La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897): = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897)
Gespeichert in:
1. Verfasser: | |
---|---|
Format: | Buch |
Sprache: | Italian French |
Veröffentlicht: |
Cracovia
Polska Akademia Umiejętności
2011
|
Schriftenreihe: | Serie Roger Aubert - Pierre Duprey
1 |
Schlagworte: | |
Online-Zugang: | Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract |
Beschreibung: | Zsfassung in engl. u. poln. Sprache u.d.T.: The expression "The Eastern question" in the light of the Armenian tragedy, 1894-1897 |
Beschreibung: | 322 s. 24 cm. |
ISBN: | 9788376760902 |
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Datensatz im Suchindex
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adam_text | Indice
ABBREVIAZIONI
........................................................ 5
INTRODUZIONE
........................................................ 7
WPROWADZENIE,
trad.
Maria
Maślanko-Soro...............................
12
ILPERCHÉ DELLA QUESTIONE ARMENA
................................ 17
DAL CONGRESSO DI BERLINO
(1878)
AL
19
AGOSTO
1894................ 29
L INIZIO DEL GENOCIDIO
(19 VIII 1894),
GIORNO DELLA
FESTA DELLA TRASFIGURAZIONE DI CRISTO
........................ 35
ILFALLIMENTO DELLA DIPLOMAZIA EUROPEA
......................... 45
LAMEDIAZIONE DELLA SANTA SEDE
................................... 55
DUE PATRIARCHI IN DIFESA DEGLI ARMENI
............................. 69
IL GOVERNO DI LONDRA PROVOCA UN NUOVO MASSACRO
............ 79
IL DELEGATO APOSTOLICO DIFENDE LA CAUSA ARMENA
..............
Ili
NEL CASO ARMENO GLI STATI UNITI D AMERICA ABBANDONANO
LA TRADIZIONALE POLITICA DI NON INTERVENTO IN EUROPA
...... 125
INTERVENTO DIRETTO DI LEONE
XIII
PRESSO
ABDUL HAMID
II
IN FAVORE DEGLI ARMENI
........................................... 131
L ASSALTO ALLA BANCA OTTOMANA
(26 VIII 1896) ..................... 143
L INTERPELLAZIONE NELLA CAMERA DEI DEPUTATI
APARIGI
(3
NOVEMBRE
1896) ........................................ 153
DALLE SPONDE DEL
BOSFORO
A QUELLE DEL TEVERE
................. 165
LE TESTIMONIANZE
..................................................... 169
321
TABELLA
1:
LUOGHI, CASE E CHIESE DISTRUTTI
E PERSONE UCCISE
................................................. 227
TABELLA
2:
PROVINCIE (VILLAYET)
DISTRUTTI
E SACCHEGIATIE PERSONE UCCISE (FINO AD AGOSTO
1896)
SECONDO LE FONTI FRANCESI E QUELLE TEDESCHE
............. 264
TABELLA
3:
NUMERO DEGLI ABITANTI DELLE SESGUENTI
PROVINCIE (VILLAYET)
NEL FEBBRAIO
1896
SECONDO
LE INFORMAZIONI DI CUI DISPONEVA IL MINISTERO
DEGLI AFFARI ESTERI DI FRANCIA
................................ 265
TABELLA
4:
ISLAMIZZAZIONE FORZATA
............................... 266
TABELLA
5:
ISLAMIZZAZIONE FORZATA FATTA NELLE SEGUENTI
PROVINCIE (VILLAYET)
FINO AD AGOSTO
1896
SECONDO LE FONTI FRANCESI E TEDESCHE
...................... 281
TABELLA
6:
EMIGRAZIONI
............................................. 282
SOMMARIO
LA VERSIONE POLACCA:
KWESTIA WSCHODNIA W ŚWIETLE
TRAGEDII ORMIAN
(1894-1897),
trad.
Maria Maślanko-Soro
........... 283
LA VERSIONE INGLESE:
THE EXPRESSION THE EASTERN
QUESTION IN THE LIGHT OF THE ARMENIAN TRAGEDY
(1894-1897),
transi,
by Teresa
Bałuk-Ulewiczowa
...................... 289
INDICE ALFABETICO DELLE TABELLE
................................. 295
INDICE DEI NOMI E DEI LUOGHI
....................................... 305
RINGRAZIAMENTI
....................................................... 319
322
The Expression The Eastern Question in the Light of the
Armenian Tragedy,
1894-1897
Summary
The term the Eastern Question, and the Middle Eastern, Near
Eastern, Far Eastern Questions etc., were concocted by the West, contrived
for strategic and political reasons, but they have never been fully endorsed by
the Orient. It is inexplicable why the European powers, which dubbed their
own conquests in the Orient the Eastern Question, have never spoken of a
Western Question, which started
de
facto as of the mid-16th century, when
Spain transferred the focus of her interests from the Mediterranean Sea to
the western shore of the Atlantic. In the same period the Ottoman Empire
was moving away from the Mediterranean Basin on which its interests had
centred up to that time, and extending its sphere of influence as far as the
shores of the Indian Ocean, was embarking on an Eastern Question of its
own. Just as Spain was the creator of the Western Question, the originator
of the Eastern Question was the Ottoman Empire.
For the Habsburgs in Vienna the Eastern Question commenced with
the Habsburg-Ottoman War of
1592-1606,
when in an attempt to stop an
Ottoman onslaught marching on Vienna and thereafter for Rome itself, the
Emperor Rudolf II devised a plan to conquer the Beylebeyate of Rumelia (the
European part of the Ottoman dominions), including the strategic cities of
Thessaloniki
and Constantinople. With the steadfast support of the Holy See,
Vienna retained this plan as a permanent component of its foreign policy right
until the First World War.
For France the Eastern Question started at the turn of the 18th and 19th
centuries, when Napoleon s troops marched into Rome, which was known
at the time as the Gate to the Orient, and thence into Egypt. Thereafter, at
the Congress of Paris in
1856,
it received official acknowledgement when
the Armenian Question and the Serbian Question were labelled an
International Question. Establishing a new Rumanian state consisting of
two of the Sultan s main tributaries, Wallachia and Moldavia, France intended
to amalgamate them with a prospective new confederation called Yugoslavia,
which would encompass all the peoples of Eastern Europe and Asia Minor,
including the Armenians, and which would have its capital in Constantinople.
289
Britain
launched her Eastern Question at the Congress of Berlin in
1878,
by extending her protectorate to Cyprus and Malta, thereafter making
a military entry into Egypt and planning the conquest of Iraq and Asia Minor.
However, they were plans which could not be put into practice without the
disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. This was why the British government
lent its support to the anti-Turkish Armenian Revolutionary Committees. In
addition Britain s chief interests were in the Far East, which is where Russia
began her Eastern Question, too.
Along with the loss of almost the entire European part of its dominions
endorsed at the Congress of Berlin, and in view of the strong British and
French interests in the lands inhabited by the Arabs and Berbers, the Ottoman
Empire also stood to lose Asia Minor, where the Armenians were demanding
autonomy on the grounds of Article
16
of the Treaty of
San Stefano (1878)
and
Article
61
of the Congress of Berlin
(1878).
What the Armenians wanted was
not independence, but the citizens freedoms and institutions which would
guarantee personal inviolability and protection for their property. The citizens
freedoms they had formally been granted in
1840
were a dead letter owing to
high Ottoman officials. The Armenians were not interested in seceding from
the Sultan s rale, quite on the contrary, they wanted to stay in the Ottoman
Empire and, having met all their fiscal dues to the suzerain, to have the right
to collect further taxes among themselves to finance their reforms.
In
1894
Britain finally managed to incite the Armenians to rise up at
Sassun but did not send any military assistance, instead trying to push Russia
and France to engage in military intervention. The British plan envisaged
the seizure of Ottoman territories through the services of Russia and France
regardless of Armenian casualties. A war between Japan and China erupted
precisely at this time (July
1894),
and its outcome drew the attention of both
Britain and Russia, while France was busy in Madagascar, which she finally
annexed in August
1896.
For this reason, according to the French Ambassador
Paul Cambon, all the powers except Britain wanted to make the Armenian
Question dormant.
It was Britain, too, that prepared a new Armenian uprising, which broke put
on
30*
September
1895
in Constantinople. As
Augusto
Bonetti,
the Vatican s
delegate, reported, the proof of this was the fact that the British fleet appeared
in the Dardanelles on the eve of the unfortunate incident. The Armenians were
in fact waiting for British gunboats to sail into the Bosporus on 30th September
or 1st October
1895,
which would have happened if it had not been for the
protest lodged by the ambassadors of the Great Powers, particularly France
and Russia.
The raid on the Ottoman Bank in Constantinople on 26th August
1896
was
Britain s doing as well. While it was possible to pretend complete ignorance of
290
the massacre of Armenians in the Ottoman interior, the pogrom in the capital,
conducted before the eyes of the ambassadors of the Powers could hardly have
passed without notice, and especially without causing a stir in public opinion
in the Christian countries. Although news of the ongoing tragedy did appear
in the secular press, it was adjusted to the political interests of the respective
countries and to the Sultan s propaganda machine. On the other hand, the reli¬
gious press was encouraged by the pro-Armenian position of Pope Leo
XIII
did
not mince words and published explicit reports on the atrocities committed by
the Sublime Porte, which had been personally ordered by Sultan Abdul
Hamid
II and carried out by the regular army consisting of Turks and Kurds, and the
exclusively Turkish police force. It was under the pressure from the religious
newspapers that on 3rd November
1896
a question was raised in the French
National Assembly which led to a change in the French government s hitherto
pro-Turkish policy. Meeting the Pope s demand, which had been presented by
Cardinal
Domenico Ferrata,
to force the Sultan to stop the continuing geno¬
cide, and urged by the strongly pro-Armenian Tsar Nicholas II with whom
he had discussed the issue in Paris,
Gabriel-Albert-Auguste
Hanotaux, the
French Foreign Minister, ordered his ambassador in Constantinople to use
all possible means to apply pressure on the Sultan. Finally the Sultan realised
from his direct correspondence with the Pope that Leo XIII s position on the
solution of the Armenian Question was intransigent. Another voice in defence
of the Armenians came from the United States, which seeing the passivity
of the Europeans for the first time waived its traditional policy of non-inter-
ventionism in Europe. The conscience of Europe did not awake until around
one and a half million innocent Armenians had been killed and another
halfa
million had been forced into exile. Many of the
1.6
million Armenians living
in Russia in
1898
had fled from the Ottoman territories. And
ifit
had not been
for the refuge given them by the Russian authorities, which started still in the
reign of Alexander III who was called Tsar of the Armenians because of
this, perhaps there would be no Armenian state today, and the numbers massa¬
cred would have been much higher.
During a session of the National Assembly on 3rd November
1896,
without
giving precise figures for the Armenian victims, killed, dispersed, or forced
into exile, Minister Hanotaux said that there were definitely less than
3
million
Armenians in the entire Ottoman Empire.
According to Ambassador Cambon, all the Powers wanted to make the
Armenian Question dormant for the following reasons: France was focusing
attention on Madagascar, while Britain and Russia were trying to increase their
own power at the expense of China and Japan. Although Italy had declared
on many occasions that it was the only friend of the Ottoman Empire, Sultan
Abdul
Hamid
II regarded Germany as the only friendly Power during the
291
current crisis, a Power which had never wanted to support Britain s proposal
to force the Sublime Porte to carry out necessary reforms in Armenia.
Emperor
Wühlern
II s pro-Turkish policy is to be rationalised by economic
causes. Germany was building railway lines, the principal one of which was
the Baghdad line; German officers were training the Sultan s army, which
was equipped with Mauser rifles and heavy guns made by
Krupp
s. Director
Siemens of Deutsche Bank could boast that he had successfully concluded some
important business negotiations during the Emperor s visit to Constantinople
in October
1898.
In view of these privileges,
Wilhelm
II, the only European
head of state who had been the official guest of Abdul
Hamid
II, preferred
not to notice the genocide of the Armenians. For this reason, too, the Turks
lavished the epithet of Second Sultan on him. In Damascus, one of the holy
cities of Islam, which he visited after the Sultan had received him with full
honours in Constantinople,
Wilhelm
II declared that he was the friend of the
world s three hundred million Muslims.
An independent Armenia would have meant a territorial incision slashed
into the very heartland of the Ottoman state. Not only would it have hastened
on the fall of the House of
Osman, but
it would have also prevented the
Turkish people from setting up a national state on the ruins of the Empire.
Ambassador Cambon warned that there were two reasons why the Sultan
would never allow the establishment of an independent Armenian state: first
because it would be Christian, and secondly it would cut across the territories
inhabited by Muslims. In addition not only the Sultan, but also the diplomats
representing the Powers knew very well that for a long time British attention
had been focused on the territories stretching from the Caucasus, the Black
Sea and the Bosporus to the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates
-
a region
of such fundamental importance for the future of Asia. All that the Armenian
people wanted was a better life in fairer conditions, but under the Sultan s rule.
The idea of an independent Armenia had not yet matured in Armenian society,
if we disregard a handful of intellectuals who had found refuge in Europe.
The Armenian people were aware of their dispersion in diverse parts of the
Ottoman Empire, while in Armenia itself they lived side by side of Turks
and Kurds. Moreover, as Cambon put it, at the time Armenia was squeezed
in between Turkey, Persia, and Russia, and if in the unlikely event of a war
and its outcome Europe were to suggest the setting up of an Armenian state it
would be impossible (or well-nigh impossible) to demarcate its location. His
forecast that an independent Armenia would never be established on territo¬
ries belonging to the Ottoman Empire was right. But Denys Cochin was right,
too, when he protested against the Sultan s plans to settle the Armenian ques¬
tion by extirpating the Armenians.
292
This book consists of two parts: the historical account and discussion, and
the source materials. In Part One I discuss the Armenian tragedy on the basis
of materials preserved in the Vatican Secret Archives, the Archive of the Italian
Foreign Ministry, the Archives of the French Foreign Ministry, and other
smaller public and private archives, as well as the contemporary European
press. The documents I used were the correspondence of the ambassadors and
military
attachés
present in Constantinople at the time, the Pope s delegate in
Constantinople, the papal nuncios accredited to various European countries
and consuls in diverse cities of the Ottoman Empire, and finally of the clergy
of the Roman Catholic and Armenian Apostolic Churches. I also examined the
instructions issued by the governments of the Great Powers and the Holy See.
Part Two comprises a selection of original texts compiled on the basis of eye-
-witness accounts of the events and tables which I drew up on the basis of the
füll
documentation that was available to me. The tables present data relating
to the destruction of Armenian towns, properties, and churches, and on the
Armenians massacred regardless of whether they were Armenian Apostolic
Christians, Catholics, or Protestants. In addition the tables also present data
on the compulsory
Islamisation
of Armenians and their exile, which for many
was the only chance of survival. Without this documentation my arguments
and remarks might have seemed far-fetched.
English translation by Teresa
Bałuk-Ulewiczowa
293
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id | DE-604.BV040029653 |
illustrated | Not Illustrated |
indexdate | 2024-07-10T00:16:28Z |
institution | BVB |
isbn | 9788376760902 |
language | Italian French |
oai_aleph_id | oai:aleph.bib-bvb.de:BVB01-024886565 |
oclc_num | 796193683 |
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owner | DE-12 |
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physical | 322 s. 24 cm. |
publishDate | 2011 |
publishDateSearch | 2011 |
publishDateSort | 2011 |
publisher | Polska Akademia Umiejętności |
record_format | marc |
series | Serie Roger Aubert - Pierre Duprey |
series2 | Serie Roger Aubert - Pierre Duprey |
spelling | Jačov, Marko Verfasser aut La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) Marco Jačov Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) Cracovia Polska Akademia Umiejętności 2011 322 s. 24 cm. txt rdacontent n rdamedia nc rdacarrier Serie Roger Aubert - Pierre Duprey 1 Zsfassung in engl. u. poln. Sprache u.d.T.: The expression "The Eastern question" in the light of the Armenian tragedy, 1894-1897 Geschichte 1894-1897 gnd rswk-swf Orientalische Frage (DE-588)4172815-4 gnd rswk-swf Armenien (DE-588)4085931-9 gnd rswk-swf Armenien (DE-588)4085931-9 g Orientalische Frage (DE-588)4172815-4 s Geschichte 1894-1897 z DE-604 Serie Roger Aubert - Pierre Duprey 1 (DE-604)BV040029626 1 Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024886565&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Inhaltsverzeichnis Digitalisierung BSB Muenchen 2 application/pdf http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024886565&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA Abstract |
spellingShingle | Jačov, Marko La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) Serie Roger Aubert - Pierre Duprey Orientalische Frage (DE-588)4172815-4 gnd |
subject_GND | (DE-588)4172815-4 (DE-588)4085931-9 |
title | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) |
title_alt | Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) |
title_auth | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) |
title_exact_search | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) |
title_full | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) Marco Jačov |
title_fullStr | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) Marco Jačov |
title_full_unstemmed | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) Marco Jačov |
title_short | La questione d'Oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena (1894 - 1897) |
title_sort | la questione d oriente vista attraverso la tragedia armena 1894 1897 kwestia wschodnia w swietle tragedii ormian 1894 1897 |
title_sub | = Kwestia wschodnia w świetle tragedii Ormian (1894 - 1897) |
topic | Orientalische Frage (DE-588)4172815-4 gnd |
topic_facet | Orientalische Frage Armenien |
url | http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024886565&sequence=000003&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&local_base=BVB01&doc_number=024886565&sequence=000004&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA |
volume_link | (DE-604)BV040029626 |
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