..........................................................................554
Człowiek i ludzie, czyli o tym, ile utopii społecznej da się wyrazić na obecnym
poziomie konkretyzacji nie-Marksowskiego materializmu historycznego
...............569
Groźba urban-izacji myśli niezależnej
.......................................................................581
Od reformistycznej do rewolucyjnej teorii socjalizmu
...............................................590
Bogactwo i nędza trockizmu. Kilka słów komentarza
................................................605
Dlaczego liberalizm
...................................................................................................609
Myślenie nabożne
-
myślenie mężne
..........................................................................614
Dogmat „ukąszenia Heglowskiego
..........................................................................618
Elity i postęp
..............................................................................................................630
O burżuazji, samorozwiązujących się rewolucjach i różnicy
między filozofią polityki a programem politycznym
.............................................635
Niezbędna rewolta
......................................................................................................645
Kto się boi Gorbaczowa?
...........................................................................................647
Drugi Sierpień czy drugi Budapeszt?
........................................................................650
O dawnym marksizmie, przyszłości kapitalizmu i dzisiejszym neoliberalizmie
.........654
O konieczności podwójnej herezji
..............................................................................668
U siebie to jestem i będę tylko w Polsce
....................................................................676
Czym był dla mnie Marzec?
.......................................................................................678
Siła przegranej rewolucji
...........................................................................................680
Intelektualiści wobec rewolucji
..................................................................................685
Lewica górą
...............................................................................................................694
O porozumieniu Okrągłego Stołu, uwłaszczeniu nomenklatury,
perspektywach anarchizmu i polskim prowincjonalizmie
...................................700
Przemysław Zwiernik, Działania Służby Bezpieczeństwa
wobec
prof.
Leszka Nowaka w latach
1980-1989...............................................707
Bronisław Marciniak, Odwaga filozofowania w czasach trudnych.
Niepokorna publicystyka niepokornego filozofa. Posłowie
.................................719
Bibliografia publikacji Leszka Nowaka w obiegu niezależnym
.................................723
Summary
....................................................................................................................735
Wykaz skrótów
............................................................................................................743
IndeL· rozdziałów
.......................................................................................................747
Indeks osobowy
..........................................................................................................751
SUMMARY
The Solidarity Revolution of
1980-1981,
which initiated the decade of the Solidarity
movement in Poland, culminating in the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Eu¬
rope in
1989,
was a unique social phenomenon. According to Timothy Garton Ash, who
witnessed the events unfolding in Poland at that time, what happened in Poland does
not fit into any of these pre-formed western moulds and
[...]
rather than manipulating
the Polish revolution until it fits into our existing categories, we might do better to adjust
our categories until they fit the Polish revolution 1. Contrary to these claims, however,
when describing Solidarity s political thought and political programme, Ash asserts that:
[...]
the Poles in fact produced a quite original mixture of ideas drawn from diverse
traditions. In politics, they dove to the central principles of liberal democracy, but they
combined this with proposals for a kind or radical devolution, social control and local
self-government
[...].
For culture and education, their ideals could best be characterised
as conservative-restorationist. In economics, they wished to combine the market, self-
government and planning 2. What this statement comes down to is that
-
in the eyes of
a witness with a friendly disposition towards the Polish people
-
we did not conceive
anything essentially new. Ash believes that the intellectual originality of the Solidarity
Revolution lay in its ingenious combination of ideas invented elsewhere, that is in the
West (better developed also in the intellectual sphere), where these ideas usually compete
with one another. However, according to Hannah
Arendt,
whose views Ash also cites, the
defining feature of revolution is the emergence of something new, something previously
unknown and, by its very nature, unpredictable. If Arendt s criterion were to be accepted
as valid, the conclusion is that the Solidarity Revolution
-
as opposed to the French or
American Revolutions
-
failed to advance any radically new ideas. Any claims about the
ideological originality of the Solidarity Revolution are thus underpinned by the view that
the originality was only second-hand , a derivative based on the amalgamation of ideas
already existing on the intellectual market, not involving any genuinely new concepts.
The intellectual heritage of the Solidarity Revolution can, therefore, be approached
from two perspectives: one can analyze it to identify new, intellectually fresh social and
political ideas, or investigate the Solidarity-induced social reflection seeking equivalents
of ideas already well-known in the West , noting how and in what proportions they
coexisted. Any theoretical conceptualization of the intellectual history of Solidarity is
an interaction between empirical examination and applied conceptual categories which
give a clear structure to the description and clarify it. The aim of the selection of political
writings authored by
Leszek
Nowak,
one of the most outstanding Polish philosophers of
the second half of the 20Ih century, was to present an outline of one of the original, today
largely forgotten, themes of the Solidarity s social thought
-
which may still be a source
of theoretical inspiration helpful in accounting for the phenomenal success of Solidarity.
1
T. G. Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity, London
1983,
p.
307.
-
Ibidem, p.
338.
735
between Marxist dialectics and historical materialism, referred to as the historicism
paradox . The nature of the contradiction is that Marxist dialectics (or, at least, its
cat¬
egorial
reconstruction) assumes the variability of central factors involved in phenomena
under study. Meanwhile, Marxist historical materialism asserts that productive forces and
relations of production constitute invariably significant determinants of social life in all
societies and all periods throughout human history. This gives rise to the question of
whether in the course of historical development the repertoire of central factors changes
or remains unchanged. If it were to be accepted that central factors change throughout
historical development, what is the nature of these non-economic, yet still material fac¬
tors? The question led to obtaining a generalized version of Marxist historical materialism
which was also supposed to account for the functioning of societies in real socialism.
An attempt to resolve the contradiction of historical materialism was non-Mhm
claiming that society included three independent class divisions existing in economy,
culture and politics. The class divisions had their roots in the appropriation, done by a cer¬
tain minority, of means of production in economy (resulting in the division into the class
of owners and direct producers), means of coercion in politics (generating the division into
the class of rulers and ruled citizens) and spiritual means of production in culture (culminating
in the division into the class of priests and the faithful). Class divisions have a potential to
accumulate and hence, in addition to regular class societies (with three separate classes),
there are also supra-class societies in which a single social class controls politics and
economy, politics and culture
-
or politics, economy and culture.
Real socialism, in fact, turned out to be the latter system with the communist party s
apparatus controlling the political, economic and cultural spheres of life. From this per¬
spective, the socialist system with its triple class monopoly appears to be the most the
most oppressive social system in human history. The basic line of social division sepa¬
rated the people s class (working class) from the triple-ruling class. The main interest of
the latter lay in expanding the political rule as far as possible. Control of the economy
and culture only served as a means of asserting dominance over the rest of the society.
The key advantage of Nowak s theory was his attempt to dynamically capture the development
of socialism based on the conflict of interests between the triple-ruling class and the people. The
main tenets of the theory s basic model can be summarized as follows:
-
the fundamental contradiction inherent in socialism exists between the triple-rule
and the people; the contradiction is the strongest in the phase of total enslavement in
which people in power are absolutely free to regulate social life whichever way they
please
(stalinism
-
the highest stage of socialism);
-
the stage of enslavement sees a bottom-up tendency for the revaluation of social
bonds which inevitably culminates in the outbreak of a revolution; despite falling,
the revolution still brings about the stage of cyclic development of the system;
-
rulers take repressive measures against rebelling citizens; at the same time in order
to prevent the outbreak of another revolutionary wave they decide to make certain
concessions to the class of citizens, withdrawing from the regulation of some of the
domains of social life. After some time, however, due to competitive mechanisms
among those in power, citizens alienation escalates again. The escalation leads to
the outbreak of another revolution with a broader base of social support which forces
the authorities to offer far greater concessions. Political society evolves in line with
the following pattern: eruption of citizens revolution -class abolition
-
concessions
-
increased regulation by the authorities
-
another social resolution with a broader
support base, etc.
738
-
growing ranks of citizens involved in cyclically occurring political revolutions ul¬
timately cause a mass revolution on a scale that makes the authorities refrain from
repressive measures and offer the people major concessions in order to secure a class
compromise.
-
the mechanism governing social development then adopts the following formula:
evolutions
-
concessions
-
increased regulation by authorities
-
revolution with
a broader social support base
-
greater concessions.
In the second half of the
1980s, Nowak
developed anthropological foundations of
non-Marxian historical materialism which led to the revision of the theory of power
and entire historiosophy.
Nowak
s
proposed non-Christian model of man exposed limi¬
tations involved in the rationalist concept of a human being looking for philosophical
justification in the Judeo-Christian religion. Under the non-Christian model, there are
three distinct domains of inter-human relations. The normal domain is governed by the
principle of reciprocity. A human being displays a tendency to react with hostility to
hostile acts performed by their interaction partner and to show friendliness in response
to friendly acts. However, the greater the wrongdoing a person receives, the lesser the
person s tendency to reciprocate with evil. In the final stage of the process, i.e. total en¬
slavement, the person gives up their own preferences altogether and assumes those of
their oppressor. The situation at the opposite end of the spectrum of inter-human relations
is similar. An individual experiencing a growing intensity of goodness becomes less and
less inclined to reciprocate with the same. In the extreme stage of the process, termed sa-
tanization, the individual begins acting according to the counterpreference of their inter¬
action partner; the tendency is then transformed into pathological hostility towards their
benefactor. Anthropological assumptions incorporated into the theory of power made it
possible to paraphrase certain right- and left-wing intuitions regarding, for example, the
nature of revolution and power itself. On the one hand, revolution is an expression of
opposition of human masses against political enslavement and leads to the revival of
solidarity between people (a pattern duly noted in left-wing thought and ignored in right-
wing ideology). On the other hand, however, revolution triggers off mechanisms sataniz-
ing civil masses. Since grassroots committees and revolutionary councils established in
the course of revolution are too weak to put a stop to the growing anarchization of public
life, the need to maintain social order is conducive to the formation of post-revolutionary
dictatorship. The dictatorial system is a consequence of expansion of the realm of power
-
for the power s sake
-
by former revolutionaries who thus turn against their previous rev¬
olutionary ideals (a fact noticed by right-wing ideologists but ignored by the left wing).
***
It would be an overwhelming task to identify in
Leszek Nowak s
intellectual output
a body of ideas that might be defined as his political thought because
Nowak was
an integral
thinker: his social and political views stemmed from his broader historiosophical and social
theory. The theory, in
tum,
had distinct methodological and ontological assumptions. Nowak s
political thought was expounded in various forms including short press reviews and articles,
739
sociophilosophical
essays, polemics, interviews or programme proposals (the latter being the
least common). In terms of content,
Leszek
Nowak s political writings can be divided into three
main types:
-
commentaries and explanations of the current political situation;
-
discussions of the programme of action of the independent society: democratic
opposition, NSZZ Solidarity and underground society;
-
development of a vision of ideal social order (social
utopia).
It needs to be noted, too, that the third element (utopian) was the relatively least
developed aspect in Nowak s publications. Nowak s minimalistic approach in terms of
programme development was an effect of the author s specific
meta-cognitive
attitude.
He believed that the axiological or emotional layer of expression should always be sub¬
ordinate to the explanatory level.
Workers strikes of July-September
1980
were seen by him as another revolution
staged by citizens against the system of triple power. Solidarity was perceived as a tool
which the masses created to stand up against the system of triple oppression . At the
outset of the Solidarity Revolution
Nowak
gave the following assessment of future pros¬
pects of the Solidarity movement: If the trade unions focus their activities on broader
social matters and not only work-related issues, they stand a real chance of success.
A real danger, however, is that they fail to be sufficiently socially-oriented and, at the
same time, fail to develop other institutions (councils or local governmental bodies) that
would fill in this role. In particular, there is a danger that the trade unions become yet
another centralized and hierarchical organization. If this happens, if the trade unions re¬
instate the socialist structure of the society with its division into decision-makers and
applauders, it will be irrelevant whether the new structure is independent of the party
structure and that the activists have good intentions. The new elite will be inevitably swal¬
lowed by the bureaucratic structures sooner or later .3
Essentially all of Nowak s publications and lectures in the period
1980-1981
were
devoted to fighting what he perceived as dangers faced by the Trade Union. In his articles
Nowak
criticized the flourishing of bureaucracy in the ranks of Solidarity, centralization
of power and the ever-growing control of Solidarity s press. He criticized Solidarity s
programme enunciations which limited the Trade Union s role to that of a controller of
the state authority
-
because the institution of state was not based on a single class of
rulers but a triple social class holding means of production, means of indoctrination and
means of coercion.
In the second half of
1981, Nowak -
already acting as the Union s expert during the
1st National Convention of Delegates of NSZZ Solidarity
-
supported the movement of work¬
ers self-management as a form of taking economic power away from the triple-ruling class.
The so-called fundamentalists programme developed with Nowak s contribution assumed that
the state as the owner and the state as the doctrinarian should be reduced to the role of ordi¬
nary power . This meant socialization of means of mass communication by introducing a free
choice of various world outlooks and socialization of means of production by handing them
over to the workers . At the same time, the fundamentalist programme spoke against the trans¬
formation of Solidarity into a political party fighting for power, even though it accepted the idea
of introducing pluralism in social and political life, i.e. the multi-party principle . The limitation
of triple power to the role of ordinary power was to be achieved by the implementation of self-
-management in various domains of economic, social and cultural life.
3
L.
Nowak,
Głos w dyskusji
[Voice in the Discussion] [in:]
Lato
1980.
Dyskusja, Poznań
1980,
pp.
9-Ю.
740
Texts published in the second half of the
1980s
contain new ideas developed in the
process of constructing an anthropological base for non-Mhm, capable of accommodat¬
ing theses of conservatism, liberalism or Catholic social science. Social divisions not only
lead to enslavement, but also safeguard against the satanization of masses. The desirable
social ideal is not based on the abolition of social classes, but rather on their weakening.
To resolve the problem,
Nowak
postulated a method of random drawing or, more spe¬
cifically, a combination of the drawing and electing mechanisms: The subject of power
is the entire society which delegates effective power to its portion, say one third, for
a defined period of time. The subject of effective power is determined by random draw¬
ing: one third of local communities (e.g. workers) selected in a draw possess passive
and active election rights for a specific period. The communities then establish, within
themselves, a hierarchy of state authorities up to the top positions by ordinary democratic
elections (the procedure applies, naturally, to the state administration, not local govern¬
ment institutions whose members are elected in a traditional election process). On expiry
of the agreed period another draw is performed to select a new part of the society as
a subject of political power. The procedure is then repeated 4. Similarly,
Nowak
wanted
to employ his proposed drawing mechanism in economy
-
to combine the effectiveness
of the free market with egalitarianism.
****
The title of the complete work
Polska droga od socjalizmu
[Polish Road from So¬
cialism] is a subtitle of one of
Leszek
Nowak s first brochures entitled
Glos klasy lu¬
dowej: Polska droga od socjalizmu
[Voice of the Peoples Class: Polish Road from
Socialism].
Titles of sections in the book are either derived from
Leszek
Nowak
directly or ref¬
erences to the titles of works he published. The title of the first section,
Mity socjalizmu
[Myths of Socialism] comes from Nowak s collection of articles published under that title
in
1981.
The title of the second chapter of the work,
Mity solidarności
[Myths of Soli¬
darity], refers to the title of
Leszek
Nowak s collection of articles
Mity wiarygodności
[Myths of Credibility] which was submitted for printing in October
1981
as part II of
Myths of Solidarity and published in
1983.
Section three was called
Mity społeczeństwa
podziemnego
[Myths of the Underground], which is entirely my own idea. The title of
the fourth section,
Mity myśli liberalnej
[Myths of Liberalism] is a reference to Nowak s
Dogmaty myśli liberalnej
[Dogmas of Liberalism], an ensemble of articles prepared for
print in
1986.
The work is organized by chronology and problems under discussion. Chapter one,
encompassing texts created and published in
1980-1981,
is structured by problems, since
4
L.
Nowak,
Człowiek i ludzie, czyli o tym, ile utopii społecznej da się wyrazić na obecnym pozio¬
mie konkretyzacji nie-Marbowskiego materializmu historycznego
[The Man and the People that is How
Much Utopia is
Possibile
to Express at the Present Level of Concretization of non-Marxian Historical
Materialismi
„Obecność
1985,
no.
9,
p.
53.
741
it includes a discussion of Nowak s extensive and more theoretical essays which came
out in
1980-1981
in the form of separate brochures outlining the genesis, nature and dy¬
namics of real socialism. Chronology is the main criterion adopted for structuring articles
and interviews presented in the three subsequent chapters. Texts discussed in section two
Myths of Solidarity were written in
1980-1981,
articles and reviews considered in Myths
of the Underground were created in
1982-1985,
while those selected for section four
Myths of Liberalism
-
in
1985-1989.
|
any_adam_object | 1 |
author | Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 |
author_GND | (DE-588)129689696 |
author_facet | Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 |
author_role | aut |
author_sort | Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 |
author_variant | l n ln |
building | Verbundindex |
bvnumber | BV040130564 |
ctrlnum | (OCoLC)796221083 (DE-599)BVBBV040130564 |
edition | Wyd. 1. |
format | Book |
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genre_facet | Aufsatzsammlung |
geographic | Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd |
geographic_facet | Polen |
id | DE-604.BV040130564 |
illustrated | Illustrated |
indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:17:34Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9788393218882 |
language | Polish |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024987739 |
oclc_num | 796221083 |
open_access_boolean | |
owner | DE-12 DE-M352 |
owner_facet | DE-12 DE-M352 |
physical | 763 S. Ill., graph. Darst. |
publishDate | 2011 |
publishDateSearch | 2011 |
publishDateSort | 2011 |
publisher | Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział |
record_format | marc |
series2 | Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN / Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań> |
spelling | Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 Verfasser (DE-588)129689696 aut Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak Wyd. 1. Poznań Instytut Pamięci Narodowej - Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Oddział 2011 763 S. Ill., graph. Darst. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN / Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań> 17 Zsfassung in engl. Sprache Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 gnd rswk-swf Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 gnd rswk-swf (DE-588)4143413-4 Aufsatzsammlung gnd-content Polen (DE-588)4046496-9 g Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 s DE-604 Instytut Pamięci Narodowej <Poznań> Studia i Materiały Poznańskiego IPN 17 (DE-604)BV035085248 17 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Nowak, Leszek 1943-2009 Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4055785-6 (DE-588)4046496-9 (DE-588)4143413-4 |
title | Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 |
title_auth | Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 |
title_exact_search | Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 |
title_full | Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak |
title_fullStr | Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak |
title_full_unstemmed | Polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 Leszek Nowak |
title_short | Polska droga od socjalizmu |
title_sort | polska droga od socjalizmu pisma polityczne 1980 1989 |
title_sub | pisma polityczne 1980 - 1989 |
topic | Sozialismus (DE-588)4055785-6 gnd |
topic_facet | Sozialismus Polen Aufsatzsammlung |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024987739&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
volume_link | (DE-604)BV035085248 |
work_keys_str_mv | AT nowakleszek polskadrogaodsocjalizmupismapolityczne19801989 |